Traditional medicine (also known as indigenous or folk medicine) comprises medical aspects of traditional knowledge that developed over generations within various societies before the era of modern medicine. The World Health Organization (WHO)
defines traditional medicine as "the sum total of the knowledge,
skills, and practices based on the theories, beliefs, and experiences
indigenous to different cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the
maintenance of health as well as in the prevention, diagnosis,
improvement or treatment of physical and mental illness". Traditional medicine is contrasted with scientific medicine.
The WHO notes, however, that "inappropriate use of traditional
medicines or practices can have negative or dangerous effects" and that "further research is needed to ascertain the efficacy and safety" of several of the practices and medicinal plants used by traditional medicine systems.
Ultimately, the World Health Organization has implemented a nine-year
strategy to "support Member States in developing proactive policies and
implementing action plans that will strengthen the role traditional
medicine plays in keeping populations healthy."
Usage and history
Classical history
In the written record, the study of herbs dates back 5,000 years to the ancient Sumerians, who described well-established medicinal uses for plants. In Ancient Egyptian medicine, the Ebers papyrus from c. 1552 BC records a list of folk remedies and magical medical practices. The Old Testament also mentions herb use and cultivation in regards to Kashrut.
Roman sources included Pliny the Elder's Natural History and Celsus's De Medicina. Pedanius Dioscorides drew on and corrected earlier authors for his De Materia Medica, adding much new material; the work was translated into several languages, and Turkish, Arabic and Hebrew names were added to it over the centuries. Latin manuscripts of De Materia Medica were combined with a Latin herbal by Apuleius Platonicus (Herbarium Apuleii Platonici) and were incorporated into the Anglo-Saxon codexCotton Vitellius C.III. These early Greek and Roman compilations became the backbone of European medical theory and were translated by the Persian Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā, 980–1037), the Persian Rhazes (Rāzi, 865–925) and the Jewish Maimonides.
Some fossils have been used in traditional medicine since antiquity.
Medieval and later
Arabic indigenous medicine developed from the conflict between the magic-based medicine of the Bedouins and the Arabic translations of the Hellenic and Ayurvedic medical traditions. Spanish indigenous medicine was influenced by the Arabs from 711 to 1492. Islamic physicians and Muslim botanists such as al-Dinawari and Ibn al-Baitar significantly expanded on the earlier knowledge of materia medica. The most famous Persian medical treatise was Avicenna's The Canon of Medicine, which was an early pharmacopoeia and introduced clinical trials. The Canon was translated into Latin in the 12th century and remained a medical authority in Europe until the 17th century. The Unani system of traditional medicine is also based on the Canon.
Translations of the early Roman-Greek compilations were made into German by Hieronymus Bock whose herbal, published in 1546, was called Kreuter Buch. The book was translated into Dutch as Pemptades by Rembert Dodoens (1517–1585), and from Dutch into English by Carolus Clusius, (1526–1609), published by Henry Lyte in 1578 as A Nievve Herball. This became John Gerard's (1545–1612) Herball or General Hiftorie of Plantes. Each new work was a compilation of existing texts with new additions.
Women's folk knowledge existed in undocumented parallel with these texts. Forty-four drugs, diluents, flavouring agents and emollients mentioned by Dioscorides are still listed in the official pharmacopoeias of Europe. The Puritans took Gerard's work to the United States where it influenced American Indigenous medicine.
Francisco Hernández, physician to Philip II of Spain spent the years 1571–1577 gathering information in Mexico and then wrote Rerum Medicarum Novae Hispaniae Thesaurus, many versions of which have been published including one by Francisco Ximénez. Both Hernandez and Ximenez fitted Aztec
ethnomedicinal information into the European concepts of disease such
as "warm", "cold", and "moist", but it is not clear that the Aztecs used
these categories. Juan de Esteyneffer's Florilegio medicinal de todas las enfermedas compiled European texts and added 35 Mexican plants.
Martín de la Cruz wrote an herbal in Nahuatl which was translated into Latin by Juan Badiano as Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis or Codex Barberini, Latin 241 and given to King Carlos V of Spain in 1552. It was apparently written in haste and influenced by the European occupation of the previous 30 years. Fray Bernardino de Sahagún's used ethnographic methods to compile his codices that then became the Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España, published in 1793. Castore Durante published his Herbario Nuovo in 1585 describing medicinal plants from Europe and the East and West Indies. It was translated into German in 1609 and Italian editions were published for the next century.
Colonial America
In 17th and 18th-century America, traditional folk healers, frequently women, used herbal remedies, cupping and leeching. Native American traditional herbal medicine introduced cures for malaria, dysentery, scurvy, non-venereal syphilis, and goiter problems. Many of these herbal and folk remedies continued on through the 19th and into the 20th century, with some plant medicines forming the basis for modern pharmacology.
Modern usage
The prevalence of folk medicine in certain areas of the world varies according to cultural norms. Some modern medicine is based on plant phytochemicals that had been used in folk medicine. Researchers state that many of the alternative treatments are "statistically indistinguishable from placebo treatments".
Knowledge transmission and creation
Indigenous medicine is generally transmitted orally
through a community, family and individuals until "collected". Within a
given culture, elements of indigenous medicine knowledge may be
diffusely known by many, or may be gathered and applied by those in a
specific role of healer such as a shaman or midwife.
Three factors legitimize the role of the healer – their own beliefs,
the success of their actions and the beliefs of the community.
When the claims of indigenous medicine become rejected by a culture,
generally three types of adherents still use it – those born and
socialized in it who become permanent believers, temporary believers who
turn to it in crisis times, and those who only believe in specific
aspects, not in all of it.
Definition and terminology
Traditional
medicine may sometimes be considered as distinct from folk medicine,
and the considered to include formalized aspects of folk medicine. Under
this definition folk medicine are longstanding remedies passed on and
practiced by lay people. Folk medicine consists of the healing practices and ideas of body physiology and health
preservation known to some in a culture, transmitted informally as
general knowledge, and practiced or applied by anyone in the culture
having prior experience.
