Search This Blog

Sunday, August 26, 2018

Jainism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jainism
Jain flag
Abbreviation Jain
Scripture Jain Agamas
Other name(s) Jain Dharma 
Rishabhdev, believed to have lived over a million years ago, is considered the founder of Jain philosophy for this cosmic age.

Jainism (/ˈnɪzəm/), traditionally known as Jain Dharma, is an ancient Indian religion. Followers of Jainism are called "Jains", a word derived from the Sanskrit word jina (victory) and connoting the path of victory in crossing over life's stream of rebirths through an ethical and spiritual life. Jains trace their history through a succession of twenty-four victorious saviours and teachers known as tirthankaras, with the first being Rishabhanatha, who is believed to have lived millions of years ago in Jain tradition, and twenty-fourth being the Mahāvīra around 500 BCE. Jains believe that Jainism is an eternal dharma with the tirthankaras guiding every cycle of the Jain cosmology.

The main religious premises of Jainism are ahiṃsā ("non-violence"), anekāntavāda ("many-sidedness"), aparigraha ("non-attachment") and asceticism. Jain monastics, renunciants, and devout householders take five main vows known as vratas, outlined in their oldest surviving text, the Acaranga Sūtra: ahiṃsā ("non-violence"), satya ("truth"), asteya ("not stealing"), brahmacharya ("celibacy or chastity"), and aparigraha ("non-attachment"). These principles have impacted Jain culture in many ways, such as leading to a predominantly vegetarian lifestyle that avoids harm to animals and their life cycles. Parasparopagraho Jīvānām ("the function of souls is to help one another") is the motto of Jainism. Ṇamōkāra mantra is the most common and basic prayer in Jainism.

Jainism has two major ancient sub-traditions, Digambaras and Śvētāmbaras; and several smaller sub-traditions that emerged in the 2nd millennium CE. The Digambaras and Śvētāmbaras have different views on ascetic practices, gender and which Jain texts can be considered canonical. Jain mendicants are found in all Jain sub-traditions, with laypersons (śrāvakas) supporting the mendicants' spiritual pursuits with resources.

Jainism has between four and five million followers, with most Jains residing in India. Outside India, some of the largest Jain communities are present in Canada, Europe, Kenya, the United Kingdom, Hong Kong, Suriname, Fiji, and the United States. Major Jain festivals include Paryushana and Daslakshana, Mahavir Jayanti, and Diwali.

Main principles

Non-violence (ahimsa)


Painting with the message Ahiṃsā Paramo Dharma ("non-violence is the highest virtue or religion")
The hand with a wheel on the palm symbolizes Ahiṃsā in Jainism. The word in the middle is ahiṃsā. The wheel represents the dharmachakra, which stands for the resolve to halt the saṃsāra ('transmigration') through relentless pursuit of truth and non-violence.

The principle of ahimsa("non-violence" or "non-injury") is a fundamental tenet of Jainism. It believes that one must abandon all violent activity, and without such a commitment to non-violence all religious behavior is worthless. In Jain theology, it does not matter how correct or defensible the violence may be, one must not kill any being, and "non-violence is one's highest religious duty".

Jain texts such as Acaranga Sūtra and Tattvarthasūtra state that one must renounce all killing of living beings, whether tiny or large, movable or immovable. Its theology teaches that one must neither kill another living being, nor cause another to kill, nor consent to any killing directly or indirectly. Furthermore, Jainism emphasizes non-violence against all beings not only in action but also in speech and in thought. It states that instead of hate or violence against anyone, "all living creatures must help each other". Violence negatively affects and destroys one's soul, particularly when the violence is done with intent, hate or carelessness, or when one indirectly causes or consents to the killing of a human or non-human living being.

The idea of reverence for non-violence (ahiṃsā) is founded in Hindu and Buddhist canonical texts, and it may have origins in more ancient Brahmanical Vedic thoughts. However, no other Indian religion has developed the non-violence doctrine and its implications on everyday life as has Jainism.

The theological basis of non-violence as the highest religious duty has been interpreted by some Jain scholars not to "be driven by merit from giving or compassion to other creatures, nor a duty to rescue all creatures", but resulting from "continual self-discipline", a cleansing of the soul that leads to one's own spiritual development which ultimately affects one's salvation and release from rebirths. Causing injury to any being in any form creates bad karma which affects one's rebirth, future well being and suffering.

Late medieval Jain scholars re-examined the Ahiṃsā doctrine when one is faced with external threat or violence. For example, they justified violence by monks to protect nuns. According to Dundas, the Jain scholar Jinadatta Suri wrote during a time of Muslim destruction of temples and persecution that "anybody engaged in a religious activity who was forced to fight and kill somebody would not lose any spiritual merit but instead attain deliverance". However, such examples in Jain texts that condone fighting and killing under certain circumstances are relatively rare.

Many-sided reality (anekāntavāda)

The second main principle of Jainism is anekāntavāda or anekantatva, a word derived from anekānta ("not one ended, sided", "many-sidedness" or "manifoldness") and vada ("doctrine", "way").

The anekāntavāda doctrine states that truth and reality is complex and always has multiple aspects. Reality can be experienced, but it is not possible to totally express it with language. Human attempts to communicate is Naya, explained as "partial expression of the truth". Language is not Truth, but a means and attempt to express Truth. From Truth, according to Mahāvīra, language returns and not the other way round. One can experience the truth of a taste, but cannot fully express that taste through language. Any attempts to express the experience is syāt, or valid "in some respect" but it remains a "perhaps, just one perspective, incomplete". In the same way, spiritual truths are complex, they have multiple aspects, and language cannot express their plurality, yet through effort and appropriate karma they can be experienced. Since reality is many-sided the great error, according to Jainism, is ekānta (one-sidedness) where some relative truth is treated as an absolute truth to the exclusion of others.

The anekāntavāda premise of the Jains is ancient, as evidenced by its mention in Buddhist texts such as the Samaññaphala Sutta. The Jain Agamas suggest that Mahāvīra's approach to answering all metaphysical philosophical questions was a "qualified yes" (syāt). These texts identify anekāntavāda doctrine to be one of the key differences between the teachings of the Mahāvīra and those of the Buddha. The Buddha taught the Middle Way, rejecting extremes of the answer "it is" or "it is not" to metaphysical questions. The Mahāvīra, in contrast, taught his followers to accept both "it is", and "it is not", with "perhaps" qualification and with reconciliation to understand the Absolute Reality. Syādvāda (predication logic) and nayavāda (perspective epistemology) of Jainism expand on the concept of anekāntavāda. Syādvāda recommends the expression of anekānta by prefixing the epithet syād to every phrase or expression describing the "permanent being". There is no creator God in Jainism; existence has neither beginning nor end, and the permanent being is conceptualized as jiva ("soul") and ajiva ("matter") within a dualistic anekāntavāda framework.

According to Paul Dundas, in contemporary times the anekāntavāda doctrine has been interpreted by many Jains as intending to "promote a universal religious tolerance", and a teaching of "plurality" and "benign attitude to other [ethical, religious] positions". Dundas states this is problematic and a misreading of Jain historical texts and Mahāvīra's teachings. The "many pointedness, multiple perspective" teachings of the Mahāvīra is a doctrine about the nature of absolute reality and human existence, and it is sometimes called "non-absolutism" doctrine. However, it is not a doctrine about tolerating or condoning activities such as sacrificing or killing animals for food, nor violence against disbelievers or any other living being as "perhaps right". The five vows for Jain monks and nuns, for example, are strict requirements and there is no "perhaps" or "that is just one perspective" about them. Similarly, since ancient times, Jainism co-existed with Buddhism and Hinduism according to Dundas, but Jainism was highly critical of the knowledge systems and ideologies of its rivals, and vice versa.

Non-attachment (aparigraha)


The third main principle in Jainism is aparigraha which means non-attachment to worldly possessions. For ascetics, Jainism requires a vow of complete non-possession of any property. For Jain laypersons, it recommends limited possession of property that has been honestly earned, and giving excess property to charity. According to Natubhai Shah, aparigraha applies to both the material and the psychic. Material possessions refer to various forms of property. Psychic possessions refer to emotions, likes and dislikes, and attachments of any form. Unchecked attachment to possessions is said to result in direct harm to one's personality.

Jainism views attachments to material or emotional possessions as what leads to passions, which in turn leads to violence. According to the aparigraha principle, a Jain monk or nun is expected to be homeless and family-less with no emotional longings or attachments. The ascetic is a wandering mendicant in the Digambara tradition, or a resident mendicant in the Śvētāmbara tradition.

In addition, Jain texts mention that "attachment to possessions" (parigraha) is of two kinds: attachment to internal possessions (ābhyantara parigraha), and attachment to external possessions (bāhya parigraha). For internal possessions, Jainism identifies four key passions of the mind (kashaya): anger, pride (ego), deceitfulness, and greed. In addition to the four passions of the mind, the remaining ten internal passions are: wrong belief, the three sex-passions (male sex-passion, female sex-passion, neuter sex-passion), and the six defects (laughter, like, dislike, sorrow, fear, disgust).

Jain ethics and five vows

Nishidhi stone, depicting the vow of sallekhana, 14th century, Karnataka

Jainism teaches five ethical duties, which it calls five vows. These are called anuvratas ("small vows") for Jain laypersons, and mahavratas ("great vows") for Jain mendicants. For both, its moral precepts preface that the Jain has access to a guru ("teacher", "counsellor"), deva ("Jina", "god"), doctrine, and that the individual is free from five offences: doubts about the faith, indecisiveness about the truths of Jainism, sincere desire for Jain teachings, recognition of fellow Jains, and admiration for their spiritual pursuits. Such a person undertakes the following Five vows of Jainism:
  1. Ahiṃsā, "intentional non-violence" or "noninjury": The first major vow taken by Jains is to cause no harm to other human beings, as well as all living beings. This is the highest ethical duty in Jainism, and it applies not only to one's actions, but demands that one be non-violent in one's speech and thoughts.
  2. Satya, "truth": This vow is to always speak the truth. Neither lie, nor speak what is not true, and do not encourage others or approve anyone who speaks an untruth.
  3. Asteya, "not stealing": A Jain layperson should not take anything that is not willingly given. Additionally, a Jain mendicant should ask for permission to take it if something is being given.
  4. Brahmacharya, "celibacy": Abstinence from sex and sensual pleasures is prescribed for Jain monks and nuns. For laypersons, the vow means chastity, faithfulness to one's partner.
  5. Aparigraha, "non-possessiveness": This includes non-attachment to material and psychological possessions, avoiding craving and greed. Jain monks and nuns completely renounce property and social relations, own nothing and are attached to no one.

Practices

Asceticism

Of all the major Indian religions, Jainism has had the strongest austerity-driven ascetic tradition, and it is an essential part of a mendicant's spiritual pursuits. Ascetic life may include nakedness symbolizing non-possession of even clothes, fasting, body mortification, penance, and other austerities, in order to burn away past karma and stop producing new karma, both of which are believed in Jainism to be essential for reaching siddha and moksha ("liberation from rebirths", and "salvation").

Jain texts like Tattvartha Sūtra and Uttaradhyayana Sūtra discuss ascetic austerities to great lengths and formulations. Six outer and six inner practices are most common, and oft-repeated in later Jain texts. According to John Cort, outer austerities include complete fasting, eating limited amounts, eating restricted items, abstaining from tasty foods, mortifying the flesh, and guarding the flesh (avoiding anything that is a source of temptation). Inner austerities include expiation, confession, respecting and assisting mendicants, studying, meditation, and ignoring bodily wants in order to abandon the body.

Lists of internal and external austerities in Jainism varies with the text and tradition. Asceticism is viewed as a means to control desires, and a means to purify the jiva ("soul"). The tirthankaras of Jainism, such as the Mahāvīra (Vardhamana) set an example of leading an ascetic life by performing severe austerities for twelve years.

Food and fasting

The practice of non-violence towards all living beings has led to Jain culture being vegetarian, while veganism is encouraged. Most Jains practice lacto-vegetarianism (no eggs, but dairy products permitted if no violence is used during the production). Jain monks and nuns do not eat root vegetables such as potatoes, onions and garlic because tiny organisms are injured when the plant is pulled up, and because a bulb or tuber's ability to sprout is seen as characteristic of a higher living being.

Jains fast on different occasions throughout the year, particularly during festivals. This practice is called upavasa, tapasya or vrata. According to Singh, this takes on various forms and may be practised based on one's ability. Some examples include Digambara fasting for Dasa-laksana-parvan where a Jain layperson eats only one or two meals per day, drinking only boiled water for ten days, or fasting completely on the first and last day of the festival. With these practices the layperson mimics the practices of a Jain mendicant during the festival. A similar practice is found among Śvētāmbara Jains on eight day paryusana with samvatsari-pratikramana.

The fasting practice is believed to remove karma from one's soul and allow one to gain merit (punya). A "one day" fast in Jain tradition lasts about 36 hours, starting at sunset before the day of the fast and ending 48 minutes after the sunrise the day after. Among laypeople, fasting is more commonly observed by women, where it is believed that this shows her piety, religious purity, gains her and her family prestige, leads to merit earning and helps ensure future well-being for her family. Some religious fasts are observed as a group where Jain women bond socially and support each other. Long fasts are celebrated by friends and families with special ceremonies.

Meditation

Left: Jain nuns meditating, Right: 10th century Gommateshwara statue depicting standing meditation (Kayotsarga posture)

Jainism considers meditation (dhyana) a necessary practice, but its goals are very different from those in Buddhism and Hinduism. In Jainism, meditation is concerned more with stopping karmic attachments and activity, not as a means to transformational insights or self-realization in other Indian religions. Meditation in early Jain literature is a form of austerity and ascetic practice in Jainism, while in late medieval era the practice adopted ideas from other Indian traditions. According to Paul Dundas, this lack of meditative practices in early Jain texts may be because substantial portions of ancient Jain texts were lost.

According to Padmanabh Jaini, Sāmāyika is a practice of "brief periods in meditation" in Jainism that is a part of siksavrata ("ritual restraint"). The goal of Sāmāyika is to achieve equanimity, and it is the second siksavrata. The samayika ritual is practiced at least three times a day by mendicants, while a layperson includes it with other ritual practices such as Puja in a Jain temple and doing charity work. According to Johnson, as well as Jaini, samayika connotes more than meditation, and for a Jain householder is the voluntary ritual practice of "assuming temporary ascetic status".