Folk medicine
Curandera performing a limpieza in Cuenca, Ecuador
Generally, bush medicine used by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia is made from plant materials, such as bark, leaves and seeds, although animal products may be used as well. A major component of traditional medicine is herbal medicine, which is the use of natural plant substances to treat or prevent illness.
Native American medicine
American Native and Alaska Native medicine are traditional forms of healing that have been around for thousands of years.
Home remedies
A home remedy (sometimes also referred to as a granny cure) is a treatment to cure a disease or ailment that employs certain spices, vegetables, or other common items. Home remedies may or may not have medicinal properties
that treat or cure the disease or ailment in question, as they are
typically passed along by laypersons (which has been facilitated in
recent years by the Internet). Many are merely used as a result of tradition or habit or because they are effective in inducing the placebo effect.
One of the more popular examples of a home remedy is the use of chicken soup to treat respiratoryinfections such as a cold or mild flu. Other examples of home remedies include duct tape to help with setting broken bones; and duct tape or superglue to treat plantar warts; and Kogel mogel to treat sore throat. In earlier times, mothers were entrusted with all but serious remedies. Historic cookbooks are frequently full of remedies for dyspepsia, fevers, and female complaints. Components of the aloe vera plant are used to treat skin disorders. Many European liqueurs or digestifs were originally sold as medicinal remedies. In Chinese folk medicine, medicinal congees (long-cooked rice soups with herbs), foods, and soups are part of treatment practices.
Criticism
Safety concerns
Although
130 countries have regulations on folk medicines, there are risks
associated with the use of them. It is often assumed that because
supposed medicines are herbal or natural that they are safe, but
numerous precautions are associated with using herbal remedies.
Use of endangered species
Sometimes traditional medicines include parts of endangered species, such as the slow loris in Southeast Asia.
Endangered animals, such as the slow loris, are sometimes killed to make traditional medicines.
Sharkfins
have also been used in traditional medicine, and although their use has
not been proven, it is hurting shark populations and their ecosystem.
The illegal Ivory trade can be traced back to buyers of Chinese medicine in China. Demand for ivory is a huge factor in the poaching of endangered species such as the rhinos and elephants.
In religious studies and folkloristics, folk religion, popular religion, or vernacular religion comprises various forms and expressions of religion that are distinct from the official doctrines and practices of organized religion. The precise definition of folk religion varies among scholars. Sometimes also termed popular belief, it consists of ethnic or regional religious customs under the umbrella of a religion, but outside official doctrine and practices.
The term "folk religion" is generally held to encompass two
related but separate subjects. The first is the religious dimension of folk culture, or the folk-cultural dimensions of religion. The second refers to the study of syncretisms between two cultures with different stages of formal expression, such as the melange of African folk beliefs and Roman Catholicism that led to the development of Vodun and Santería, and similar mixtures of formal religions with folk cultures.
Chinese folk religion,
folk Christianity, folk Hinduism, and folk Islam are examples of folk
religion associated with major religions. The term is also used,
especially by the clergy of the faiths involved, to describe the desire of people who otherwise infrequently attend religious worship, do not belong to a church or similar religious society, and who have not made a formal profession of faith in a particular creed, to have religious weddings or funerals, or (among Christians) to have their children baptised.
Definition
In The Concise Oxford Dictionary of World Religions, John Bowker
characterized "folk religion" as either "religion which occurs in
small, local communities which does not adhere to the norms of large
systems" or "the appropriation of religious beliefs and practices at a
popular level."
Don Yoder argued that there were five separate ways of defining folk religion. The first was a perspective rooted in a cultural evolutionary
framework which understood folk religion as representing the survivals
of older forms of religion; in this, it would constitute "the survivals,
in an official religious context, of beliefs and behavior inherited
from earlier stages of the culture's development".
This definition would view folk religion in Catholic Europe as the
survivals of pre-Christian religion and the folk religion in Protestant
Europe as the survivals of Medieval Catholicism.
The second definition identified by Yoder was the view that folk
religion represented the mixture of an official religion with forms of
ethnic religion; this was employed to explain the place of folk religion
in the syncretic belief systems of the Americas, where Christianity had
blended with the religions of indigenous American and African communities.
Yoder's third definition was that often employed within
folkloristics, which held that folk religion was "the interaction of
belief, ritual, custom, and mythology in traditional societies",
representing that which was often pejoratively characterised as superstition.
The fourth definition provided by Yoder stated that folk religion
represented the "folk interpretation and expression of religion". Noting
that this definition would not encompass beliefs that were largely
unconnected from organised religion, such as in witchcraft, he therefore altered this definition by including the concept of "folk religiosity", thereby defining folk religion as "the deposit in culture of folk religiosity, the full range of folk attitudes to religion".
His fifth and final definition represented a "practical working
definition" that combined elements from these various other definitions.
Thus, he summarized folk religion as "the totality of all those views
and practices of religion that exist among the people apart from and
alongside the strictly theological and liturgical forms of the official
religion".
Yoder described "folk religion" as existing "in a complex society
in relation to and in tension with the organized religion(s) of that
society. Its relatively unorganized character differentiates it from
organized religion".
Alternately, the sociologist of religion Matthias Zic Varul
defined "folk religion" as "the relatively un-reflected aspect of
ordinary practices and beliefs that are oriented towards, or productive
of, something beyond the immediate here-and-now: everyday
transcendence".
Historical development
In Europe the study of "folk religion" emerged from the study of religiöse Volkskund,
a German term which was used in reference to "the religious dimension
of folk-culture, or the folk-cultural dimension of religion". This term was first employed by a German Lutheran preacher, Paul Drews, in a 1901 article that he published which was titled "Religiöse Volkskunde, eine Aufgabe der praktischen Theologie".
This article was designed to be read by young Lutheran preachers
leaving the seminary, to equip them for the popular variants of
Lutheranism that they would encounter among their congregations and
which would differ from the official, doctrinal Lutheranism that they
had been accustomed to. Although developing within a religious environment, the term came to be adopted by German academics in the field of folkloristics. During the 1920s and 1930s, theoretical studies of religiöse Volkskund had been produced by the folklorists Josef Weigert, Werner Boette, and Max Rumpf, all of whom had focused on religiosity within German peasant communities. Over the coming decades, Georg Schreiber established an Institut für religiöse Volkskund in Munich while a similar department was established in Salzburg by Hanns Koren. Other prominent academics involved in the study of the phenomenon were Heinrich Schauert and Rudolf Kriss,
the latter of whom collected one of the largest collections of
folk-religious art and material culture in Europe, later housed in
Munich's Bayerisches Nationalmuseum.
Throughout the 20th century, many studies were made of folk religion in
Europe, paying particular attention to such subjects as pilgrimage and the use of shrines.
In the Americas, the study of folk religion developed among cultural anthropologists studying the syncretistic cultures of the Caribbean and Latin America. The pioneer in this field was Robert Redfield, whose 1930 book Tepoztlán: A Mexican Village contrasted and examined the relationship between "folk religion" and "official religion" in a peasant community.
Yoder later noted that although the earliest known usage of the term
"folk religion" in the English language was unknown, it probably
developed as a translation of the German Volksreligion. One of the earliest prominent usages of the term was in the title of Joshua Trachtenberg's 1939 work Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion. The term also gained increasing usage within the academic field of comparative religion, appearing in the titles of Ichiro Hori's Folk Religion in Japan, Martin Nilsson's Greek Folk Religion, and Charles Leslie's reader, the Anthropology of Folk Religion. Courses on the study of folk religion came to be taught at various universities in the United States, such as John Messenger's at Indiana University and Don Yoder's at the University of Pennsylvania.
Although the subject of folk religion fell within the remit of scholars
operating in both folkloristics and religious studies, by 1974 Yoder
noted that U.S.-based academics in the latter continued to largely
ignore it, instead focusing on the study of theology
and institutionalised religion; he contrasted this with the situation
in Europe, where historians of religion had devoted much time to
studying folk religiosity.
He also lamented that many U.S.-based folklorists also neglected the
subject of religion because it did not fit within the standard
genre-based system for cataloguing folklore.[16]
The term "folk religion" came to be increasingly rejected in the 1990s and 2000s by scholars seeking more precise terminology.
Problems and critique
Yoder
noted that one problem with the use of the term "folk religion" was
that it did not fit into the work of those scholars who used the term
"religion" in reference solely to organized religion. He highlighted the example of the prominent sociologist of religion Émile Durkheim, who insisted that "religion" was organized in order to contrast it with "magic". Yoder noted that scholars adopting these perspectives often preferred the term "folk belief" over "folk religion".
A second problem with the use of "folk religion" that Yoder
highlighted was that some scholars, particularly those operating in the sociology of religion, used the term as a synonym for ethnic religion
(which is alternately known as national religion or tribal religion),
meaning a religion closely tied to a particular ethnic or national group
and is thus contrasted with a "universal religion" which cuts across
ethnic and national boundaries. Among the scholars to have adopted this use of terminology are E. Wilbur Bock.
The folklorist Leonard Norman Primiano argued that the use of
"folk religion", as well as related terms like "popular religion" and
"unofficial religion", by scholars, does "an extreme disservice" to the
forms of religiosity that scholarship is examining, because – in his
opinion – such terms are "residualistic, [and] derogatory".
He argued that using such terminology implies that there is "a pure
element" to religion "which is in some way transformed, even
contaminated, by its exposure to human communities". As a corrective, he suggested that scholars use "vernacular religion" as an alternative.
Defining this term, Primiano stated that "vernacular religion" is, "by
definition, religion as it is lived: as human beings encounter,
understand, interpret, and practice it. Since religion inherently
involves interpretation, it is impossible for the religion of an
individual not to be vernacular".
Kapaló was critical of this approach, deeming it "mistaken" and
arguing that switching from "folk religion" to "vernacular religion"
results in the scholar "picking up a different selection of things from
the world".
He cautioned that both terms carried an "ideological and semantic load"
and warned scholars to pay attention to the associations that each word
had.
Chinese folk religion is sometimes categorized with Taoism,
since over the centuries institutional Taoism has been attempting to
assimilate or administrate local religions. More accurately, Taoism
emerged from and overlaps with folk religion and Chinese philosophy.
Chinese folk religion is sometimes seen as a constituent part of
Chinese traditional religion, but more often, the two are regarded as
synonymous. With around 454 million adherents, or about 6.6% of the
world population, Chinese folk religion is one of the major religious traditions in the world. In China more than 30% of the population follows Chinese popular religion or Taoism.
Warays
on boats during the Padul-Ong Fluvial Parade in Boronggan (place of
fog), which celebrates the indigenous “Lady in White” who is believed to
regularly visit the Hamorawan Spring since ancient times, blessing it
with healing waters. Christians who participate in the festival add the
Virgin Mary as one of their honorees, side-by-side with the Hamorawan
deity.
Anitism
has a diverse array of traditions and rituals involved. The religion,
which is a set of indigenous religions originating from the Philippines,
comprise a unique blend of shamanism, animism, ancestral worship,
nature worship, communal harmony and cultural trading. The beliefs
revere both women and feminized men. Women and men enjoyed the same rights and privileges.
Due to the equal treatment of women and men under the beliefs,
any gender can ascend the headship of families, villages,
and cities. Women can also ascend the throne of a nation.
In some cases, some queens have ascended as sole ruler,
superior to her consort.