The Digambara Jain scholar Kundakunda, in his Pravacanasara states that a Jain mendicant should meditate on "I, the pure self". Anyone who considers his body or possessions as "I am this, this is mine" is on the wrong road, while one who meditates, thinking the antithesis and "I am not others, they are not mine, I am one knowledge" is on the right road to meditating on the "soul, the pure self".

Rituals and worship

Praying at the feet of a statue of Bahubali

There are many rituals in Jainism's various sects. According to Dundas, the ritualistic lay path among Śvētāmbara Jains is "heavily imbued with ascetic values", where the rituals either revere or celebrate the ascetic life of Tirthankaras, or mendicants, or progressively get closer to psychologically and physically living ever more like an ascetic. The ultimate ritual is sallekhana, a religious death through ascetic abandonment of food and drinks. The Digambara Jains follow the same theme, but the details differ from Śvētāmbaras, and according to Dundas, the life cycle and religious rituals are closer to the liturgy found among Hindu traditions. The overlap in Jain and Hindu rituals is largely in the life cycle (rites-of-passage) rituals, according to Padmanabh Jaini, and likely one that developed over time because Jains and Hindus societies overlapped, and rituals were viewed as necessary and secular ceremonies.

Jains do not believe in a creator god, but do ritually worship numerous deities. The Jinas are prominent and a large focus of this ritualism, but they are not the only deva in Jainism. A Jina as deva is not an avatar (incarnation) in Jainism, but the highest state of omniscience that an ascetic tirthankara achieved. Out of the 24 Tirthankaras, Jain devotional worship is predominantly centered around four: Mahāvīra, Parshvanatha, Neminatha and Rishabhanatha. Among the non-tirthankara saints, devotional worship is common for Bahubali among the Digambaras. Some of Jaina rituals remember the five life events of the tirthankaras, called the Panch Kalyanaka, are rituals such as the Panch Kalyanaka Pratishtha Mahotsava, Panch Kalyanaka Puja and Snatrapuja.

Jain worship may include ritual offerings and recitals.
 
The basic worship ritual practised by Jains is darsana ("seeing") of deva, which includes Jina, or other yaksas, gods and goddesses such as Brahmadeva, 52 Viras, Padmavati, Ambika and 16 Vidyadevis (Sarasvati, Lakshmi, others). The Terapanthi sub-tradition of Digambaras do not worship many of the deities popular among mainstream Digambaras, and they limit their ritual worship to Tirthankaras. The worship ritual is called the devapuja, is found in all Jaina sub traditions, which share common features. Typically, the Jaina layperson enters the temple inner sanctum in simple clothing and bare feet, with a plate filled with offerings, bows down, says the namaskara, completes his or her litany and prayers, sometimes is assisted by the temple priest, leaves the offerings and then departs.

Jain practices include performing abhisheka ("ceremonial bath") of the images. Some Jain sects employ a pujari (also called upadhye) for rituals, who may be a non-Jain (a Hindu), to perform special rituals and other priestly duties at the temple. More elaborate worship includes ritual offerings such as rice, fresh and dry fruits, flowers, coconut, sweets, and money. Some may light up a lamp with camphor and make auspicious marks with sandalwood paste. Devotees also recite Jain texts, particularly the life stories of the tirthankaras.

The traditional Jains, like Buddhists and Hindus, believe in the efficacy of mantras and that certain sounds and words are inherently auspicious, powerful and spiritual. The most famous of the mantras, broadly accepted in various sects of Jainism, is the "five homage" (panca namaskara) mantra which is believed to be eternal and existent since the first ford-maker's time. The medieval era Jain worship practices, according to Ellen Gough, also developed tantric diagrams of the Rishi-mandala where the tirthankaras are portrayed. The Tantric traditions within Jainism use mantra and rituals that are believed to accrue merit for rebirth realms.

Festivals

Celebrating Das Lakshana (Paryusana), Jain Center of America, New York City

Jains celebrate many annual festivals. Many of the major festivals in Jainism fall in and around the comasu (Sanskrit: chaturmasa) period of the calendar.  It is the four-month monsoon period when the Jain ascetics are mandated to remain in residence at one place in the Jain tradition, rather than traveling or going around Indian villages and towns for religion reformations but never staying in one place for more than a month. The comasu period allows the four orders of the Jain community to be together and participate in the festive remembrances.

The most important annual Jain festival is called the Paryushana by Śvētāmbaras and Dasa lakshana parva by the Digambaras. It is celebrated from the 12th day of waning moon in the traditional luni-solar month of Bhadrapada in the Indian calendar. This typically falls in August or September of the Gregorian calendar. It lasts eight days for Śvētāmbaras, and ten days among the Digambaras. It is a time when lay people fast and pray. The five vows are emphasized during this time. Śvētāmbaras recite the Kalpasūtras, while Digambaras read their own texts. The festival is an occasion where Jains make active effort to stop cruelty towards other life forms, freeing animals in captivity and preventing slaughter of animals.

Forgiveness
I forgive all living beings,
may all living beings forgive me.
All in this world are my friends,
I have no enemies.
Jain festival prayer on the last day

The last day involves a focused prayer/meditation session known as Samvatsari. Jains consider this as a day of atonement, granting forgiveness to others, seeking forgiveness from all living beings, physically or mentally asking for forgiveness and resolving to treat everyone in the world as friends. Forgiveness is asked by saying "Micchami Dukkadam" or "Khamat Khamna" to others. This means, "If I have offended you in any way, knowingly or unknowingly, in thought, word or action, then I seek your forgiveness." The literal meaning of Paryushana is "abiding" or "coming together".

Mahavir Jayanti celebrates the birth of Mahāvīra. It is celebrated on the 13th day of the luni-solar month of Chaitra in the traditional Indian calendar. This typically falls in March or April of the Gregorian calendar. The festivities include visiting Jain temples, pilgrimages to shrines, reading Jain texts and processions of Mahāvīra by the community. At his legendary birthplace of Kundagrama in Bihar, north of Patna, special events are held by Jains.

Diwali is observed by Jains as the anniversary of Mahāvīra's attainment of moksha. The Hindu festival of Diwali is also celebrated on the same date (Kartika Amavasya). Jain temples, homes, offices, and shops are decorated with lights and diyas ("small oil lamps"). The lights are symbolic of knowledge or removal of ignorance. Sweets are often distributed. On Diwali morning, Nirvan Ladoo is offered after praying to Mahāvīra in all Jain temples across the world. The Jain new year starts right after Diwali. Some other festivals celebrated by Jains are Akshaya Tritiya and Raksha Bandhan, similar to those in the Hindu communities.

Monasticism

Digambara monk
Śvētāmbara-Deravasi monk











Jainism monastic organization is a part of Jain society called sangh. A sangh has a four-fold order, or caturvidh, sakal sangh. This consists of sadhu (male ascetics, muni), sadhvi (female ascetics, aryika), śrāvaka ("laymen"), and śrāvikā ("laywoman"). The latter two support the ascetics and their monastic organizations called gacch or samuday, in autonomous regional Jain congregations.

Digambar tradition has two main monastic orders Mula Sangh and the Kashtha Sangh, both led by Bhattarakas. Other notable monastic orders include the Digambara Terapanth which emerged in the 17th century.[119] Śvētāmbaras have their own sanghs, but unlike Digambaras which have had predominantly sadhu sanghs (male monastic organizations), they have major sadhu and sadhvi sanghs (monks and nuns).

A Śvētāmbara nun (early 20th-century)
A Digambara nun














According to Śvētāmbara Jain texts, from Kalpasūtras onwards, its monastic community has had more sadhvis than sadhus (female than male mendicants). In Tapa Gacch of the modern era, the ratio of sadhvis to sadhus (nuns to monks) is about 3.5 to 1. In contrast to Śvētāmbara, the Digambara sect monastic community has been predominantly male. In the Digambara tradition, a male human being is considered closest to the apex with the potential to achieve his soul's liberation from rebirths through asceticism. Women must gain karmic merit, to be reborn as man, and only then can they achieve spiritual liberation in the Digambara sect of Jainism. The Śvētāmbaras disagree with the Digambaras, believing that women can also achieve liberation from Saṃsāra through ascetic practices.

The Jain monastic organization shares many parallels with those found in Buddhist and Brahmanical-Hindu monasticism. They all have similar rules, hierarchical structure, practices such as not traveling during the four-month monsoon season and celibacy. According to William Johnston, this is not likely from mutual borrowing of ideas, but because these traditions emerged from the same ancient Indian monastic traditions that preceded the Buddha and the Mahāvīra. There are some differences. For example, the Jain and Hindu monastic community has been traditionally more mobile and had an itinerant lifestyle, while Buddhist monks have favored belonging to a sangha (monastery) and staying in its premises. Buddhist monastic rules forbid a monk to go outside without wearing the sangha's distinctive ruddy robe, or to use wooden bowls. In contrast, Jain monastic rules have either required no clothes (Digambara) or white (Śvētāmbara) and the use of wooden or empty gourd as the begging bowl. The Jain monastic rules have encouraged the use of mouth cover, as well as a broom to gently remove any insect that comes in their path.

Supplementary vows and Sallekhana

Jainism also prescribes seven supplementary vows which include three guņa vratas ("merit vows") and four śikşā vratas.

The Sallekhana (or Santhara) vow is a "religious death" ritual vow observed at the end of life, historically by Jain monks and nuns, but rare in the modern age. In this vow, there is voluntary and gradual reduction of food and liquid intake to end one's life by choice and with dispassion. In Jainism this is believed to reduce negative karma that affects a soul's future rebirths.

Traditions and sects

Digambaras and Śvētāmbaras

The Jain community is divided into two major denominations, Digambara and Śvētāmbara. Monks of the Digambara ("sky-clad") tradition do not wear clothes. Female monastics of the Digambara sect wear unstitched plain white sarees and are referred to as Aryikas. Śvētāmbara ("white-clad") monastics, on the other hand, wear seamless white clothes.

During Chandragupta Maurya's reign, Jain tradition states that Acharya Bhadrabahu predicted a twelve-year-long famine and moved to Karnataka with his disciples. Sthulabhadra, a pupil of Acharya Bhadrabahu, stayed in Magadha. Later, when followers of Acharya Bhadrabahu returned, they found those who had remained at Magadha had started wearing white clothes, which was unacceptable to the others who remained naked. This is how Jains believe the Digambara and Śvētāmbara schism began, with the former being naked while the latter wore white clothes. Digambara saw this as being opposed to the Jain tenets which, according to them, required complete nudity. In the 5th-century CE, the Council of Valabhi was organized by Śvētāmbara, which Digambara did not attend. At the council, the Śvētāmbara adopted the texts they had preserved as canonical scriptures, which Digambara have ever since rejected. This council solidified the historic schism between these two major traditions of Jainism. The earliest record of Digambara beliefs is contained in the Prakrit Suttapahuda of Kundakunda.

Digambara Mahāvīra iconography
Śvētāmbara Simandhar Swami iconography














Other than rejecting or accepting different ancient Jain texts, Digambaras and Śvētāmbara differ in other significant ways such as:
  • Śvētāmbaras trace their practices and dress code to the teachings of Parshvanatha, the 23rd tirthankara, which they believe taught only Four restraints (a claim, scholars say are confirmed by the ancient Buddhist texts that discuss Jaina monastic life). Mahāvīra taught Five vows, which Digambara follow. The Digambara sect disagrees with the Śvētāmbara interpretations, and reject the theory of difference in Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra's teachings.
  • Digambaras believe that both Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra remained unmarried, whereas Śvētāmbara believe the 23rd and 24th did indeed marry. According to the Śvētāmbara version, Parshva married Prabhavati, and Mahāvīra married Yashoda who bore him a daughter named Priyadarshana. The two sects also differ on the origin of Trishala, Mahāvīra's mother, as well as the details of Tirthankara's biographies such as how many auspicious dreams their mothers had when they were in the wombs.
  • Digambara believe Rishabha, Vasupujya and Neminatha were the three tirthankaras who reached omniscience while in sitting posture and other tirthankaras were in standing ascetic posture. In contrast, Śvētāmbaras believe it was Rishabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra who were the three in sitting posture.
  • Digambara monasticism rules are more rigid.
  • Digambara iconography are plain, Śvētāmbara icons are decorated and colored to be more lifelike.
Excavations at Mathura revealed Jain statues from the time of the Kushan Empire (c. 1st century CE). Tirthankara represented without clothes, and monks with cloth wrapped around the left arm, are identified as the Ardhaphalaka ("half-clothed") mentioned in texts. The Yapaniyas, believed to have originated from the Ardhaphalaka, followed Digambara nudity along with several Śvētāmbara beliefs.

Other sub-traditions

Both of the major Jain traditions evolved into sub-traditions over time. For example, the devotional worship traditions of Śvētāmbara are referred to as Murti-pujakas, those who live in and around Jain temples became Deravasi or Mandira-margi. Those who avoid temples and pursue their spirituality at a designated monastic meeting place came to be known as Sthānakavāsī. About the 18th century, the Śvētāmbara and Digambara traditions saw an emergence of separate Terapanthi movements. Some scholars such as Malvaniya state that these ideas entered Jainism from an influence of Islam, while others such as Dundas state that these ideas, debates and movements can be traced in more ancient texts than the start of Islam.

In the modern era, according to Flügel, new Jaina religious movements that are a "primarily devotional form of Jainism" have developed which resemble "Jain Mahayana" style devotionalism.

Gender and spiritual liberation

A male human being is considered closest to the apex with the potential to achieve liberation, particularly through asceticism. In the Digambara traditional belief, women must gain karmic merit, to be reborn as man, and only then can they achieve spiritual liberation. However, this view has been historically debated within Jainism and different Jaina sects have expressed different views, particularly the Śvētāmbara sect that believes that women too can achieve spiritual liberation from rebirths in Saṃsāra. The Śvētāmbaras state the 19th Tirthankara Māllīnātha was female. However, Digambara reject this, and worship Mallinatha as a male.

Beliefs and philosophy

Dravya ("Substance")

Chart showing the classification of dravya and astikaya

The dravya in Jainism are fundamental entities, called astikaya (literally, "collection that exists").[164] They are believed to be eternal, and the ontological building blocks that constitute and explain all existence, whether perceived or not.

According to the Śvētāmbara tradition of Jainism, there are five eternal substances in existence: Soul (jiva), Matter (pudgala), Space (akasha), motion (Dharma) and rest (Adharma). To this list of five, the Digambara Jain tradition adds "Time" (kala) as the sixth eternal substance. In both traditions, the substance of space is conceptualized as "world space" (lokakasha) and "non-world space" (alokiakasha). Further, both soul and matter are considered as active ontological substances, while the rest are inactive. Another categorization found in Jain philosophy is jiva and ajiva, the latter being all dravya that is not jiva.

Jīva ("Soul"), Ajīva ("Non-Soul")

Jiva means "soul" in Jainism, and is also called jivatman. It is a core concept and the fundamental focus of the Jain theology. The soul is believed to be eternal, and a substance that undergoes constant modifications, in every life, after every rebirth of a living being. Jiva consists of pure consciousness in the Jain thought, has innate "free will" that causes it to act but is believed to be intangible and formless. It is the soul that experiences existence and gains knowledge, not mind nor body both believed to a heap of matter. Jain philosophy further believes that the soul is the mechanism of rebirth, and karma accumulation. It is the same size in all living beings, such as a human being, a tiny insect and a large elephant. Jiva is everywhere, filling and infused in every minuscule part of the entire loka (realm of existence), according to Jainism. The soul has the potential to reach omniscience and eternal bliss, and end the cycles of rebirth and associated suffering, which is the goal of Jain spirituality.

The jiva is believed to rely on other dravya to function. The Jain philosophy completely separates body (matter) from the soul (consciousness). Souls reside in bodies and journey endlessly through saṃsāra (that is, realms of existence through cycles of rebirths and redeaths).

Jivas are believed to be of two types, stationary and mobile. Illustration of the former are plants, while moving jivas include examples such as human beings, animals, gods, hell beings and insects. Jivas are further classified in Jain philosophy by assigned number of senses which range from one sensory organ to five sensory organs. Inert world such as air, fire or clod of dirt, considered non-sensate in contemporary science, are asserted in historic texts of Jainism to be living and with sensory powers.

Ajiva consists of everything other than jiva. Life processes such as breath, means of knowledge such as language, all emotional and biological experiences such as pleasure and pain are all believed in Jainism to be made of pudgala ("matter"). These interact with tattva or reality to create, bind, destroy or unbind karma particles to the soul.

According to Dundas, Dharma as a metaphysical substance in Jain philosophy may be understood as "that which carries" instead of the literal sense of ordinary physical motion. Thus, dharma includes all verbal and mental activity, that contribute to karma and purification of the soul.

Tattva ("Reality")

The 7 Tattvas of Jain philosophy

Tattva connotes "Reality, Truth" in Jain philosophy, and is the framework for salvation. According to Digambara Jains, there are seven tattvas, while Śvētāmbaras believe in nine tattvas:
  • The sentient (jiva, soul)
  • The insentient (ajiva)
  • The karmic influx (Āsrava) to the soul
  • Good karma (punya, merits), found in the tattva theory of Śvētāmbara, but not of Digambaras
  • Bad karma (papa, negatives), found in the tattva theory of Śvētāmbara, but not of Digambaras
  • The bondage (Bandha) of karmic particles to the soul, thereby causing its change, which cumulatively determines the future rebirths
  • The stoppage (Saṃvara) of karmic influx
  • The dissociation and wiping away of past karmic particles (Nirjarā) from the soul
  • The liberation (Moksha)
The true insight in Jain philosophy is considered as "faith in the tattvas". The spiritual goal in Jainism is to reach moksha for ascetics, but for most Jain laypersons and ascetics it is to accumulate good karma that leads to better rebirth and a step closer to liberation.

Soul and Karma

According to Jainism, the existence of "a bound and ever changing soul" is a self-evident truth, an axiom which does not need to be proven. There are numerous souls, but every one of them has three qualities (Guṇa): consciousness (caitanya, most important quality of soul), bliss (sukha) and vibrational energy (virya). The vibration draws karmic particles to the soul and creates bondages, but is also what adds merit or demerit to the soul.

Karma, like in other Indian religions, connotes in Jainism the universal cause and effect law. However, it is envisioned as a material substance (subtle matter) that can bind to the soul, travel with the soul substance in bound form between rebirths, and affect the suffering and happiness experienced by the jiva in the lokas. Karma is also believed to obscure and obstruct the innate nature and striving of the soul, as well as its spiritual potential in the next rebirth.

The relationship between the soul and karma, states Padmanabh Jaini, can be explained with the analogy of gold. Like gold is always found mixed with impurities in its original state, Jainism holds that the soul is not pure at its origin but is always impure and defiled like natural gold. One can exert effort and purify gold, similarly, Jainism states that the defiled soul can be purified by proper refining methodology. Karma either defiles the soul further, or refines it to a cleaner state, and this affects future rebirths. Karma is thus an efficient cause (nimitta) in Jain philosophy, but not the material cause (upadana). The soul is believed to be the material cause.

Tirthankara-nama-karma is a special type of karma, bondage of which raises a soul to the supreme status of a tirthankara.

Classification of Saṃsāri Jīvas (transmigrating souls) in Jainism

Jain texts state that souls exist as "clothed with material bodies", where it entirely fills up the body. There are five types of bodies in the Jaina thought: earthly (e.g. most humans, animals and plants), metamorphic (e.g. gods, hell beings, fine matter, some animals and a few humans who can morph because of their perfections), transference type (e.g. good and pure substances realized by ascetics), fiery (e.g. heat that transforms or digests food), and karmic (the substrate where the karmic particles reside and which make the soul ever changing).

Jain philosophy further divides the earthly body by symmetry, number of sensory organs, vitalities (ayus), functional capabilities and whether one body hosts one soul or one body hosts many.Every living being has one to five senses, three balas (power of body, language and mind), respiration (inhalation and exhalation), and life-duration. All living beings, in every realm including the gods and hell beings, accrue and destroy eight types of karma according to the elaborate theories in Jain texts. Elaborate descriptions of the shape and function of the physical and metaphysical universe, and its constituents, are also provided in the Jain texts. All of these elaborate theories attempt to illustrate and consistently explain the Jain karma theory in a deeply moral framework, much like Buddhism and Hinduism but with significant differences in the details and assumptions.

Saṃsāra

Souls are reborn in various realms of existence depending on their karmas, according to Jainism.

The conceptual framework of the Saṃsāra doctrine differs between the Jainism traditions and other Indian religions. For instance, in Jaina traditions, soul (jiva) is accepted as a truth, as is assumed in the Hindu traditions. It is not assumed in the Buddhist traditions. However, Saṃsāra or the cycle of rebirths, has a definite beginning and end in Jainism. The Jaina theosophy, unlike Hindu and Buddhist theosophies, asserts that each soul passes through 8,400,000 birth-situations, as they circle through Saṃsāra. As the soul cycles, states Padmanabh Jaini, Jainism traditions believe that it goes through five types of bodies: earth bodies, water bodies, fire bodies, air bodies and vegetable lives. With all human and non-human activities, such as rainfall, agriculture, eating and even breathing, minuscule living beings are taking birth or dying, their souls are believed to be constantly changing bodies. Perturbing, harming or killing any life form, including any human being, is considered a sin in Jainism, with negative karmic effects.

Souls begin their journey in a primordial state, and exist in a state of consciousness continuum that is constantly evolving through Saṃsāra. Some evolve to a higher state; some regress asserts the Jaina theory, a movement that is driven by the karma. Further, Jaina traditions believe that there exist Abhavya ("incapable"), or a class of souls that can never attain moksha ("liberation"). The Abhavya state of soul is entered after an intentional and shockingly evil act. Jainism considers souls as pluralistic each in a karma-samsara cycle, and does not subscribe to Advaita-style ("not two") nondualism of Hinduism, or Advaya-style nondualism of Buddhism. A liberated soul in Jainism is one who has gone beyond Saṃsāra, is at the apex, is omniscient, remains there eternally, and is known as a Siddha.

Cosmology

Rebirth loka (realms of existence) in Jain cosmology.[215]

Jain texts propound that the universe consists of many eternal lokas ("realms of existence"). As in Buddhism and Hinduism, Jain cosmology believes both time and the universe are eternal without beginning and end, and that the universe is transient (impermanent in attributes) at the same time. The universe, body, matter and time are considered in Jain philosophy as separate from the soul (jiva or jivatman). Their interaction explains life, living, death and rebirth.

Division of time in Jain cosmology.

According to the Jain texts, the universe is divided into three parts, the upper, middle, and lower worlds, called respectively urdhva loka, madhya loka, and adho loka. As with the realms of existences, Kāla ("time") is without beginning and eternal; the cosmic wheel of time, called kālachakra, rotates ceaselessly. According to Jain texts, in this part of the universe, there are six periods of time within two aeons (ara), and in the first aeon the universe generates, and in the next it degenerates. Thus, the worldly cycle of time is divided into two parts or half-cycles, utsarpiṇī ("ascending") and avasarpiṇī ("descending"). Utsarpiṇī is a period of progressive prosperity, where happiness increases, while avasarpiṇī is a period of increasing sorrow and immorality. According to Jain cosmology, it is currently the fifth ara of avasarpiṇī (half time cycle of degeneration). The present age is one of sorrow and misery, of religious decline, where the height and shape of living beings shrink. Jain thought holds that after the sixth ara, the universe will be reawakened in the new cycle and the start of utsarpiṇī aras.

According to Jain texts, sixty-three illustrious beings, called śalākāpuruṣas, are born on this earth in every Dukhama-sukhamā ara. The Jain universal history is a compilation of the deeds of these illustrious persons. They comprise twenty-four Tīrthaṅkaras, twelve chakravartins, nine balabhadra, nine narayana, and nine pratinarayana.

Worship of Kunthunatha, the 17th Tirthankara and 6th Chakravartin

A chakravartī is an emperor of the world and lord of the material realm. Though he possesses worldly power, he often finds his ambitions dwarfed by the vastness of the cosmos. Jain puranas give a list of twelve chakravartins ("universal monarchs"). They are golden in complexion One of the chakravartins mentioned in Jain scriptures is Bharata Chakravartin. Jain texts like Harivamsa Purana and Hindu Texts like Vishnu Purana state that Indian subcontinent came to be known as Bharata varsha in his memory.

There are nine sets of balabhadra, narayana, and pratinarayana. The balabhadra and narayana are brothers. Balabhadra are nonviolent heroes, narayana are violent heroes, and pratinarayana the villains. According to the legends, the narayana ultimately kill the pratinarayana. Of the nine balabhadra, eight attain liberation and the last goes to heaven. On death, the narayana go to hell because of their violent exploits, even if these were intended to uphold righteousness.

Jain cosmology divides the worldly cycle of time into two parts (avasarpiṇī and utsarpiṇī). According to Jain belief, in every half-cycle of time, twenty-four tīrthaṅkaras are born in the human realm to discover and teach the Jain doctrine appropriate for that era. The word tīrthankara signifies the founder of a tirtha, which means a fordable passage across a sea. The tīrthaṅkaras show the 'fordable path' across the sea of interminable births and deaths. Rishabhanatha is said to be the first tīrthankara of the present half-cycle (avasarpiṇī). Mahāvīra (6th century BC) is revered as the twenty fourth tīrthankara of avasarpiṇī. Jain texts explain that Jainism has always existed and will always exist.

In Jainism, perfect souls with the body are called arihant ("victors") and perfect souls without the body are called Siddhas ("liberated souls").

God

Jain miniature painting of 24 tirthankaras, Jaipur, c. 1850

According to Jainism, the universe was never created, nor will it ever cease to exist. It is independent and self-sufficient, does not require a creator nor any superior power to govern it, nor a judge nor destroyer. In this belief, it is distinct from the monotheistic Abrahamic religions; it is similar to Buddhism. It shares premises with the non-theistic part of the spectrum of diverse beliefs found in different traditions within Hindu philosophy and distinct from theistic Hindu traditions.

Jain texts reject the idea of a creator, ruler or destroyer god and postulate an eternal universe. However, Jainism believes in the world of gods and hell beings who are born, and who die to be reborn like living beings in the earthly realm of existence. Those souls who live in the body of a god do so because of their positive karma. They have a metamorphic body, that is they are believed in Jain thought to be able to change their body at will. The gods live a life of happiness, fun and frolic, whose wishes are automatically fulfilled. They also possess a more transcendent knowledge about material things and can anticipate events in the human realms. However, once their past karmic merit is exhausted, the souls leave the "god body" and are reborn again as humans, animals or other beings.

Epistemology

Jain philosophy accepts three reliable means of knowledge (pramana). It holds that correct knowledge is based on perception (pratyaksa), inference (anumana) and testimony (sabda or the word of scriptures). These ideas are elaborated in Jain texts such as Tattvarthasūtra, Parvacanasara, Nandi and Anuyogadvarini. Some Jain texts add analogy (upamana) as the fourth reliable means, in a manner similar to epistemological theories found in other Indian religions.

In Jainism, jnāna ("knowledge") is said to be of five kinds—Kevala Jnana ("Omniscience"), Śrutu Jñāna ("Scriptural Knowledge"), Mati Jñāna ("Sensory Knowledge"), Avadhi Jñāna ("Clairvoyance"), and Manah prayāya Jñāna ("Telepathy"). According to the Jain text Tattvartha sūtra, the first two are indirect knowledge and the remaining three are direct knowledge.

Salvation, liberation

The three shikhar (top) of a Jain temple represents Ratnatraya (three jewels)

According to Jainism, purification of soul and liberation can be achieved through the path of three jewels:
  1. Samyak darśana ("Correct View") – Faith in basic tenets of Jainism, acceptance of the self-evident truth of soul (jīva)
  2. Samyak jnana ("Correct Knowledge") – Knowledge of the tattvas without any doubt or misapprehension
  3. Samyak charitra (Correct Conduct) – behavior consistent with the Five vows
Jain texts often add samyak tap (Correct Asceticism) as the fourth jewel, thereby emphasizing their belief in ascetic practices as the means to liberation (moksha). The four jewels of orthodox Jain ideology are called moksha marg. According to Jain texts, the liberated pure soul (Siddha) goes up to the summit of universe (Siddhashila) and dwells there in eternal bliss.

Scriptures and texts

The Suryaprajnaptisūtra, a 4th or 3rd century BCE astronomy text of Śvētāmbara Jains. Above: its manuscript from c. 1500 CE.
 
Stela depicting Śhrut Jnāna, or complete scriptural knowledge

Jain scriptures are called Agamas. They are believed to have been verbally transmitted by the oral tradition from one generation to the next, much like the ancient Buddhist and Hindu texts. The Jain tradition believes that their religion is eternal, and the teachings of their first Tirthankara Rishabhanatha were their scriptures millions of years ago. The mythology states that the tirthankara taught in a divine preaching hall called samavasarana, which were heard by the gods, the ascetics and laypersons. The discourse delivered is called Śhrut Jnāna and comprises eleven angas and fourteen purvas. The discourse is remembered and transmitted by the Ganadharas ("chief disciples"), and is composed of twelve angas ("departments"). It is symbolically represented by a tree with twelve branches.