Deities in the Anitist pantheons have a diverse array of biological
sexes, sexual orientations and gender identities. The Tagalog supreme
deity Bathala and the Tagalog goddess of fertility and the homeless Lakapati are both intersex, while the Waray supreme deity has two gender aspects in one body named Makapatag and Malaon. The Bisaya supreme god, Kaptan, is also known for his attraction to both genders. Binukot warriors in some epics have been depicted to possess powers of gender transitioning.
Folk Christianity is defined differently by various scholars.
Definitions include "the Christianity practiced by a conquered people", Christianity as most people live it – a term used to "overcome the division of beliefs into Orthodox and unorthodox", Christianity as impacted by superstition as practiced by certain geographical Christian groups, and Christianity defined "in cultural terms without reference to the theologies and histories."
Folk Islam
Folk Islam is an umbrella term used to collectively describe forms of Islam that incorporate native folk beliefs and practices. Folk Islam has been described as the Islam of the "urban poor, country people, and tribes", in contrast to orthodox or "High" Islam (Gellner, 1992). Sufism and Sufi concepts are often integrated into Folk Islam.
Various practices and beliefs have been identified with the concept of "folk Islam". They include the following:
belief in traditional magic systems and ecstatic rituals
In one of the first major academic works on the subject, titled Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion,
Joshua Trachtenberg provided a definition of Jewish folk religion as
consisting of ideas and practices that whilst not meeting with the
approval of religious leaders enjoyed wide popularity such that they
must be included in what he termed the field of religion. This included unorthodox beliefs about demons and angels, and magical practices.
Later studies have emphasized the significance of the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem to the many Jewish folk customs linked to mourning and in particular to the belief in hibbut ha-qever
(torture of the grave) a belief that the dead are tortured in their
grave for three days after burial by demons until they remember their
names. This idea began with early eschatalogical aggadah and was then further developed by the kabbalists.
Raphael Patai has been acknowledged as one of the first to utilize anthropology to study Jewish folk religion. In particular he has drawn attention to the important role of the female divine element, which he sees in the goddess Asherah, the Shekhinah, the Matronit, and Lilith.
Writer Stephen Sharot has stated that Jewish popular religion in common with other forms of folk religion, has a focus on the apotropaic, or thaumaturgical,
i.e. it is used to assist in protecting the individual from sickness,
and misfortune. He emphasizes that while Rabbinical Judaism dealt with
orthodox Jewish ritual, and halakah,
magicians claimed to use unorthodox magical rituals to help people in
everyday life. He points to the example of a relatively
professionalised type of magician being the ba'al shem
of Poland, who beginning in the 16th century thrived with the
popularity of practical kabbalah in the 18th century. These ba'al shem
promised to use their knowledge of the names of god, and the angels,
along with exorcism, chiromancy, and herbal medicine to bring harm to enemies, and success in areas of social life such as marriage, and childbirth.
Charles Liebman
has written that the essence of the folk religion of American Jews is
their social ties to one another, illustrated by the finding that
religious practices that would prevent social integration -such as a
strict interpretation of dietary laws and the Sabbath- have been
abandoned, whilst the practices that are followed -such as the Passover seder, social rites of passage, and the High Holy Days- are ones that strengthen Jewish family and community integration. Liebman described the rituals and beliefs of contemporary Jewish folk religion in his works, The Ambivalent American Jew (1973) and American Jewry: Identity and Affiliation.
Folk Hinduism
McDaniel (2007) classifies Hinduism into six major kinds and numerous minor kinds, in order to understand expression of emotions among the Hindus. The major kinds, according to McDaniel are, Folk Hinduism, based on local traditions and cults of local deities and is the oldest, non-literate system. Folk Hinduism involves worship of deities which are not found in Hindu scriptures. It involves worship of Gramadevata (village deity), Kuldevta (household deity) and local deities.
It is folk religion or tribal religion, polytheist, sometimes animistic
religion based on locality, community, form of worship with countless
local texts in local language. In most cases these religions have their
own priest, most worship only reginal deities(in villages or among a
subcaste- Kuldevta, Gramadevata) whose myth of origin linked to place of
worship or their own pantheon which also includes spirits or defied
heros. Human can often be possessed by these gods or spirits. From the
perspectives of Brahmanic or Sanskritic Hinduism, the form of worship
are considered impure in many cases, so the folk religion is quite often
tension with the Brahmanic hinduism. In the so called folk hinduism,
folk form of Brahmanic-Sanskritic Hinduism are usually combined with
aspects of folk religion.
In sociology
In sociology, folk religion is often contrasted with elite religion.
Folk religion is defined as the beliefs, practices, rituals and symbols
originating from sources other than the religion's leadership. Folk
religion in many instances is tolerated by the religion's leadership,
although they may consider it an error. A similar concept is lived religion, the study of religion as practiced by believers.
Magical thinking in various forms is a cultural universal and an important aspect of religion.
Magic is prevalent in all societies, regardless of whether they have organized religion or more general systems of animism or shamanism.
Religion and magic became conceptually separated with the development of western monotheism, where the distinction arose between supernatural events sanctioned by mainstream religious doctrine (miracles)
and magic rooted in folk belief or occult speculation.
In pre-monotheistic religious traditions, there is no fundamental
distinction between religious practice and magic; tutelary deities
concerned with magic are sometimes called hermetic deities or spirit
guides.
Magical practices in prehistory
Anthropological and psychological perspectives
It is a postulate of modern anthropology, at least since early 1930s, that there is complete continuity between magic and religion.
Functional differences between religion and magic
Early sociological interpretations of magic by Marcel Mauss and Henri Hubert emphasized the social conditions in which the phenomenon of magic develops.
According to them, religion is the expression of a social structure and
serves to maintain the cohesion of a community (religion is therefore
public) and magic is an individualistic action (and therefore private).