According to the Jain tradition, an araha ("worthy one") speaks meaning that is then converted into sūtra (sutta) by his disciples, and from such sūtras emerge the doctrine. The creation and transmission of the Agama is the work of disciples in Jainism. These texts, historically for Jains, have represented the truths uttered by their tirthankaras, particularly the Mahāvīra. In every cycle of Jain cosmology, twenty-four tirthankaras appear and so do the Jain scriptures for that ara. The spoken scriptural language is believed to be Ardhamagadhi by the Śvētāmbara Jains, and a form of sonic resonance by the Digambara Jains. These then become coded into duvala samgagani pidaga (twelve limbed baskets by disciples), but transmitted orally. In the 980th year after Mahāvīra's death (~5th century CE), the texts were written down for the first time by the Council of Valabhi.

The Śvētāmbaras believe that they have the original Jain scriptures. The Śvētāmbara belief is denied by the Digambaras, who instead believe the scriptures were lost. The Śvētāmbaras state that their collection of 45 works represent a continuous tradition, though they accept that their collection is also incomplete because of a lost Anga text and four lost Purva texts. The Digambara sect of Jainism believes that Āchārya Bhutabali was the last ascetic who had partial knowledge of the original canon. According to them, Digambara Āchāryas recreated the oldest-known Digambara Jain texts, including the four anuyoga. According to von Glasenapp, the Digambara texts partially agree with the enumerations and works of older Śvētāmbara texts, but in many cases there are also gross differences between the texts of the two major Jain traditions.

The Śvētāmbara consider their 45 text collection as canonical. The Digambaras created a secondary canon between 600 and 900 CE, compiling it into four groups: history, cosmography, philosophy and ethics. This four-set collection is called the "four Vedas" by the Digambaras.

The most popular and influential texts of Jainism have been its non-canonical literature. Of these, the Kalpa Sūtras are particularly popular among Śvētāmbaras, which they attribute to Bhadrabahu (c. 300 BCE). This ancient scholar is revered in the Digambara tradition, and they believe he led their migration into the ancient south Karnataka region, and created their tradition. Śvētāmbaras disagree, and they believe that Bhadrabahu moved to Nepal, not into peninsular India. Both traditions, however, consider his Niryuktis and Samhitas as important texts. The earliest surviving Sanskrit text by Umaswati called the Tattvarthasūtra is considered authoritative Jain philosophy text by all traditions of Jainism. His text has the same importance in Jainism as Vedanta Sūtras and Yogasūtras have in Hinduism.

In the Digambara tradition, the texts written by Kundakunda are highly revered and have been historically influential. Other important Jain texts include: Samayasara, Ratnakaranda śrāvakācāra, and Niyamasara.

Influence on Indian literature

Mangulam inscription dated 2nd century BCE

Parts of the Sangam literature in Tamil are attributed to Jaina authors. The authenticity and interpolations are controversial, because the Sangam literature presents Hindu ideas. Some scholars state that the Jain portions of the Sangam literature were added about or after the 8th-century CE, and they are not the ancient layer.

Tamil Jain texts such as the Cīvaka Cintāmaṇi and Nālaṭiyār are credited to Digambara Jain authors. These texts have seen interpolations and revisions. For example, it is generally accepted now that the Jain nun Kanti inserted a 445-verse poem into Cīvaka Cintāmaṇi in the 12th century. The Tamil Jain literature, according to Dundas, has been "lovingly studied and commented upon for centuries by Hindus as well as Jains". The themes of two of the Tamil epics, including the Silapadikkaram, have an embedded influence of Jainism.

Jain scholars also contributed to Kannada literature. The Digambara Jain texts in Karnataka are unusual, in that they were written under the patronage of kings and regional aristocrats. These Jain texts describe warrior violence and martial valor as equivalent to a "fully committed Jain ascetic". They thus set aside the religious premise of absolute non-violence, possibly reflecting an effort to syncretise various doctrines and beliefs found in Hinduism and Jainism.

Jain manuscript libraries, called bhandaras inside Jain temples, are the oldest surviving in India. Jain libraries, including the Śvētāmbara collections at Patan, Gujarat and Jaiselmer, Rajasthan, as well as the Digambara collections in Karnataka temples, have a large number of well-preserved manuscripts. The manuscripts in the Jain libraries include Jaina literature, as well as Hindu and Buddhist texts. Almost all their texts have been dated to about, or after, the 11th century CE. The largest and most valuable libraries are found in the Thar Desert, hidden in the underground vaults of Jain temples. These collections have witnessed insect damage, and only a small portion of these manuscripts have been published and studied by scholars.

Comparison with Buddhism and Hinduism

Jainism differs from both Buddhism and Hinduism in its ontological premises. All of them believe in impermanence, but Buddhism incorporates, amongst other things, the premise of anatta ("non-self", "no eternal self or soul"). Hinduism incorporates the premise of an eternal unchanging atman ("self", "soul"), while Jainism incorporates the premises of a jiva ("self", "soul") that is both eternal and changing. In Jaina thought, there are infinite eternal jivas, predominantly all of which are in their cycles of rebirth, and a few who have liberated themselves through an ascetic life and become siddhas ("a perfect one"). In contrast to Jainism, Hindu philosophies express a spectrum of views, ranging from nondualism where all souls are identical as Brahman and posited as interconnected one, to dualism where souls are same and have Brahman-nature but are different from Brahman, and to other ideas. Further, in Hindu thought, Jainism-style asceticism is not emphasized, rather liberation is achievable through alternate paths such as Jnana yoga, Karma yoga and Bhakti yoga.

While both Hinduism and Jainism believe "soul exists" to be a self-evident truth, most Hindu systems consider it to be eternally present, infinite and the constant (vibhu) but some Hindu scholars proposed soul to be atomic. The Hindu thought generally discusses Atman and Brahman through a monistic or dualistic framework. In contrast, the Jaina thought denies the Hindu metaphysical concept of Brahman, and Jain philosophy considers the soul to be ever changing and bound to the body or matter for each lifetime, thereby having a finite size that infuses the entire body of a living being.

Some early colonial scholars stated that Jainism like Buddhism was, in part, a rejection of the caste system in Hinduism. Later scholars, such as Gombrich state that this notion is an error for which "mainly Western authors are responsible". A caste system has been a historic part of Jain society. According to Vilas Adinath Sangave, "caste system is a universal feature of the Jaina community", and the focus of Jainism has been the spiritual liberation of the individual rather than social reforms. According to Padamnath Jaini, the 8th-century Digambara scholar Jinasena stated that Jain king Bharata, the son of first tirthankara named Rishabhanatha, invented the caste system by performing the ahiṃsā (non-violence) test, with Jain Brahmins being those who followed the non-violence precept.

All three religions share concepts and doctrines such as karma and rebirth, and have similar ritual festival grammar, mythologies and monastic traditions. They do not believe in eternal heaven or hell or judgment day. Jainism, like Buddhism and Hinduism, grants the freedom to choose beliefs such as in gods or no-gods, agree or disagree with core teachings, participate or not participate in prayers, rituals and festivals.[citation needed] They all consider ethical values such as non-violence to be important, and link suffering to craving, individual's actions, intents and karma, and believe spirituality is a means to enlightened peace, bliss and eternal liberation (moksha).

Jainism is similar to Buddhism in epistemically rejecting the Vedas and the Hindu metaphysical concept for Reality called Brahman. Jainism and Hinduism, however, both believe "soul exists" as a self-evident truth, and in their historic theology and practice have been more similar than with Buddhism. Jains and Hindus have frequently intermarried over their history, particularly in northern, central and western regions of India.

Art and architecture

A 7th-century Jain Sittanavasal Cave painting, Tamil Nadu.

Jainism has contributed significantly to Indian art and architecture. Jain arts focus around life legends of tirthankara or other important people, particularly with them in a seated or standing meditative posture. Yakshas and yakshinis, attendant spirits who guard the tirthankara, are usually shown with them. The earliest known Jain image is in the Patna museum. It is dated approximately to the 3rd century BCE. Bronze images of Pārśva can be seen in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, and in the Patna museum; these are dated to the 2nd century BCE.

Ayagapata, 200 CE, Kankali Tila
 
Inscriptions at a Udaygiri-Khandagiri 1st-century BCE Jain rock cut cave, Odisha.
 
Ayagapata is a type of votive tablet used in Jainism for donation and worship in the early centuries. These tablets are decorated with objects and designs central to Jain worship such as the stupa, dharmacakra and triratna. They present simultaneous trends or image and symbol worship. Numerous such stone tablets were discovered during excavations at ancient Jain sites like Kankali Tila near Mathura in Uttar Pradesh, India. The practice of donating these tablets is documented from 1st century BCE to 3rd century CE.

Samavasarana, a preaching hall of tirthankaras with various beings concentrically placed, is an important theme of Jain art.

The Jain tower in Chittor, Rajasthan, is a good example of Jain architecture. Decorated manuscripts are preserved in Jain libraries, containing diagrams from Jain cosmology. Most of the paintings and illustrations depict historical events, known as Panch Kalyanaka, from the life of the tirthankara. Rishabha, the first tirthankara, is usually depicted in either the lotus position or kayotsarga, the standing position. He is distinguished from other tirthankara by the long locks of hair falling to his shoulders. Bull images also appear in his sculptures. In paintings, incidents from his life, like his marriage and Indra marking his forehead, are depicted. Other paintings show him presenting a pottery bowl to his followers; he is also seen painting a house, weaving, and being visited by his mother Marudevi. Each of the twenty-four tirthankara is associated with distinctive emblems, which are listed in such texts as Tiloyapannati, Kahavaali and Pravacanasaarodhara.

Temples

A Jain temple, Derasar or Basadi is a place of worship for Jains. Jain temples are built with various architectural designs, but there are mainly two type of Jain temples:
  1. Shikar-bandhi Jain temple (one with a dome)
  2. Ghar Jain temple (Jain house temple – one without a dome).
There is always a main deity also known as moolnayak in every Jain temple placed inside a sanctum called "Gambhara" (Garbha Griha). A manastambha ("column of honor") is a pillar that is often constructed in front of Jain temples.

There are 26 caves, 200 stone beds, 60 inscriptions, and over 100 sculptures in and around Madurai. This is also the site where Jain ascetics wrote great epics and books on grammar in Tamil.

Ancient Jain monuments include the Udaigiri Hills near Bhelsa (Vidisha) in Madhya Pradesh, the Ellora in Maharashtra, the Palitana temples in Gujarat, and the Jain temples at Dilwara Temples near Mount Abu, Rajasthan. Chaumukha temple in Ranakpur is considered one of the most beautiful Jain temples and is famous for its detailed carvings. According to Jain texts, Shikharji is the place where twenty of the twenty-four Jain Tīrthaṅkaras along with many other monks attained moksha (died without being reborn, with their soul in Siddhashila). The Shikharji site in northeastern Jharkhand is therefore a revered pilgrimage site. The Palitana temples are the holiest shrine for the Śvētāmbara Murtipujaka sect. Along with Shikharji the two sites are considered the holiest of all pilgrimage sites by the Jain community.

The Jain complex, Khajuraho and Jain Narayana temple are part of a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Shravanabelagola, Saavira Kambada Basadi or 1000 pillars and Brahma Jinalaya are important Jain centers in Karnataka.

The Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves dating back to the 2nd–1st century BCE are dedicated to Jainism. They are rich with carvings of Jain tirthanakars and deities with inscriptions including the Hathigumpha inscription ("Elephant Cave" inscription). Jain cave temples at Badami, Mangi-Tungi and the Ellora Caves are considered important.

The Sittanavasal Cave temple is regarded as one of the finest examples of Jain art. It is the oldest and most famous Jain centre in the region. It possesses both an early Jain cave shelter, and a medieval rock-cut temple with excellent fresco paintings comparable to Ajantha paintings; the steep hill contains an isolated but spacious cavern. Locally, this cavern is known as "Eladipattam", a name that is derived from the seven holes cut into the rock that serve as steps leading to the shelter. Within the cave there are seventeen stone beds aligned in rows; each of these has a raised portion that could have served as a pillow-loft. The largest stone bed has a distinct Tamil-Brahmi inscription assignable to the 2nd century BCE, and some inscriptions belonging to the 8th century BCE are also found on the nearby beds. The Sittannavasal cavern continued to be the Holy Sramana Abode until the 7th and 8th centuries. Inscriptions over the remaining stone beds name mendicants such as Tol kunrattu Kadavulan, Tirunilan, Tiruppuranan, Tittaicharanan, Sri Purrnacandran, Thiruchatthan, Ilangowthaman, Sri Ulagathithan, and Nityakaran Pattakali as monks. The 8th century Kazhugumalai temple marks the revival of Jainism in South India.

Pilgrimages

Jal Mandir at Shikharji, is said to be the place where 20 tirthankars achieved Nirvana.

Jain Tirtha ("pilgrim") sites are divided into the following categories:
Outside contemporary India, Jain communities built temples in locations such as Nagarparkar, Sindh (Pakistan). However, according to a UNESCO tentative world heritage site application, Nagarparkar was not a "major religious centre or a place of pilgrimage" for Jainism, but it was once an important cultural landscape before "the last remaining Jain community left the area in 1947 at Partition".

Statues and sculptures

Jain sculptures are mainly images depicting tīrthaṅkaras. A sculpture could depict any of the twenty-four tīrthaṅkaras's images. Parshvanatha, Rishabhanatha and Mahāvīra are among the more popular. These tīrthaṅkaras usually depicted in the lotus position or kayotsarga. Sculptures of chaumukha ("quadruple") images are also popular in Jainism. Sculptures of Arihant, Bahubali, and protector deities like Ambika are also found. Tirthanakar idols look similar and are differentiated by the symbol belonging to each tirthanakar except Parshvanatha. Statues of Parshvanath have a snake crown on head. There are a few differences between the Digambara and the Śvētāmbara depictions of idols. Digambara images are naked without any beautification, whereas Śvētāmbara depictions are clothed and decorated with temporary ornaments.