Ralph Merrifield, the British archaeologist credited as producing the first full-length volume dedicated to a material approach to magic,
defined the differences between religion and magic:
"'Religion' is used to indicate the belief in supernatural or spiritual
beings; 'magic', the use of practices intended to bring occult forces
under control and so to influence events; 'ritual', prescribed or
customary behaviour that may be religious, if it is intended to placate
or win favour of supernatural beings, magical if it is intended to
operate through impersonal forces of sympathy or by controlling
supernatural beings, or social if its purpose is to reinforce a social
organisation or facilitate social intercourse".
In 1991 Henk Versnel argued that magic and religion function in
different ways and that these can be broadly defined in four areas:
Intention - magic is employed to achieve clear and immediate goals for
an individual, whereas religion is less purpose-motivated and has its
sights set on longer-term goals; Attitude – magic is manipulative as the
process is in the hands of the user, “instrumental coercive
manipulation”, opposed to the religious attitude of “personal and
supplicative negotiation”; Action – magic is a technical exercise that
often requires professional skills to fulfil an action, whereas religion
is not dependent upon these factors but the will and sentiment of the
gods; Social – the goals of magic run counter to the interests of a
society (in that personal gain for an individual gives them an unfair
advantage over peers), whereas religion has more benevolent and positive
social functions.
This separation of the terms 'religion' and 'magic' in a
functional sense is disputed. It has been argued that abandoning the
term magic in favour of discussing "belief in spiritual beings" will
help to create a more meaningful understanding of all associated ritual
practices.
However using the word 'magic' alongside 'religion' is one method of
trying to understand the supernatural world, even if some other term can
eventually take its place.
Religious practices and magic
Both magic and religion contain rituals.
Most cultures have or have had in their past some form of magical tradition that recognizes a shamanistic
interconnectedness of spirit. This may have been long ago, as a folk
tradition that died out with the establishment of a major world
religion, such as Judaism, Christianity, Islam or Buddhism, or it may still co-exist with that world religion. Coptic Christians were writing magical spells from the 1st to 12th centuries.
Names of the gods
There is a long-standing belief in the power of true names, this often descends from the magical belief that knowing a being's true name grants power over it.
If names have power, then knowing the name of a god regarded as
supreme in a religion should grant the greatest power of all. This
belief is reflected in traditional Wicca,
where the names of the Goddess and the Horned God - the two supreme
deities in Wicca - are usually held as a secret to be revealed only to
initiates. This belief is also reflected in ancient Judaism, which used
the Tetragrammaton (YHWH, usually translated as "Lord" in small caps) to refer to God in the Tanakh. The same belief is seen in Hinduism, but with different conclusions; rather, attaining transcendence and the power of God is seen as a good thing. Thus, some Hindus chant the name of their favorite deities as often as possible, the most common being Krishna.
Magic and Abrahamic religion
Magic and Abrahamic religions have had a somewhat checkered past. The King James Version of the Bible included the famous translation "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live" (Exodus 22:18), and Saul
is rebuked by God for seeking advice from a diviner who could contact
spirits. On the other hand, seemingly magical signs are documented in
the Bible: For example, both the staff of Pharaoh's sorcerers as well
as the staff of Moses
and Aaron could be turned into snakes (Exodus 7:8-13). However, as
Scott Noegel points out, the critical difference between the magic of
Pharaoh's magicians and the non-magic of Moses is in the means by which
the staff becomes a snake. For the Pharaoh's magicians, they employed
"their secret arts" whereas Moses merely throws down his staff to turn
it into a snake. To an ancient Egyptian, the startling difference would
have been that Moses neither employed secret arts nor magical words. In
the Torah, Noegel points out that YHWH does not need magical rituals to
act.
The words 'witch' and 'witchcraft' appear in some English
versions of the Bible. One verse that is probably responsible for more
deaths of suspected witches than any other passage from the Hebrew
Scriptures (Old Testament) is Exodus 22:18. In the King James Version, this reads: "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." The precise meaning of the Hebrew word mechshepha (root kashaph) here translated as 'witch' and in some other modern versions, 'sorceress', is uncertain. In the Septuagint it was translated as pharmakeia, meaning 'pharmacy', and on this basis, Reginald Scot claimed in the 16th century that 'witch' was an incorrect translation and poisoners were intended.
Informally, the word miracle is often used to characterise any beneficial event that is statistically unlikely but not contrary to the laws of nature, such as surviving a natural disaster,
or simply a "wonderful" occurrence, regardless of likelihood, such as a
birth, a human conclusion reached after an actual, or supposed event,
has occurred. Other such miracles might be: survival of an illness
diagnosed as terminal, escaping a life-threatening situation or 'beating
the odds'. Some coincidences may be seen as miracles.
A true miracle would, by definition, be a non-natural phenomenon,
leading many thinkers to dismiss them as physically impossible (that
is, requiring violation of established laws of physics within their
domain of validity) or impossible to confirm by their nature (because
all possible physical mechanisms can never be ruled out). The former
position is expressed for instance by Thomas Jefferson and the latter by David Hume. Theologians typically say that, with divine providence, God regularly works through nature yet, as a creator, is free to work without, above, or against it as well.
Definitions
The
word "miracle" is usually used to describe any beneficial event that is
physically impossible or impossible to confirm by nature. Wayne Grudem defines miracle as "a less common kind of God's activity in which he arouses people's awe and wonder and bears witness to himself." Deistic perspective of God's relation to the world defines miracle as a direct intervention of God into the world.
Explanations
Supernatural acts
A miracle is a phenomenon not explained by known laws of nature. Criteria for classifying an event as a miracle vary. Often a religious text, such as the Bible or Quran, states that a miracle occurred, and believers may accept this as a fact.
Law of truly large numbers
Statistically "impossible" events are often called miracles. For
instance, when three classmates accidentally meet in a different country
decades after having left school, they may consider this as
"miraculous". However, a colossal number of events happen every moment
on earth; thus extremely unlikely coincidences also happen every moment.
Events that are considered "impossible" are therefore not impossible at
all — they are just increasingly rare and dependent on the number of
individual events. British mathematician J. E. Littlewood
suggested that individuals should statistically expect one-in-a-million
events ("miracles") to happen to them at the rate of about one per
month. By Littlewood's definition, seemingly miraculous events are
actually commonplace.