Tirthankara Suparshvanatha, 14th century CE, marble

A monolithic, 18-metre (59-foot) statue of Bahubali, referred to as Gommateshvara, built in 981 CE by the Ganga minister and commander Chavundaraya, is situated on a hilltop in Shravanabelagola in the Hassan district of Karnataka state. This statue was voted first in the SMS poll Seven Wonders of India conducted by The Times of India. The Statue of Ahiṃsā (depicting Rishabhanatha) was erected in the Nashik district in 2015; it is 33 m (108 ft) tall. Idols made from Ashtadhatu (literally "eight metals"), Akota Bronze, brass, gold, silver, stone monoliths, rock cut, and precious stones are popular in Jainism.

A large number of ayagapata, votive tablets for offerings and the worship of tīrthankara, were excavated from Kankali Tila, Mathura. These sculptures date from the 2nd century BCE to the 12th century CE.

Symbols

The Jain emblem

Jain icons and arts incorporate symbols such as swastika, om, and the Ashtamangala.

Swastika

The swastika is an important Jain symbol. Its four arms symbolise the four realms of existence in which rebirth occurs according to Jainism: humans, heavenly beings, hellish beings and non-humans (plants and animals). This is conceptually similar to the six realms of rebirth represented by bhavachakra in Buddhism. It is usually shown with three dots on the top, which represent the three jewels mentioned in ancient texts such as Tattvartha sūtra and Uttaradhyayana sūtra: correct faith, correct understanding and correct conduct. These jewels are the means believed in Jainism to lead one to the state of spiritual perfection, a state that is symbolically represented by a crescent and one dot on top representing the liberated soul.

Symbol of Ahiṃsā

The hand with a wheel on the palm symbolizes ahimsā in Jainism with ahiṃsā written in the middle. The wheel represents the dharmachakra ("Wheel of the Dharma"), which stands for the resolve to halt the saṃsāra ("wandering") through the relentless pursuit of ahimsā ("compassion").

Om

Om in Jainism

In Jainism, Om is considered a condensed form of reference to the Pañca-Parameṣṭhi, by their initials A+A+A+U+M (o3m). According to the Dravyasamgraha by Acharya Nemicandra, AAAUM (or just Om) is a one syllable short form of the initials of the five parameshthis: "Arihant, Ashiri, Acharya, Upajjhaya, Muni". The Om symbol is also used in ancient Jain scriptures to represent the five lines of the Ṇamōkāra Mantra.

Jain emblem

In 1974, on the 2500th anniversary of the nirvana of Mahāvīra, the Jain community chose one image as an emblem to be the main identifying symbol for Jainism. The overall shape depicts the three loka ("realms of rebirth") of Jain cosmology i.e., heaven, human world and hell. The semi-circular topmost portion symbolizes Siddhashila, which is a zone beyond the three realms. The Jain swastika is present in the top portion, and the symbol of Ahiṃsā in the lower portion. At the bottom of the emblem is the Jain mantra, Parasparopagraho Jīvānām. According to Vilas Sangave, the mantra means "all life is bound together by mutual support and interdependence". According to Anne Vallely, this mantra is from sūtra 5.21 of Umaswati's Tattvarthasūtra, and it means "souls render service to one another".

Jain flag

Jain Flag

The five colours of the Jain flag represent the Pañca-Parameṣṭhi and the five vows, small as well as great:
  • White – represents the arihants, souls who have conquered all passions (anger, attachments, aversion) and have attained omniscience and eternal bliss through self-realisation. It also denotes peace or ahiṃsā ("non-violence ").
  • Red – represents the Siddha, souls that have attained salvation and truth. It also denotes satya ("truthfulness")
  • Yellow – represents the acharya the Masters of Adepts. The colour also stands for achaurva ("non-stealing").
  • Green – represents the upadhyaya ("adepts"), those who teach scriptures to monks. It also signifies brahmacharya ("chastity").
  • Black – represents the Jain ascetics. It also signifies aparigraha ("non-possession").

Ashtamangala

Ashtamangala, according to Śvētāmbara tradition, LACMA, 16th century

The Ashtamangala are a set of eight auspicious symbols, which are different in the Digambara and Śvētāmbar traditions.

In the Digambara tradition, the eight auspicious symbols are Parasol, Dhvaja, Kalasha, Fly-whisk, Mirror, Chair, Hand fan and Vessel. In the Śvētāmbar tradition, these are Swastika, Srivatsa, Nandavarta, Vardhmanaka ("food vessel"), Bhadrasana ("seat"), Kalasha ("pot"), Darpan ("mirror") and pair of fish.

History

Ancient sculpture depicting Parshvanatha at Thirakoil, Tamil Nadu
 
Quadruple Jain Image, excavated from Kankali Tila, c. 1st century CE

Origins

The origins of Jainism are obscure. The Jains claim their religion to be eternal, and consider Rishabhanatha to be the founder in the present time-cycle, the first of 24 Jain tirthankaras in Jain belief, and someone who lived for 8,400,000 purva years. According to one hypothesis, such as one by Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the first vice president of India, Jainism was in existence before the Vedas were composed. According to historians, the first 22 of the 24 tirthankaras were mythical figures. These figures were supposed to have lived more than 85,000 years ago. They were five to hundred times taller than average human beings and lived for thousands of years. The 23rd tirthankara, Parshvanatha, is generally accepted to be based on an ancient historic human being of uncertain dates, possibly 8th–7th century BCE.

Jain scholars have argued that connected the Indus Valley Civilization to their religion, but such claims are highly speculative and have not been accepted by most scholars, in absence of concrete data. Jainism, like Buddhism, is one of the Sramana traditions of ancient India, those that rejected the Vedas and developed their own scriptures.

There is inscriptional evidence for the presence of Jain monks in south India by the second or first centuries BC, and archaeological evidence of Jain monks in Saurashtra in Gujarat by the second century CE. Statues of Jain tirthankara have been found dating back to second century BC.

Political history


Information regarding the political history of Jainism is uncertain and fragmentary. Jains consider the king Bimbisara (c. 558–491 BCE), Ajatashatru (c. 492–460 BCE), and Udayin (c. 460-440 BCE) of the Haryanka dynasty as a patron of Jainism.

Jain tradition states that Chandragupta Maurya (322–298 BCE), the founder of the Mauryan Empire and grandfather of Ashoka, became a monk and disciple of Jain ascetic Bhadrabahu during later part of his life. According to historians, Chandragupta's story appears in various versions in Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu texts. Broadly, Chandragupta was born into a humble family, abandoned, raised as a son by another family, then with the training and counsel of Chanakya of Arthashastra fame ultimately built one of the largest empires in ancient India. According to Jain history, late in his life, Chandragupta renounced the empire he built and handed over his power to his son, became a Jaina monk, and headed to meditate and pursue spirituality in the Deccan region, under the Jaina teacher Bhadrabahu at Shravanabelagola. There state Jain texts, he died by fasting, a Jaina ascetic method of ending one's life by choice (Sallenkana vrata). The 3rd century BCE emperor Ashoka, in his pillar edicts, mentions several ancient Indian religious groups including the Niganthas (Jaina).

According to another Jain legend, King Salivahana of the late 1st century CE was a patron of Jainism, as were many others in the early centuries of the 1st millennium CE. But von Glasenapp states that the historicity of these stories is difficult to establish. Archeological evidence suggests that Mathura was an important Jain centre between the 2nd century BCE and the 5th century CE. Inscriptions from the 1st and 2nd century CE show that the schism between Digambara and Śvētāmbara had already taken place.

King Harshavardhana of the 7th century grew up in Shaivism, following his family, but he championed Jainism, Buddhism and all traditions of Hinduism. King Ama of the 8th century converted to Jainism, and the Jaina pilgrimage tradition was well established in his era. Mularaja, the founder of Chalukya dynasty, constructed a Jain temple, even though he was not a Jain.

In the second half of the 1st century CE, Hindu kings sponsored and helped build major Jaina cave temples. For example, the Hindu Rashtrakuta dynasty started the early group of Jain temples, and the Yadava dynasty built many of the middle and later Jain group of temples at the Ellora Caves between 700 and 1000 CE.

Interaction with other religions

Chaumukha Sculpture with Four Jinas (Rishabhanatha (Adinatha), Parshvanatha, Neminatha, and Mahavira), LACMA, 6th century

Mahāvīra and Buddha are generally accepted as contemporaries (circa 5th century BCE).[408][409] The interaction between Jainism and Buddhism began with the Buddha. Buddhist texts refer to Mahāvīra as Nigantha Nataputta.

Beyond the times of the Mahāvīra and the Buddha, the two ascetic sramana ("seeker") religions competed for followers as well as the merchant trade networks that sustained them. Their mutual interaction, along with those of Hindu traditions, have been significant. In some cases the titles of the Buddhist and Jaina texts are the same or similar but present different doctrines.

Royal patronage has been a key factor in the growth as well as the decline of Jainism. The Pallava King Mahendravarman I (600–630 CE) converted from Jainism to Shaivism under the influence of Appar. His work Mattavilasa Prahasana ridicules certain Shaiva sects and the Buddhists and also expresses contempt towards Jain ascetics. Sambandar converted the contemporary Pandya king to Shaivism. During the 11th century, Basava, a minister to the Jain Kalachuri king Bijjala, succeeded in converting numerous Jains to the Lingayat Shaivite sect. The Lingayats destroyed various temples belonging to Jains and adapted them to their use. The Hoysala King Vishnuvardhana (c. 1108–1152 CE) became a follower of the Vaishnava sect under the influence of Ramanuja, after which Vaishnavism grew rapidly in what is now Karnataka.

The Indra Sabha cave at the Ellora Caves, are co-located with Hindu and Buddhist monuments.

Jainism and Hinduism influenced each other. Jain texts declare some of the Hindu gods as blood relatives of legendary tirthankara. Neminatha, the 22nd tirthankara for example is presented as a cousin of Krishna in Jain Puranas and other texts. However, Jain scholars such as Haribhadra also wrote satires about Hindu gods, mocking them with novel outrageous stories where the gods misbehave and act unethically. The Hindu gods are presented by some Jain writers as persecuting, tempting, afraid of, or serving a legendary Jina before he gains omniscience. In other stories, one or more Jinas easily defeat the Hindu deities such as Vishnu, or Rama and Sita who come to pay respect to a Jina at a major Jain pilgrimage site such as Mount Satrunjaya.

According to a Shaivite legend, an alleged massacre of 8,000 Jain monks happened in the 7th-century which is claimed for the first time in an 11th-century Tamil language text of Nambiyandar Nambi on Sampantar. This event is considered doubtful because it is not mentioned in texts of Campantar, nor any other Hindu or Jain texts for four centuries. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri states that the story is "little more than an unpleasant legend and cannot be treated as history". Lingayatism, a tradition championed by Basava, is alleged to have converted numerous Jains to their new movement and destroyed various Jain temples in north Karnataka.

The Jain and Hindu communities have often been very close and mutually accepting. Some Hindu temples have included a Jain Tirthankara within its premises in a place of honour. Similarly numerous temple complexes feature both Hindu and Jain monuments, with Badami cave temples and Khajuraho among some of the most well known.

Jain monuments in Nagarparkar, Pakistan
The ruins of Gori Jain temples in Nagarparkar, Pakistan, a pilgrimage site before 1947.[435]

Jainism faced persecution during and after the Muslim conquests on the Indian subcontinent. Muslims rulers, such as Mahmud Ghazni (1001), Mohammad Ghori (1175) and Ala-ud-din Muhammed Shah Khalji (1298) further oppressed the Jain community. They vandalised idols and destroyed temples or converted them into mosques. They also burned Jain books and killed Jains. There were significant exceptions, such as Emperor Akbar (1542–1605) whose legendary religious tolerance, out of respect for Jains, ordered the release of caged birds and banned the killing of animals on the Jain festival of Paryusan. After Akbar, Jains faced an intense period of Muslim persecution in the 17th century.

The Jain community were the traditional bankers and financiers, and this significantly impacted the Muslim rulers. However, they rarely were a part of the political power during the Islamic rule period of the Indian subcontinent.

Colonial era

Colonial era reports and Christian missions variously viewed Jainism as either a sect of Hinduism or Buddhism, or as a distinct religion. According to Padmanath Jaini, Christian missionaries expressed extreme frustration at Jain people without pagan creator gods refusing to convert to Christianity, while colonial era Jain scholars such as Champat Rai Jain defended Jainism against criticism and misrepresentation by Christian activists. Missionaries of Christianity and Islam considered Jain traditions as idolatrous and a false religion, characterizing Jain temples and icons, such of those of Jina, as false idols and superstitious practices. These criticisms, states John Cort, were flawed and also ignored similar practices within sects of Christianity.

The British colonial government in India, as well as Indian princely states, passed laws that made monks roaming naked in streets a crime, one that led to arrest. This law particularly impacted the Digambara monks. The Akhil Bharatiya Jaina Samaj opposed this law, and argued that it interfered with the religious rights of Jains. Acharya Shantisagar entered Bombay (now Mumbai) in 1927, but was forced to cover his body. He then led an India-wide tour as the naked monk with his followers, to various Digambara sacred sites, and was welcomed by kings of the Maharashtra provinces. Shantisagar fasted to oppose the restrictions imposed on Digambara monks by the British Raj and prompted their discontinuance. The colonial era laws that banned naked monks remained effective through World War II, but they were abolished by independent India after it gained independence.

Jains in the modern era


Followers of the path practised by the Jinas are known as Jains. The majority of Jains currently reside in India. With four to five million followers worldwide, Jainism is relatively small compared to major world religions. Jains form 0.37% of India's population. Most of them are concentrated in the states of Maharashtra (1.4 million in 2011, 31.46% of Indian Jains), Rajasthan (13.97%), Gujarat (13.02%) and Madhya Pradesh (12.74%). Karnataka (9.89%), Uttar Pradesh (4.79%), Delhi (3.73%) and Tamil Nadu (2.01%) also have significant Jain populations. Outside India, Jain communities can be found in Europe, the United States, Canada[452] and Kenya.

According to the National Family and Health Survey (NFHS-4) conducted in 2015-16, Jains form the wealthiest community in India. Jains have the highest literacy rate (87%) in India, in the 7-years to oldest age group, according to its 2011 census. The Jaina community also has the highest number of college graduates. Excluding the retired senior citizens, Jain literacy rate in India exceeded 97%. The female to male child sex ratio in the 0-6 year age was second lowest for Jains (870 girls per 1,000 boys), higher than Sikhs in India. Further, Jain males have the highest work participation rates, while Jain females have the lowest work participation rates in India.

Major Jain communities:

Jain Temple complex, Deogarh
Jainism has been praised for some of its practices and beliefs. Mahatma Gandhi, who was greatly influenced by Jainism, said:
No religion in the World has explained the principle of Ahiṃsā so deeply and systematically as is discussed with its applicability in every human life in Jainism. As and when the benevolent principle of Ahiṃsā or non-violence will be ascribed for practice by the people of the world to achieve their end of life in this world and beyond, Jainism is sure to have the uppermost status and Mahāvīra is sure to be respected as the greatest authority on Ahiṃsā.

Compassion

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Compassion motivates people to go out of their way to help the physical, mental, or emotional pains of another and themselves. Compassion is often regarded as having sensitivity, an emotional aspect to suffering, though when based on cerebral notions such as fairness, justice, and interdependence, it may be considered rational in nature and its application understood as an activity also based on sound judgment. There is also an aspect of equal dimension, such that individual's compassion is often given a property of "depth", "vigour", or "passion". The etymology of "compassion" is Latin, meaning "co-suffering." Compassion involves "feeling for another" and is a precursor to empathy, the "feeling as another" capacity for better person centered acts of active compassion; in common parlance active compassion is the desire to alleviate another's suffering.

Compassion involves allowing ourselves to be moved by suffering, and experiencing the motivation to help alleviate and prevent it. An act of compassion is defined by its helpfulness. Qualities of compassion are patience and wisdom; kindness and perseverance; warmth and resolve. It is often, though not inevitably, the key component in what manifests in the social context as altruism. Expression of compassion is prone to be hierarchical, paternalistic and controlling in responses. Difference between sympathy and compassion is that the former responds to suffering with sorrow and concern while the latter responds with warmth and care.

The English noun compassion, meaning to love together with, comes from Latin. Its prefix com- comes directly from com, an archaic version of the Latin preposition and affix cum (= with); the -passion segment is derived from passus, past participle of the deponent verb patior, patī, passus sum. Compassion is thus related in origin, form and meaning to the English noun patient (= one who suffers), from patiens, present participle of the same patior, and is akin to the Greek verb πάσχειν (= paskhein, to suffer) and to its cognate noun πάθος (= pathos). Ranked a great virtue in numerous philosophies, compassion is considered in almost all the major religious traditions as among the greatest of virtues.

Theories

Theoretical perspectives of compassion have been developed through the years, the following three proposed perspectives show contrasts in their evolution and approaches to compassion.
  • Compassion is simply a variation of love or sadness, not a distinct emotion.
  • From the perspective of evolutionary psychology, Compassion can be viewed as a distinct emotional state, which can be differentiated from distress, sadness, and love.
  • Compassion as a synonym of empathic distress, which is characterized by the feeling of distress in connection with another person's suffering. This perspective of compassion is based on the finding that people sometimes emulate and feel the emotions of people around them.
The more one person knows about the human condition and the associated experiences, the more vivid the route to identification with suffering becomes. Identifying with another person is an essential process for human beings, it is commonly seen throughout the world as people adapt and change with new styles of clothing, language, behavior, etc., which is even illustrated by infants who begin to mirror the facial expressions and body movements of their mother as early as the first days of their lives. Personality psychology agrees that people are inherently different and distinct from one another, which leads to the conclusion that human suffering is always individual and unique. Suffering can result from psychological, social, and physical trauma and it happens in acute forms as often as chronically. Due to the inherent differences in people's personalities some may define their early stages of suffering to their external circumstances and those life events being quiet or not discussed. The later stages may involve the person expressing their victimization and searching for help. Suffering has been defined as the perception of a person's impending destruction or loss of integrity, which continues until the threat is vanished or the person's integrity can be restored. The importance of identifying with others for compassion is contrasted by the negative physical and psychological effects of abandonment. Compassion is often a characteristic element of democratic societies. Compassion is recognized through identifying with other people, the knowledge of human behavior, the perception of suffering, transfer of feelings, knowledge of goal and purpose changes in sufferers, and leads to the absence of the suffering from the group.

The compassion process is highly related to identifying with the other person because sympathizing with others is possible among people from other countries, cultures, locations, etc. A possible source of this process of identifying with others comes from a universal category called "Spirit." Toward the late 1970s, very different cultures and nations around the world took a turn to religious fundamentalism, which has occasionally been attributed to "Spirit". The role of compassion as a factor contributing to individual or societal behavior has been the topic of continuous debate. In contrast to the process of identifying with other people, a complete absence of compassion may require ignoring or disapproving identification with other people or groups. Earlier studies established the links between interpersonal violence and cruelty which leads to indifference. This concept has been illustrated throughout history: The Holocaust, Genocide, European colonization of the Americas, etc. The seemingly essential step in these atrocities could be the defining of the victims as "not human" or "not us." The atrocities committed throughout human history have only been relieved through the presence of compassion.

Compassion may have the ability to induce feelings of kindness and forgiveness, which could give people the ability to stop situations that have the potential to be distressing and occasionally lead to violence.

Psychology

Compassion has become associated with and researched in the fields of positive psychology and social psychology. The Dalai Lama once said that "compassion is a necessity, not a luxury" and that "it is a question of human survival". Compassion is a process of connecting by identifying with another person. This identification with others through compassion can lead to increased motivation to do something in an effort to relieve the suffering of others.

Compassion is an evolved function from the harmony of a three grid internal system: contentment-and-peace system, goals-and-drives system and threat-and-safety system. Paul Gilbert defines these collectively as necessary regulated systems for compassion. In examination of the motivated regulation of compassion in the context of large-scale crises, such as natural disasters and genocides, much research has established that people tend to feel more compassion for single identifiable victims than large masses of victims (the Identifiable victim effect). It is found that people only show less compassion for many victims than for single victims of disasters when they expect to incur a financial cost upon helping. This collapse of compassion depends on having the motivation and ability to regulate emotions. In laboratory research, psychologists are exploring how concerns about becoming emotionally exhausted may motivate people to curb their compassion for—and dehumanize—members of stigmatized social groups, such as homeless individuals and drug addicts.

Compassion consists of three major requirements: People must feel that troubles that evoke their feelings are serious, the understanding that sufferers' troubles are not self-inflicted, and ability to picture oneself with the same problems in a non-blaming and non-shaming manner.

Neuropsychology

In a 2009 small fMRI experiment, Mary Helen Immordino-Yang and colleagues at the Brain and Creativity Institute studied strong feelings of compassion for social and physical pain in others. Both feelings involved an expected change in activity in the anterior insula, anterior cingulate, hypothalamus, and midbrain, but they also found a previously undescribed pattern of cortical activity on the posterior medial surface of each brain hemisphere, a region involved in the default mode of brain function, and implicated in self-related processes. Compassion for social pain in others was associated with strong activation in the interoceptive, inferior/posterior portion of this region, while compassion for physical pain in others involved heightened activity in the exteroceptive, superior/anterior portion. Compassion for social pain activated this superior/anterior section, to a lesser extent. Activity in the anterior insula related to compassion for social pain peaked later and endured longer than that associated with compassion for physical pain. Compassionate emotions in relation to others has effects on the prefrontal cortex, inferior frontal cortex, and the midbrain. Feelings and acts of compassion have been found to simulate areas known to regulate homeostasis, such as insular cortex and hypothalamus.

In one study conducted by Jill Rilling and Gregory Berns, neuroscientists at Emory University, subjects’ brain activity was recorded while they helped someone in need. It was found that while the subjects were performing compassionate acts the caudate nucleus and anterior cingulate regions of the brain were activated, the same areas of the brain associated with pleasure and reward. This research sheds light on how acting on compassion induces a positive feeling in people and how humans are innately wired to want to help the suffering.

Medicine

Compassion is one of the most important attributes for physicians practicing medical services. It has been suggested that felt compassion brings about the desire to do something to help the sufferer. That desire to be helpful is not compassion, but it does suggest that compassion is similar to other emotions by motivating behaviors to reduce the tension brought on by the emotion. Physicians generally identify their central duties as the responsibility to put the patient's interests first, including the duty not to harm, deliver proper care, and maintain confidentiality. Compassion is seen in each of those duties because of its direct relation to the recognition and treatment of suffering. Physicians who use compassion understand the effects of sickness and suffering on human behavior. Compassion may be closely related to love and the emotions evoked in both. This is illustrated by the relationship between patients and physicians in medical institutions. The relationship between suffering patients and their care-givers provides evidence that compassion is a social emotion, which is highly related to closeness between individuals.

Compassion fatigue

According to Figley, individuals with a higher capacity or responsibility to empathize with others may be at risk for "compassion fatigue" or stress, which is related to professionals and individuals who spend a significant amount of time responding to information related to suffering. However, newer research by Singer and Ricard suggests that it is lack of suitable distress tolerance which gets people fatigued in compassion activities. Research suggests that practice of nonjudgmental compassion can prevent fatigue and burnout.

Self-compassion

Self-compassion is a process of self kindness and accepting suffering as a quality of being human. It has positive effects on subjective happiness, optimism, wisdom, curiosity, agreeableness, and extroversion. Kristin Neff and Christopher Germer have identified that there are three levels of activities that thwart self-compassion and they are self-criticism, self-isolation and self-absorption, they equate this to fight, flight and freeze responses. It is identified that people who lack of life skill equanimity that is akin with distress tolerance are prone to such spontaneous responses. Certain activities may increase feelings of and readiness to practice self-compassion; some of these activities include creating a loving-kindness rituals, practicing empathy, practice random acts of warmth and goodwill like tonglen, etc.

For increasing compassion in the workplace to self and others authentic leadership centered on humanism and nourishing quality interconnectedness are considered as the key. Judith Jordan's concept of self-empathy is similar to self-compassion, it implies the capacity to notice, care and respond towards the ones own felt needs. The strategies of self care involve valuing oneself, thinking about one's ideations of needs compassionately, and connecting with others in order to conversely experience renewal, support and validation. Research indicates that self-compassionate individuals experience greater psychological health than those who lack self-compassion.

Historical and spirito-religious views

The ancient Greek and Roman philosophers distrusted (feeling) compassion. In their view, reason alone was the proper guide to conduct. They regarded compassion (a virtue) as an effect, neither admirable nor contemptible. Compassion historically is considered as a passion, Justitia is blindfolded because her virtue is dispassion and not compassion.

Hinduism

Yoga aims at physical, mental and spiritual purification, with a compassionate mind and spirit being one of its most important goals. Various asanas and mudras are combined with meditation and self-reflection exercises to cultivate compassion.
 
In classical literature of Hinduism, compassion is a virtue with many shades, each shade explained by different terms. Three most common terms are daya (दया), karuna (करुणा), and anukampa (अनुकम्पा). Other words related to compassion in Hinduism include karunya, kripa, and anukrosha. Some of these words are used interchangeably among the schools of Hinduism to explain the concept of compassion, its sources, its consequences, and its nature. The virtue of compassion to all living beings, claim Gandhi and others, is a central concept in Hindu philosophy.

Daya is defined by Padma Purana as the virtuous desire to mitigate the sorrow and difficulties of others by putting forth whatever effort necessary. Matsya Purana describes daya as the value that treats all living beings (including human beings) as one's own self, wanting the welfare and good of the other living being. Such compassion, claims Matsya Purana, is one of necessary paths to being happy. Ekadashi Tattvam explains daya is treating a stranger, a relative, a friend and a foe as one's own self; it argues that compassion is that state when one sees all living beings as part of one's own self, and when everyone's suffering is seen as one's own suffering. Compassion to all living beings, including to those who are strangers and those who are foes, is seen as a noble virtue. Karuna, another word for compassion in Hindu philosophy, means placing one's mind in other's favor, thereby seeking to understand the other from their perspective. Anukampa, yet another word for compassion, refers to one's state after one has observed and understood the pain and suffering in other. In Mahabharata, Indra praises Yudhishthira for his anukrosha — compassion, sympathy — for all creatures. Tulsidas contrasts daya (compassion) with abhiman (arrogance, contempt of others), claiming compassion is a source of dharmic life, while arrogance a source of sin. Daya (compassion) is not kripa (pity) in Hinduism, or feeling sorry for the sufferer, because that is marred with condescension; compassion is feeling one with the sufferer. Compassion is the basis for ahimsa, a core virtue in Hindu philosophy.

Compassion in Hinduism is discussed as an absolute and relative concept. There are two forms of compassion: one for those who suffer even though they have done nothing wrong and one for those who suffer because they did something wrong. Absolute compassion applies to both, while relative compassion addresses the difference between the former and the latter. An example of the latter include those who plead guilty or are convicted of a crime such as murder; in these cases, the virtue of compassion must be balanced with the virtue of justice.

The classical literature of Hinduism exists in many Indian languages. For example, Tirukkuṛaḷ, written between 200 BC and AD 400, and sometimes called the Tamil Veda, is a cherished classic on Hinduism written in a South Indian language. It dedicates Chapter 25 of Book 1 to compassion, further dedicating separate chapters each for the resulting values of compassion, chiefly, vegetarianism or veganism (Chapter 26), doing no harm (Chapter 32), non-killing (Chapter 33), possession of kindness (Chapter 8), dreading evil deeds (Chapter 21), benignity (Chapter 58), the right scepter (Chapter 55), and absence of terrorism (Chapter 57), to name a few.

Jainism

Compassion for all life, human and non-human, is central to the Jain tradition. Though all life is considered sacred, human life is deemed the highest form of earthly existence. To kill any person, no matter their crime, is considered unimaginably abhorrent. It is the only substantial religious tradition that requires both monks and laity to be vegetarian. It is suggested that certain strains of the Hindu tradition became vegetarian due to strong Jain influences. The Jain tradition's stance on nonviolence, however, goes far beyond vegetarianism. Jains refuse food obtained with unnecessary cruelty. Many practice veganism. Jains run animal shelters all over India. The Lal Mandir, a prominent Jain temple in Delhi, is known for the Jain Birds Hospital in a second building behind the main temple.

Judaism

In the Jewish tradition, God is the Compassionate and is invoked as the Father of Compassion: hence Raḥmana or Compassionate becomes the usual designation for His revealed word. (Compare, below, the frequent use of raḥman in the Quran). Sorrow and pity for one in distress, creating a desire to relieve it, is a feeling ascribed alike to man and God: in Biblical Hebrew, ("riḥam," from "reḥem," the mother, womb), "to pity" or "to show mercy" in view of the sufferer's helplessness, hence also "to forgive" (Hab. iii. 2), "to forbear" (Ex. ii. 6; I Sam. xv. 3; Jer. xv. 15, xxi. 7). The Rabbis speak of the "thirteen attributes of compassion." The Biblical conception of compassion is the feeling of the parent for the child. Hence the prophet's appeal in confirmation of his trust in God invokes the feeling of a mother for her offspring (Isa. xlix. 15).