In his Tractatus Theologico-PoliticusSpinoza claims
that miracles are merely lawlike events whose causes we are ignorant
of. We should not treat them as having no cause or of having a cause
immediately available. Rather the miracle is for combating the ignorance
it entails, like a political project.
David Hume
According to the philosopher David Hume,
a miracle is "a transgression of a law of nature by a particular
volition of the Deity, or by the interposition of some invisible agent".
The crux of his argument is this: "No testimony is sufficient to
establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its
falsehood would be more miraculous, than the fact which it endeavours to
establish." Hume defines miracles as "a violation of the laws of
nature", or more fully, "a transgression of a law of nature by a
particular volition of the Deity, or by the interposition of some
invisible agent." By this definition, a miracle goes against our regular
experience of how the universe works. As miracles are single events,
the evidence for them is always limited and we experience them rarely.
On the basis of experience and evidence, the probability that miracle
occurred is always less than the probability that it did not occur. As
it is rational to believe what is more probable, we are not supposed to
have a good reason to believe that a miracle occurred.
Friedrich Schleiermacher
According to the Christian theologianFriedrich Schleiermacher "every event, even the most natural and usual, becomes a miracle as soon as the religious view of it can be the dominant".
Søren Kierkegaard
The philosopher Søren Kierkegaard, following Hume and Johann Georg Hamann, a Humean scholar, agrees with Hume's definition of a miracle as a transgression of a law of nature, but Kierkegaard, writing as his pseudonym Johannes Climacus,
regards any historical reports to be less than certain, including
historical reports of miracles, as all historical knowledge is always
doubtful and open to approximation.
James Keller
James Keller
states that "The claim that God has worked a miracle implies that God
has singled out certain persons for some benefit which many others do
not receive implies that God is unfair."
Religious views
According to a 2011 poll by the Pew Research Center, more than 90 percent of evangelical Christians believe miracles still take place.
While Christians see God as sometimes intervening in human activities,
Muslims see Allah as a direct cause of all events. "God’s overwhelming
closeness makes it easy for Muslims to admit the miraculous in the
world."
Buddhism
The Haedong Kosung-jon of Korea (Biographies of High Monks) records that King Beopheung of Silla
had desired to promulgate Buddhism as the state religion. However,
officials in his court opposed him. In the fourteenth year of his reign,
Beopheung's "Grand Secretary", Ichadon,
devised a strategy to overcome court opposition. Ichadon schemed with
the king, convincing him to make a proclamation granting Buddhism
official state sanction using the royal seal. Ichadon told the king to
deny having made such a proclamation when the opposing officials
received it and demanded an explanation. Instead, Ichadon would confess
and accept the punishment of execution, for what would quickly be seen
as a forgery. Ichadon prophesied to the king that at his execution a
wonderful miracle would convince the opposing court faction of
Buddhism's power. Ichadon's scheme went as planned, and the opposing
officials took the bait. When Ichadon was executed on the 15th day of
the 9th month in 527, his prophecy was fulfilled; the earth shook, the
sun was darkened, beautiful flowers rained from the sky, his severed
head flew to the sacred Geumgang mountains, and milk instead of blood
sprayed 100 feet in the air from his beheaded corpse. The omen was
accepted by the opposing court officials as a manifestation of heaven's
approval, and Buddhism was made the state religion in 527 CE.
The Honchō Hokke Reigenki (c. 1040) of Japan contains a collection of Buddhist miracle stories.
Miracles play an important role in the veneration of Buddhist
relics in Southern Asia. Thus, Somawathie Stupa in Sri Lanka is an
increasingly popular site of pilgrimage and tourist destination thanks
to multiple reports about miraculous rays of light, apparitions and
modern legends, which often have been fixed in photographs and movies.
Christianity
The gospels record three sorts of miracles performed by Jesus: exorcisms, cures, and nature wonders. In the Gospel of John
the miracles are referred to as "signs" and the emphasis is on God
demonstrating his underlying normal activity in remarkable ways. In the New Testament, the greatest miracle is the resurrection of Jesus, the event central to Christian faith.
Jesus explains in the New Testament that miracles are performed by faith
in God. "If you have faith as small as a mustard seed, you can say to
this mountain, 'move from here to there' and it will move." (Gospel of Matthew
17:20). After Jesus returned to heaven, the Book of Acts records the
disciples of Jesus praying to God to grant that miracles be done in his
name for the purpose of convincing onlookers that he is alive. (Acts 4:29–31).
Other passages mention false prophets
who will be able to perform miracles to deceive "if possible, even the
elect of Christ" (Matthew 24:24). 2 Thessalonians 2:9 says, "And then
shall that Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume with the
spirit of His mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of His
coming: Even him, whose coming is after the working of Satan with all
power and signs and lying wonders, and with all deceivableness of
unrighteousness in them that perish; because they received not the love
of the Truth, that they might be saved." Revelation 13:13,14 says, "And
he doeth great wonders, so that he maketh fire come down from heaven on
the earth in the sight of men, and deceiveth them that dwell on the
earth by the means of those miracles which he had power to do in the
sight of the beast; saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they
should make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a sword, and
did live." Revelation 16:14 says, "For they are the spirits of devils,
working miracles, which go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the
whole world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God
Almighty." Revelation 19:20 says, "And the beast was taken, and with him
the false prophet that wrought miracles before him, with which he
deceived them that had received the mark of the beast, and them that
worshipped his image. These both were cast alive into a lake of fire
burning with brimstone." These passages indicate that signs, wonders,
and miracles are not necessarily committed by God. These miracles not
committed by God are labeled as false(pseudo) miracles though which
could mean that they are deceptive in nature and are not the same as the
true miracles committed by God.
In early Christianity miracles were the most often attested motivations for conversions of pagans;
pagan Romans took the existence of miracles for granted; Christian
texts reporting them offered miracles as divine proof of the Christian
God's unique claim to authority, relegating all other gods to the lower
status of daimones: "of all worships, the Christian best and most particularly advertised its miracles by driving out of spirits and laying on of hands". The Gospel of John is structured around miraculous "signs": The success of the Apostles according to the church historian Eusebius of Caesarea lay in their miracles: "though laymen in their language", he asserted, "they drew courage from divine, miraculous powers". The conversion of Constantine by a miraculous sign in heaven is a prominent fourth-century example.
Since the Age of Enlightenment, miracles have often needed to be rationalized: C.S. Lewis, Norman Geisler, William Lane Craig,
and other 20th-century Christians have argued that miracles are
reasonable and plausible. For example, Lewis said that a miracle is
something that comes totally out of the blue. If for thousands of years a
woman can become pregnant only by sexual intercourse with a man, then
if she were to become pregnant without a man, it would be a miracle.
The Catholic Church believes miracles are works of God, either directly, or through the prayers and intercessions of a specific saint
or saints. There is usually a specific purpose connected to a miracle,
e.g. the conversion of a person or persons to the Catholic faith or the
construction of a church desired by God. The Church says that it tries
to be very cautious to approve the validity of putative miracles. The
Catholic Church says that it maintains particularly stringent
requirements in validating the miracle's authenticity. The process is overseen by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints.
The Catholic Church has listed several events as miracles, some
of them occurring in modern times. Before a person can be accepted as a
saint, they must be posthumously confirmed to have performed two
miracles. In the procedure of beatification of Pope John Paul II, who died in 2005, the Vatican announced on 14 January 2011 that Pope Benedict XVI had confirmed that the recovery of Sister Marie Simon-Pierre from Parkinson's disease was a miracle.
According to 17th century documents, a young Spanish man's leg was miraculously restored to him in 1640 after having been amputated two and a half years earlier.
Another miracle approved by the Church is the Miracle of the Sun, which is said to have occurred near Fátima, Portugal on October 13, 1917. According to legend, between 70,000 and 100,000 people, who were gathered at a cove
near Fátima, witnessed the sunlight dim and change colors, and the Sun
spin, dance about in the sky, and appear to plummet to earth, radiating
great heat in the process. After the ten-minute event, the ground and
the people's clothing, which had been drenched by a previous rainstorm,
were both dry.
Velankanni (Mary) can be traced to the mid-16th century and is attributed to three miracles: the apparition of Mary and the Christ Child to a slumbering shepherd boy, the curing of a lame buttermilk vendor, and the rescue of Portuguese sailors from a violent sea storm.
In addition to these, the Catholic Church attributes miraculous
causes to many otherwise inexplicable phenomena on a case-by-case basis.
Only after all other possible explanations have been asserted to be
inadequate will the Church assume divine intervention and declare
the miracle worthy of veneration by their followers. The Church does
not, however, enjoin belief in any extra-Scriptural miracle as an article of faith or as necessary for salvation.
These
works that are done by God outside the usual order assigned to things
are wont to be called miracles: because we are astonished (admiramur)
at a thing when we see an effect without knowing the cause. And since
at times one and the same cause is known to some and unknown to others,
it happens that of several who see an effect, some are astonished and
some not: thus an astronomer is not astonished when he sees an eclipse
of the sun, for he knows the cause; whereas one who is ignorant of this science
must needs wonder, since he knows not the cause. Wherefore it is
wonderful to the latter but not to the former. Accordingly a thing is
wonderful simply, when its cause is hidden simply: and this is what we
mean by a miracle: something, to wit, that is wonderful in itself and
not only in respect of this person or that. Now God is the cause which
is hidden to every man simply: for we have proved above that in this
state of life no man can comprehend Him by his intellect. Therefore
properly speaking miracles are works done by God outside the order
usually observed in things.
Of these miracles there are various degrees and orders. The highest degree
in miracles comprises those works wherein something is done by God,
that nature can never do: for instance, that two bodies occupy the same
place, that the sun recede or stand still, that the sea be divided and
make way to passers by. Among these there is a certain order: for the
greater the work done by God, and the further it is removed from the
capability of nature, the greater the miracle: thus it is a greater
miracle that the sun recede, than that the waters be divided.
The second degree in miracles
belongs to those whereby God does something that nature can do, but not
in the same order: thus it is a work of nature that an animal live, see
and walk: but that an animal live after being dead, see after being
blind, walk after being lame, this nature cannot do, but God does these
things sometimes by a miracle. Among these miracles also, there are
degrees, according as the thing done is further removed from the faculty
of nature.
The third degree of miracles is when God
does what is wont to be done by the operation of nature, but without
the operation of the natural principles: for instance when by the power
of God a man is cured of a fever that nature is able to cure; or when it
rains without the operation of the principles of nature.
Evangelicalism
For a majority of Evangelical Christians, biblicism ensures that the miracles described in the Bible are still relevant and may be present in the life of the believer. Healings, academic or professional successes, the birth of a child after several attempts, the end of an addiction, etc., would be tangible examples of God's intervention with the faith and prayer, by the Holy Spirit. In the 1980s, the neo-charismatic movement re-emphasized miracles and faith healing. In certain churches, a special place is thus reserved for faith healings with laying on of hands during worship services or for campaigns evangelization. Faith healing or divine healing is considered to be an inheritance of Jesus acquired by his death and resurrection.
Hinduism
In Hinduism, miracles are focused on episodes of liberation of the spirit. A key example is the revelation of Krishna to Arjuna,
wherein Krishna persuades Arjuna to rejoin the battle against his
cousins by briefly and miraculously giving Arjuna the power to see the
true scope of the Universe, and its sustainment within Krishna, which
requires divine vision. This is a typical situation in Hindu mythology
wherein "wondrous acts are performed for the purpose of bringing
spiritual liberation to those who witness or read about them."