A classic articulation of the Golden Rule (see above) came from the first century Rabbi Hillel the Elder. Renowned in the Jewish tradition as a sage and a scholar, he is associated with the development of the Mishnah and the Talmud and, as such, one of the most important figures in Jewish history. Asked for a summary of the Jewish religion in the "while standing on one leg" meaning in the most concise terms, Hillel stated: "That which is hateful to you, do not do to your fellow. That is the whole Torah. The rest is the explanation; go and learn." Post 9/11, the words of Rabbi Hillel are frequently quoted in public lectures and interviews around the world by the prominent writer on comparative religion Karen Armstrong.

Many Jewish sources speak of the importance of compassion for animals. Significant rabbis who have done so include Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch, Rabbi Simhah Zissel Ziv, and Rabbi Moshe Cordovero.

Buddhism

Avalokiteśvara looking out over the sea of suffering. China, Liao Dynasty.

The first of what in English are called the Four Noble Truths is the truth of suffering or dukkha (unsatisfactoriness or stress). Dukkha is identified as one of the three distinguishing characteristics of all conditioned existence. It arises as a consequence of the failure to adapt to change or anicca (the second characteristic) and the insubstantiality, lack of fixed identity, the horrendous lack of certainty of anatta (the third characteristic) to which all this constant change in turn gives rise. Compassion made possible by observation and accurate perception is the appropriate practical response. The ultimate and earnest wish, manifest in the Buddha, both as archetype and as historical entity, is to relieve the suffering of all living beings everywhere.

The Dalai Lama has said, "If you want others to be happy, practice compassion. If you want to be happy, practice compassion." The American monk Bhikkhu Bodhi states that compassion "supplies the complement to loving-kindness: whereas loving-kindness has the characteristic of wishing for the happiness and welfare of others, compassion has the characteristic of wishing that others be free from suffering, a wish to be extended without limits to all living beings. Like metta, compassion arises by entering into the subjectivity of others, by sharing their interiority in a deep and total way. It springs up by considering that all beings, like ourselves, wish to be free from suffering, yet despite their wishes continue to be harassed by pain, fear, sorrow, and other forms of dukkha."

Christianity

Compassion in action: an 18th-century Italian depiction of the Parable of the Good Samaritan

The Christian Bible's Second Epistle to the Corinthians is but one place where God is spoken of as the "Father of compassion" and the "God of all comfort." It reads as follows: 2 Corinthians 1:3-7 "Praise be to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of compassion and the God of all comfort, who comforts us in all our troubles, so that we can comfort those in any trouble with the comfort we ourselves received from God. For just as the sufferings of Christ flow over into our lives, so also through Christ our comfort overflows. If we are distressed, it is for your comfort and salvation; if we are comforted, it is for your comfort, which produces in you patient endurance of the same sufferings we suffer. And our hope for you is firm, because we know that just as you share in our sufferings, so also you share in our comfort." Jesus embodies for Christians, the very essence of compassion and relational care. Christ challenges Christians to forsake their own desires and to act compassionately towards others, particularly those in need or distress. Most significantly, he demonstrated compassion to those his society had condemned - tax collectors, prostitutes and criminals.

Conversely, a 2012 study of the historical Jesus has claimed that the founder of Christianity sought to elevate Judaic compassion as the supreme human virtue, capable of reducing suffering and fulfilling our God-ordained purpose of transforming the world into something more worthy of its creator.

Islam

A 1930s photograph of a desert traveler seeking the assistance of Allah the Merciful, the Compassionate

In the Muslim tradition, foremost among God's attributes are mercy and compassion or, in the canonical language of Arabic, Rahman and Rahim. Each of the 114 chapters of the Quran, with one exception, begins with the verse, "In the name of Allah the Compassionate, the Merciful."
Certainly a Messenger has come to you from among yourselves; grievous to him is your falling into distress, excessively solicitous respecting you; to the believers (he is) compassionate.
— Qur'an
The Arabic word for compassion is rahmah. As a cultural influence, its roots abound in the Quran. A good Muslim is to commence each day, each prayer and each significant action by invoking Allah the Merciful and Compassionate, i.e., by reciting Bism-i-llah a-Rahman-i-Rahim. The womb and family ties are characterized by compassion and named after the exalted attribute of Allah "Al-Rahim" (The Compassionate).

Self-concept

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

One's self-perception is defined by one's self-concept, self-knowledge, self-esteem, and social self.

One's self-concept (also called self-construction, self-identity, self-perspective or self-structure) is a collection of beliefs about oneself. Generally, self-concept embodies the answer to "Who am I?".
One's self-concept is made up of self-schemas, and their past, present, and future selves.

Self-concept is distinguishable from self-awareness, which refers to the extent to which self-knowledge is defined, consistent, and currently applicable to one's attitudes and dispositions. Self-concept also differs from self-esteem: self-concept is a cognitive or descriptive component of one's self (e.g. "I am a fast runner"), while self-esteem is evaluative and opinionated (e.g. "I feel good about being a fast runner").

Self-concept is made up of one's self-schemas, and interacts with self-esteem, self-knowledge, and the social self to form the self as whole. It includes the past, present, and future selves, where future selves (or possible selves) represent individuals' ideas of what they might become, what they would like to become, or what they are afraid of becoming. Possible selves may function as incentives for certain behavior.

The perception people have about their past or future selves is related to the perception of their current selves. The temporal self-appraisal theory argues that people have a tendency to maintain a positive self-evaluation by distancing themselves from their negative self and paying more attention to their positive one. In addition, people have a tendency to perceive the past self less favorably (e.g. "I'm better than I used to be") and the future self more positively (e.g. "I will be better than I am now").

History

Psychologists Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow had major influence in popularizing the idea of self-concept in the west. According to Rogers, everyone strives to reach an "ideal self". Rogers also hypothesized that psychologically healthy people actively move away from roles created by others' expectations, and instead look within themselves for validation. On the other hand, neurotic people have "self-concepts that do not match their experiences. They are afraid to accept their own experiences as valid, so they distort them, either to protect themselves or to win approval from others."

The self-categorization theory developed by John Turner states that the self-concept consists of at least two "levels": a personal identity and a social one. In other words, one's self-evaluation relies on self-perceptions and how others perceive them. Self-concept can alternate rapidly between the personal and social identity. Children and adolescents begin integrating social identity into their own self-concept in elementary school by assessing their position among peers. By age 5, acceptance from peers significantly affects children's self-concept, affecting their behavior and academic success.

Model

The self-concept is an internal model that uses self-assessments in order to define one's self-schemas. Features such as personality, skills and abilities, occupation and hobbies, physical characteristics, etc. are assessed and applied to self-schemas, which are ideas of oneself in a particular dimension (e.g., someone that considers themselves a geek will associate "geek-like" qualities to themselves). A collection of self-schemas make up one's overall self-concept. For example, the statement "I am lazy" is a self-assessment that contributes to self-concept. Statements such as "I am tired", however, would not be part of someone's self-concept, since being tired is a temporary state and therefore cannot become a part of a self-schema. A person's self-concept may change with time as reassessment occurs, which in extreme cases can lead to identity crises.

Parts

According to Carl Rogers, the self-concept has three different components:

Development

Researchers debate over when self-concept development begins. Some assert that gender stereotypes and expectations set by parents for their children affect children's understanding of themselves by approximately age 3. However, at this developmental stage, children have a very broad sense of self, typically, they use words such as big or nice to describe themselves to others. While this represents the beginnings of self-concept,others suggest that self-concept develops later, around age 7 or 8. At this point, children are developmentally prepared to interpret their own feelings and abilities, as well as receive and consider feedback from peers, teachers, and family. In adolescence, the self-concept undergoes a significant time of change. Generally, self-concept changes more gradually, and instead, existing concepts are refined and solidified. However, the development of self-concept during adolescence shows a “U”-shaped curve, in which general self-concept decreases in early adolescence, followed by an increase in later adolescence.

Additionally, teens begin to evaluate their abilities on a continuum, as opposed to the "yes/no" evaluation of children. For example, while children might evaluate themselves "smart", teens might evaluate themselves as "not the smartest, but smarter than average." Despite differing opinions about the onset of self-concept development, researchers agree on the importance of one’s self-concept, which influences people’s behaviors and cognitive and emotional outcomes including (but not limited to) academic achievement, levels of happiness, anxiety, social integration, self-esteem, and life-satisfaction.

Academic

Academic self-concept refers to the personal beliefs about their academic abilities or skills. Some research suggests that it begins developing from ages 3 to 5 due to influence from parents and early educators. By age 10 or 11, children assess their academic abilities by comparing themselves to their peers. These social comparisons are also referred to as self-estimates. Self-estimates of cognitive ability are most accurate when evaluating subjects that deal with numbers, such as math. Self-estimates were more likely to be poor in other areas, such as reasoning speed.
Some researchers suggest that, to raise academic self-concept, parents and teachers need to provide children with specific feedback that focuses on their particular skills or abilities. Others also state that learning opportunities should be conducted in groups (both mixed-ability and like-ability) that downplay social comparison, as too much of either type of grouping can have adverse effects on children's academic self-concept and the way they view themselves in relation to their peers.

Physical

Physical self-concept is the individual’s perception of themselves in areas of physical ability and appearance. Physical ability includes concepts such as physical strength and endurance, while appearance refers to attractiveness. Adolescents experience significant changes in general physical self-concept at the on-set of puberty, about 11 years old for girls and about 15 years old for boys. The bodily changes during puberty, in conjunction with the various psychological of this period, makes adolescence especially significant for the development of physical self-concept. An important factor of physical self-concept development is participation in physical activities. It has even been suggested that adolescent involvement in competitive sports increases physical self-concept.

Cultural differences

Worldviews about one's self in relation to others differ across and within cultures. Western cultures place particular importance on independence and the expression of one's own attributes (i.e. the self is more important than the group). This is not to say those in an independent culture do not identify and support their society or culture, there is simply a different type of relationship. Non-Western cultures favor an interdependent view of the self: Interpersonal relationships are more important than one’s individual accomplishments, and individuals experience a sense of oneness with the group. Such identity fusion can have positive and negative consequences. Identity fusion can give people the sense that their existence is meaningful provided the person feels included within the society (e.g. In Japan, the definition of the word for self (jibun) roughly translates to “one’s share of the shared life space”). Identity fusion can also harm one's self-concept because one's behaviors and thoughts must be able to change to continue to align with those of the overall group.

Additionally, one’s social norms and cultural identities have a large effect on self-concept and mental well-being. When a person can clearly define their culture’s norms and how that plays a part in their life, they are more likely to have a positive self-identity,leading to better self-concept and psychological welfare. One example of this is in regards to consistency. One of the social norms within a Western, independent culture is consistency, which allows each person to maintain their self-concept over time. The social norm in a Non-Western, interdependent culture has a larger focus on one’s ability to be flexible and to change as the group and environment change. If this social norm is not followed in either culture, this can lead to a disconnect with one’s social identity, which effects personality, behavior, and overall self-concept.

A small study done in Israel showed that the divide between independent and interdependent self-concepts exists within cultures as well. Mid-level merchants in an urban community were compared to those in a kibbutz (collective community). The managers from the urban community followed the independent culture. When asked to describe themselves, they primarily used descriptions of their own personal traits without comparison to others within their group. When the independent, urban managers gave interdependent-type responses, most were focused on work or school, due to these being the two biggest groups identified within an independent culture. The kibbutz managers followed the interdependent culture. They used hobbies and preferences to describe their traits, which is more frequently seen in interdependent cultures as these serve as a means of comparison with others in their society. There was also a large focus on residence, lending to the fact they share resources and living space with the others from the kibbutz. These types of differences were also seen in a study done with Swedish and Japanese adolescents. Typically, these would both be considered non-Western cultures, but the Swedish showed more independent traits, while the Japanese followed the expected interdependent traits.

Along with viewing one’s identity as part of a group, another factor that coincides with self-concept is stereotype threat. Many working names have been used for this term-- “stigmatization,” “stigma pressure,” “stigma vulnerability,” [and] “ stereotype vulnerability.” The terminology that was settled upon to describe this “situational predicament was ‘stereotype threat.’ This term captures the idea of a situational predicament as a contingency of their [marginalized] group identity, a real threat of judgment or treatment in the person’s environment that went beyond any limitations within”. The idea of stereotype threat was described by Steele and Aronson in their study of how this socio‐psychological notion affected the intellectual performance of African Americans. Steele and Aronson tested their hypothesis by administering a diagnostic exam between two different groups: African American and White students. For one group a stereotype threat was introduced while the other served as a control. The findings were that academic performance of the African American students was significantly lower than their White counterparts when a stereotype threat was perceived after controlling for intellectual ability. Since the inception of stereotype threat, other research has demonstrated the applicability of this idea to other groups .

When one’s actions could negatively influence general assumptions of a stereotype those actions are consciously emphasized. Instead of one’s individual characteristics, one’s categorization into a social group is what society views objectively which could be perceived as a negative stereotype, thus creating a threat. “The notion that stereotypes held about a particular group may create psychologically threatening situations associated with fears of confirming judgment about one’s group, and in turn, inhibit learning and performance."

The same prejudice that exists in stereotype threat also exists in the Education system as it serves its communities, families, and individuals. These discriminatory practices in schools are the center of various educational and psychological researchers. The research aims to increase equity in the classroom as well as academic achievement among students in minority groups.

The presence of stereotype threat perpetuates a ‘hidden curriculum’ that further marginalized minority groups. Hidden curriculum refers to a covert expression of prejudice where one standard is accepted as the ‘set and right way to do things’. More specifically, the hidden curriculum is an unintended transmission of social constructs that operate in the social environment of an educational setting or classroom. In the United States’ educational system, this caters to dominant culture groups in the American society. “A primary source of stereotyping is often the teachers education program itself. It is in these programs that teachers learn that poor students and students of color should be expected to achieve less that their ‘mainstream’ counterparts.” These child-deficit assumptions that are built into the program that instructs teachers and lead to inadvertently testing all students on a “mainstream” standard that is not necessarily academic and that does not account for the social values and norms of non-“mainstream” students.

For example, the model of ‘teacher as the formal authority’ is the orthodox teaching role that has been perpetuated for many years until the 21st century teaching model landed on the scene. As part of the 5 main teaching style proposed by Anthony Grasha, a Cognitive and Social Psychologist until his death in 2003, the authoritarian style is described as believing that there is a “‘correct, acceptable, and standard ways to do things.” This system has dominated for as long as the educational system in America has, however, believing that there is a ‘set and acceptable way to do things’ has in the past and can now perpetuate a ‘hidden curriculum’ that is a form of institutionalized racism against marginalized groups such as Mexican Americans, Asian Americans, African Americans, and students with learning disabilities. This opens up a pathway for deficit thinking to rule and where a growth mindset is diminished.

Gender differences

Research from 1997, inspired by the differences in self-concept across cultures, suggested that men tend to be more independent, while women tend to be more interdependent. A study from 1999 showed that, while men and women do not differ in terms of independence or interdependence, they differ in their types of interdependence. Women utilize relational interdependence (identifying more with one-to-one relationships or small cliques), while men utilize collective interdependence (defining themselves within the contexts of large groups). In addition to their view of interdependence, men and women also view themselves differently in regards to several other traits that have to do with self-concept. For instance, in a study conducted in 1987, men were found to consider themselves more achievement and financially oriented as well as more competitive than their female counterparts. In contrast to this, the women were more likely to view themselves as sociable, moral, dependent and less assertive than the men. These differences potentially affect the individual's subjective well-being.

Gender differences in interdependent environments appear in early childhood: by age 3, boys and girls choose same-sex play partners, maintaining their preferences until late elementary school. Boys and girls become involved in different social interactions and relationships. Girls tend to prefer one-on-one (dyadic) interaction, forming tight, intimate bonds, while boys prefer group activities. One study in particular found that boys performed almost twice as well in groups than in pairs, whereas girls did not show such a difference. In early adolescence, males are more likely to have a positive physical self-concept. During this developmental stage, boys who develop early tend to have a more positive view of themselves as opposed to early developing females who view themselves more negatively. The largest difference during this developmental stage between males and females is the way they view their appearance. It is assumed at this age that a more attractive person has more social power. By the time they reach college-age, females continue to have lower physical self-concepts than males.

Girls are more likely to wait their turn to speak, agree with others, and acknowledge the contributions of others. Boys, on the other hand, build larger group relationships based on shared interests and activities. Boys are more likely to threaten, boast, and call names, suggesting the importance of dominance and hierarchy in groups of male friends. In mixed-sex pairs of children aged 33 months, girls were more likely to passively watch a male partner play, and boys were more likely to be unresponsive to what their female partners were saying. The social characteristics of boys and girls as they develop throughout childhood tend to carry over later in life as they become men and women, although characteristics displayed as younger children are not necessarily entirely reflective of later behavior.

Several studies have shown a difference between men and women based upon their academic self-concept. In general, men are more likely to view their overall academic self-concept higher, especially in the areas of math, science and technology. Women tend to have higher perceived abilities in their language related skills. This differing view of academic abilities has resulted in an academic achievement gap in countries such as Norway. These perceived self-concepts tend to reflect the typical gender stereotypes that are featured prominently in most cultures. In recent years, more women have been entering into the STEM field, working in predominantly math and science related careers. Many factors play a role in females adjusting their self-concept to accommodate more positive views of math and science such as; gender stereotypes, family influence and personal enjoyment of the subject. Females also tend to be more critical of their STEM abilities, leading them to require a higher level of achievement in order to have an equivalent level of self-value as their male counterparts. This leads females to, in general, be less successful in the STEM area as there aren't as many of the gender compared to males.

Media

Why do people choose one form of media over another? According to the Galileo Model, there are different forms of media spread throughout three-dimensional space. The closer one form of media is to another the more similar the source of media is to each other. The farther away from each form of media is in space, the least similar the source of media is. For example, mobile and cell phone are located closest in space where as newspaper and texting are farthest apart in space. The study further explained the relationship between self-concept and the use of different forms of media. The more hours per day an individual uses a form of media, the closer that form of media is to their self-concept.

Self-concept is related to the form of media most used. If you consider yourself tech savvy, then you will use mobile phones more often than you would use a newspaper. If you consider yourself old fashioned, then you will use a magazine more often than you would instant message.

In this day and age, social media is where people experience most of their communication. With developing a sense of self on a psychological level, feeling as part of a greater body such as social, emotional, political bodies can effect how one feels about themselves. If a person is included or excluded from a group, that can affect how they form their identities. Growing social media is a place for not only expressing an already formed identity, but to explore and experiment with developing identities. In the United Kingdom, a study about changing identities revealed that some people believe that partaking in online social media is the first time they have felt like themselves, and they have achieved their true identities. They also revealed that these online identities transferred to their offline identities.

A 2007 study was done on adolescents aged 12 to 18 to view the ways in which social media affects the formation of an identity. The study found that it affected the formation in three different ways: risk taking, communication of personal views, and perceptions of influences. In this particular study, risk taking behavior was engaging with strangers. When it came to communication about personal views, half of the participants reported that it was easier to express these opinions online, because they felt an enhanced ability to be creative and meaningful. When it came to other's opinions, one subject reported finding out more about themselves, like openness to experience, because of receiving differing opinions on things such as relationships.

Self

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The self is an individual person as the object of his or her own reflective consciousness. This reference is necessarily subjective, thus self is a reference by a subject to the same subject. The sense of having a self – or self-hood – should, however, not be confused with subjectivity itself. Ostensibly, there is a directedness outward from the subject that refers inward, back to its "self" (or itself). Examples of psychiatric conditions where such 'sameness' is broken include depersonalization, which sometimes occur in schizophrenia: the self appears different to the subject.

The first-person perspective distinguishes self-hood from personal identity. Whereas "identity" is sameness, self-hood implies a first-person perspective. Conversely, we use "person" as a third-person reference. Personal identity can be impaired in late stage Alzheimer's disease and other neurodegenerative diseases. Finally, the self is distinguishable from "others". Including the distinction between sameness and otherness, the self versus other is a research topic in contemporary philosophy) and contemporary phenomenology (see also psychological phenomenology), psychology, psychiatry, neurology, and neuroscience.

Although subjective experience is central to self-hood, the privacy of this experience is only one of many problems in the philosophical and scientific study of consciousness.

Neuroscience

The insula is an area in the brain, which is located below the neocortical surface of the brain, in the allocortex. It appears to be involved in self-reference (see insula). In addition, mirror neurons are neurons that fire both during the self performing a task and when watching someone else (other) executing the same task.

Philosophy

The philosophy of self seeks to describe essential qualities that constitute a person's uniqueness or essential being. There have been various approaches to defining these qualities. The self can be considered that being which is the source of consciousness, the agent responsible for an individual's thoughts and actions, or the substantial nature of a person which endures and unifies consciousness over time.

In addition to Emmanuel Levinas writings on "otherness", the distinction between "you" and "me" has been further elaborated in Martin Buber's philosophical work: Du und Ich.

Psychology

The psychology of self is the study of either the cognitive and affective representation of one's identity or the subject of experience. The earliest formulation of the self in modern psychology forms the distinction between the self as I, the subjective knower, and the self as Me, the subject that is known. Current views of the self in psychology position the self as playing an integral part in human motivation, cognition, affect, and social identity. Self following from John Locke has been seen as a product of episodic memory but research upon those with amnesia find they have a coherent sense of self based upon preserved conceptual autobiographical knowledge. It is increasingly possible to correlate cognitive and affective experience of self with neural processes. A goal of this ongoing research is to provide grounding and insight into the elements of which the complex multiply situated selves of human identity are composed. The 'Disorders of the Self' have also been extensively studied by psychiatrists.

For example, facial and pattern recognition take large amounts of brain processing capacity but pareidolia cannot explain many constructs of self for cases of disorder, such as schizophrenia or schizo-affective disorder.

One’s sense of self can be changed if they become part of a group that they consider stigmatized. According to Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hollon (2012), if an individual has prejudice against a certain group, like the elderly and then later becomes part of this group this prejudice can be turned inward causing depression (i.e. deprejudice).

The philosophy of a disordered self, such as in schizophrenia, is described in terms of what the psychiatrist understands are actual events in terms of neuron excitation but are delusions nonetheless, and the schizo-affective or schizophrenic person also believes are actual events in terms of essential being. PET scans have shown that auditory stimulation is processed in certain areas of the brain, and imagined similar events are processed in adjacent areas, but hallucinations are processed in the same areas as actual stimulation. In such cases, external influences may be the source of consciousness and the person may or may not be responsible for "sharing" in the mind's process, or the events which occur, such as visions and auditory stimuli, may persist and be repeated often over hours, days, months or years—and the afflicted person may believe themselves to be in a state of rapture or possession.

What the Freudian tradition has subjectively called, "sense of self" is for Jungian analytic psychology, where one's identity is lodged in the persona or ego and is subject to change in maturation. Carl Jung distinguished, "The self is not only the center, but also the whole circumference which embraces both conscious and unconscious; it is the center of this totality...". The Self in Jungian Psychology is "the archetype of wholeness and the regulating center of the psyche;… a transpersonal power that transcends the ego."  As an archetype, it cannot be seen directly, but by ongoing individuating maturation and analytic observation, can be experienced objectively by its cohesive wholeness making factor.

Religion

Religious views on the self vary widely. The self is a complex and core subject in many forms of spirituality. Two types of self are commonly considered - the self that is the ego, also called the learned, superficial self of mind and body, an egoic creation, and the Self which is sometimes called the "True Self", the "Observing Self", or the "Witness".

One description of spirituality is the self's search for "ultimate meaning" through an independent comprehension of the sacred. Another definition of spiritual identity is: "A persistent sense of self that addresses ultimate questions about the nature, purpose, and meaning of life, resulting in behaviors that are consonant with the individual’s core values. Spiritual identity appears when the symbolic religious and spiritual value of a culture is found by individuals in the setting of their own life. There can be different types of spiritual self because it is determined by one's life and experiences."

Human beings have a self—that is, they are able to look back on themselves as both subjects and objects in the universe. Ultimately, this brings questions about who we are and the nature of our own importance. Traditions such as Buddhism see the attachment to self is an illusion that serves as the main cause of suffering and unhappiness. Christianity makes a distinction between the true self and the false self, and sees the false self negatively, distorted through sin: 'The heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked; who can know it?' (Jeremiah 17:9)

According to Marcia Cavell, identity comes from both political and religious views. He also identified exploration and commitment as interactive parts of identity formation, which includes religious identity. Erik Erikson compared faith with doubt and found that healthy adults take heed to their spiritual side. In Advaita Vedanta of Hinduism it is said that we are not the body but the self(soul). Everything is temporary in this universe only self is permanent. Self is the subject, self is the witness of the world. And it is said that self realisation is the true goal of human life. It is salvation. This is God realisation.

Culture

The self is constantly evolving due to the complexities of cultures and societies. Researchers have shown that the self is dependent on the culture that the self has been situated in. Several comparisons between western cultures versus eastern cultures show that there are cultural differences among the self and self-concept. The self can be redefined as a dynamic, responsive process that structures neural pathways according to past and present environments including material, social, and spiritual aspects (Self, Culture, & Society Class, 2015). Self-concept can be referred to as a product instead of a process like the self is represented as. Self-concept is a concept or belief that an individual has upon him/herself as an emotional, spiritual, and social being (Aronson, 2002). Therefore, the self-concept is the idea of who I am, kind of like a self-reflection of one’s well being. For example, the self-concept is anything you say about yourself. A society is a group of people who share a common belief or aspect of Self interacting toward the maintenance or betterment of the collective (Self, Culture, & Society Class, 2015). Culture consists of explicit and implicit patterns of historically derived and selected ideas and their embodiment in institutions, cognitive and social practices, and artifacts. Cultural systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of action, and on the other, as conditioning elements of further action (Kroeber & Kluckholn, 1963, p. 357). Therefore, the following sections will explore how the self and self-concept can be changed due to different cultures.

As children, teenagers, and young adults grow up society tells these individuals to “Be yourself”. But this may mean something completely different for individuals who live in different cultures. The way individuals construct themselves may be different due to their culture (Kanagawa, 2001). A western culture self is usually seen as abstract, private, individual, and separates themselves from the rest of the group. Whereas an eastern culture self might be presented as open and flexible (Kanagawa, 2001). The self relies on the environment and culture it is put in. The self evolves and is constantly changing to the environment so that it is not threatened. Therefore, researchers wanted to study the differences between cultures and see if individual’s conceptual selves change due to their culture and environment.

Researchers Kanagawa and Heine have studied participants who lived in western and eastern cultures. Throughout the study the researchers concluded that western cultures such as North American and West European cultures are more independent cultures (Heine & Lehman,1992). The individuals in the western society tend to look only for positive attributes and strive for goals that will put them ahead of others. Western cultures are more goal oriented for individualism, instead of being more collective for the group to advance ahead. This is due to the culture that westerners instill, the whole culture concept is to out beat another individual to advance their own well being (Kanagawa, 2001). The independent cultures create selves and self-concepts to worry about their own individual thoughts and feelings (Heine & Lehman,1992). Whereas eastern cultures such as those of Japan, Asian, Africa, Latin American, and South Europe are interdependent cultures (Heine & Lehman,1992). The culture is very different in eastern cultures because their culture is based on the collective, instead of focusing on one individual. For instance, Japanese culture focuses heavily on self-criticism and trying to improve themselves to become better individuals (Kanagawa, 2001). They really depend on negative feedback and aspects of themselves so that they can advance and help the entire culture and society. The whole goal is to maintain harmony and balance within society (Kanagawa, 2001). Therefore, Japan’s conceptual self is very different to western culture due to the environment and standards that each culture upholds. Eastern cultures are represented as interdependent because they only think and feel for others instead of thinking about themselves (Heine & Lehman, 1992). In addition, the studies that these researchers have conducted show an important relationship between the self and how cultures can play a major role in shaping the self and self-concept.

Furthermore, the self is shaped by our social interactions and our physical environments. An individual's social interactions occur when they’re in a specific society or culture. If these individuals grow up in a certain culture they’re going to conform to societal norms and pressures to follow a specific standard that their culture believes in. This is why culture is important to study and explore when searching how the self evolves and changes. To conclude, western cultures are more self-absorbed in their own lives whereas eastern cultures are less self-absorbed because they cherish the collective. The self is dynamic and complex and it will change or conform to whatever social influence it is exposed to. The main reason why the self is constantly dynamic is because it always looks for reasons to not be harmed. The self in any culture looks out for its well being and will avoid as much threat as possible. This can be explained through the evolutionary psychology concept called survival of the fittest.

1947–1948 civil war in Mandatory Palestine

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia During the civil war, the Jewish and Arab communities of Palestine clashed (the latter supported b...