Hindu sages have criticized both expectation and reliance on
miracles as cheats, situations where people have sought to earn a
benefit without doing the work necessary to merit it.
Miracles continue to be occasionally reported in the practice of
Hinduism, with an example of a miracle modernly reported in Hinduism
being the Hindu milk miracle
of September 1995, with additional occurrences in 2006 and 2010,
wherein statues of certain Hindu deities were seen to drink milk offered
to them.The scientific explanation for the incident, attested by Indian
academics, was that the material was wicked from the offering bowls by capillary action.
Islam
"Miracle" in the Quran can be defined as a supernatural intervention in the life of human beings. According to this definition, miracles are present "in a threefold sense: in sacred history, in connection with Muhammad himself and in relation to revelation". The Quran does not use the technical Arabic word for miracle (Muʿd̲j̲iza)
literally meaning "that by means of which [the Prophet] confounds,
overwhelms, his opponents". It rather uses the term 'Ayah' (literally
meaning sign). The term Ayah
is used in the Qur'an in the above-mentioned threefold sense: it refers
to the "verses" of the Qur'an (believed to be the divine speech in human language; presented by Muhammad as his chief Miracle); as well as to miracles of it and the signs (particularly those of creation).
To defend the possibility of miracles and God's omnipotence
against the encroachment of the independent secondary causes, some
medieval Muslim theologians such as Al-Ghazali rejected the idea of cause and effect
in essence, but accepted it as something that facilitates humankind's
investigation and comprehension of natural processes. They argued that
the nature was composed of uniform atoms that were "re-created" at every
instant by God. Thus if the soil was to fall, God would have to create
and re-create the accident of heaviness for as long as the soil was to
fall. For Muslim theologians, the laws of nature were only the customary
sequence of apparent causes: customs of God.
Sufi
biographical literature records claims of miraculous accounts of men
and women. The miraculous prowess of the Sufi holy men includes firasa (clairvoyance), the ability to disappear from sight, to become completely invisible and practice buruz (exteriorization).
The holy men reportedly tame wild beasts and traverse long distances in
a very short time span. They could also produce food and rain in
seasons of drought, heal the sick and help barren women conceive.
Judaism
Descriptions of miracles (Hebrew Ness, נס) appear in the Tanakh. Examples include prophets, such as Elijah who performed miracles like the raising of a widow's dead son (1 Kings 17:17–24) and Elisha whose miracles include multiplying the poor widow's jar of oil (2 Kings 4:1–7) and restoring to life the son of the woman of Shunem (2 Kings 4:18–37). The Torah describes many miracles related to Moses during his time as a prophet and the Exodus of the Israelites. Parting the Red Sea, and facilitating the Plagues of Egypt are among the most famous.
During the first century BCE, a variety of religious movements and splinter groups developed amongst the Jews in Judea. A number of individuals claimed to be miracle workers in the tradition of Moses, Elijah, and Elisha, the Jewish prophets. The Talmud provides some examples of such Jewish miracle workers, one of whom is Honi HaM'agel, who was famous for his ability to successfully pray for rain.
There are people who obscure all
miracles by explaining them in terms of the laws of nature. When these
heretics who do not believe in miracles disappear and faith increases in
the world, then the Mashiach will come. For the essence of the
Redemption primarily depends on this – that is, on faith
Most Chasidic communities are rife with tales of miracles that follow a yechidut, a spiritual audience with a tzadik: barren women become pregnant, cancer tumors shrink, wayward children become pious. Many Hasidim claim that miracles can take place in merit of partaking of the shirayim (the leftovers from the rebbe's meal), such as miraculous healing or blessings of wealth or piety.
Criticism
Thomas Paine,
one of the Founding Fathers of the American Revolution, wrote “All the
tales of miracles, with which the Old and New Testament are filled, are
fit only for impostors to preach and fools to believe”.
Thomas Jefferson,
principal author of the Declaration of Independence of the United
States, edited a version of the Bible in which he removed sections of
the New Testament containing supernatural aspects as well as perceived
misinterpretations he believed had been added by the Four Evangelists.
Jefferson wrote, "The establishment of the innocent and genuine
character of this benevolent moralist, and the rescuing it from the
imputation of imposture, which has resulted from artificial systems,
[footnote: e.g. The immaculate conception of Jesus, his deification, the
creation of the world by him, his miraculous powers, his resurrection
and visible ascension, his corporeal presence in the Eucharist, the
Trinity; original sin, atonement, regeneration, election, orders of
Hierarchy, etc. —T.J.] invented by ultra-Christian sects, unauthorized
by a single word ever uttered by him, is a most desirable object, and
one to which Priestley has successfully devoted his labors and
learning."
John Adams,
second President of the United States, wrote, "The question before the
human race is, whether the God of nature shall govern the world by his
own laws, or whether priests and kings shall rule it by fictitious
miracles?"
American Revolutionary War patriot and hero Ethan Allen
wrote "In those parts of the world where learning and science have
prevailed, miracles have ceased; but in those parts of it as are
barbarous and ignorant, miracles are still in vogue".
Robert Ingersoll
wrote, "Not 20 people were convinced by the reported miracles of
Christ, and yet people of the nineteenth century were coolly asked to be
convinced on hearsay by miracles which those who are supposed to have
seen them refused to credit."
Elbert Hubbard,
American writer, publisher, artist, and philosopher, wrote "A miracle
is an event described by those to whom it was told by people who did not
see it."
Mathematician Charles Hermite,
in a discourse upon the world of mathematical truths and the physical
world, stated that "The synthesis of the two is revealed partially in
the marvellous correspondence between abstract mathematics on the one
hand and all the branches of physics on the other".
Baden Powell,
an English mathematician and Church of England priest, stated that if
God is a lawgiver, then a "miracle" would break the lawful edicts that
had been issued at Creation. Therefore, a belief in miracles would be
entirely atheistic.