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Gaddafi at the 12th African Union conference in 2009
After coming to power, the RCC government initiated a process of
directing funds toward providing education, health care and housing for
all. Public education in the country became free and primary education
compulsory for both sexes. Medical care became available to the public
at no cost, but providing housing for all was a task the RCC government
was not able to complete. Under Gaddafi, per capita income in the country rose to more than US $11,000, the fifth highest in Africa.
The increase in prosperity was accompanied by a controversial foreign
policy, and there was increased domestic political repression.
During the 1980s and 1990s, Gaddafi, in alliance with the
Eastern Bloc and
Fidel Castro's Cuba, openly supported rebel movements like
Nelson Mandela's African National Congress, the
Palestine Liberation Organization, the
Irish Republican Army and the
Polisario Front (
Western Sahara).
Gaddafi's government was either known to be or suspected of
participating in or aiding terrorist acts by these and other proxy
forces. Additionally, Gaddafi undertook several invasions of neighboring
states in Africa, notably
Chad in the 1970s and 1980s. All of his actions led to a deterioration of
Libya's foreign relations with several countries, mostly
Western states, and culminated in the
1986 United States bombing of Libya. Gaddafi defended his government's actions by citing the need to support
anti-imperialist and anti-colonial movements around the world. Notably, Gaddafi supported
anti-Zionist,
pan-Africanist and
black civil rights
movements. Gaddafi's behavior, often erratic, led some outsiders to
conclude that he was not mentally sound, a claim disputed by the Libyan
authorities and other observers close to Gaddafi. Despite receiving
extensive aid and technical assistance from the
Soviet Union and its allies, Gaddafi retained close ties to pro-American governments in
Western Europe, largely by
incentivising Western oil companies with promises of access to lucrative Libyan energy sectors. After the
9/11 attacks,
strained relations between Libya and the West were mostly normalised,
and sanctions against the country relaxed, in exchange for
Libyan efforts to shrink its nuclear program.
In early 2011,
a civil war broke out in the context of the wider "
Arab Spring". The rebel
anti-Gaddafi forces formed a committee named the
National Transitional Council on 27 February 2011. It was meant to act as an
interim authority in the rebel-controlled areas. After killings by government forces in addition to those by the rebel forces, a
multinational coalition led by
NATO forces intervened on 21 March 2011 in support of the rebels. The
International Criminal Court
issued an arrest warrant against Gaddafi and his entourage on 27 June
2011. Gaddafi's government was overthrown in the wake of the
fall of Tripoli
to the rebel forces on 20 August 2011, although pockets of resistance
held by forces in support of Gaddafi's government held out for another
two months, especially in Gaddafi's hometown of
Sirte, which he declared the new capital of Libya on 1 September 2011.
The fall of the last remaining cities under pro-Gaddafi control and
Sirte's capture on 20 October 2011, followed by the subsequent
killing of Gaddafi, marked the end of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
The name of Libya was changed several times during Gaddafi's
tenure as leader. At first, the name was the Libyan Arab Republic. In
1977, the name was changed to
Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
Jamahiriya was a term coined by Gaddafi, usually translated as "state of the masses". The country was renamed again in 1986 as the
Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, after the
1986 United States bombing of Libya.
Coup d'état of 1969
The discovery of significant
oil reserves in 1959 and the subsequent income from
petroleum sales enabled the
Kingdom of Libya
to transition from one of the world's poorest nations to a wealthy
state. Although oil drastically improved the Libyan government's
finances, resentment began to build over the increased concentration of
the nation's wealth in the hands of the noble
King Idris. This discontent mounted with the rise of
Nasserism and
Arab nationalism/
socialism throughout North Africa and the Middle East.
On 1 September 1969, a group of about 70 young army officers
known as the Free Officers Movement and enlisted men mostly assigned to
the
Signal Corps, seized control of the government and in a stroke abolished the Libyan monarchy. The coup was launched at
Benghazi,
and within two hours the takeover was completed. Army units quickly
rallied in support of the coup, and within a few days firmly established
military control in Tripoli and elsewhere throughout the country.
Popular reception of the coup, especially by younger people in the urban
areas, was enthusiastic. Fears of resistance in
Cyrenaica and
Fezzan proved unfounded. No deaths or violent incidents related to the coup were reported.
The Free Officers Movement, which claimed credit for carrying out
the coup, was headed by a twelve-member directorate that designated
itself the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC). This body constituted
the Libyan government after the coup. In its initial proclamation on 1
September, the RCC declared the country to be a free and sovereign state called the Libyan Arab Republic,
which would proceed "in the path of freedom, unity, and social justice,
guaranteeing the right of equality to its citizens, and opening before
them the doors of honorable work." The rule of the Turks and Italians
and the "reactionary" government just overthrown were characterized as
belonging to "dark ages", from which the Libyan people were called to
move forward as "free brothers" to a new age of prosperity, equality,
and honor.
The RCC advised diplomatic representatives in Libya that the
revolutionary changes had not been directed from outside the country,
that existing treaties and agreements would remain in effect, and that
foreign lives and property would be protected. Diplomatic recognition of
the new government came quickly from countries throughout the world.
United States recognition was officially extended on 6 September.
Post-coup
In view of the lack of internal resistance, it appeared that the
chief danger to the new government lay in the possibility of a reaction
inspired by the absent King Idris or his designated heir,
Hasan Al-Rida,
who had been taken into custody at the time of the coup along with
other senior civil and military officials of the royal government.
Within days of the coup, however, Hasan publicly renounced all rights to
the throne, stated his support for the new government, and called on
the people to accept it without violence.
Idris, in an exchange of messages with the RCC through Egypt's President
Nasser,
dissociated himself from reported attempts to secure British
intervention and disclaimed any intention of coming back to Libya. In
return, he was assured by the RCC of the safety of his family still in
the country. At his own request and with Nasser's approval, Idris took
up residence once again in Egypt, where he had spent his first exile and
where he remained until his death in 1983.
On 7 September 1969, the RCC announced that it had appointed a
cabinet to conduct the government of the new republic. An
American-educated technician,
Mahmud Sulayman al-Maghribi,
who had been imprisoned since 1967 for his political activities, was
designated prime minister. He presided over the eight-member Council of
Ministers, of whom six, like Maghrabi, were civilians and two –
Adam Said Hawwaz and
Musa Ahmad – were military officers. Neither of the officers was a member of the RCC.
The Council of Ministers was instructed to "implement the state's
general policy as drawn up by the RCC", leaving no doubt where ultimate
authority rested. The next day the RCC decided to promote Captain
Gaddafi to colonel and to appoint him commander in chief of the Libyan
Armed Forces. Although RCC spokesmen declined until January 1970 to
reveal any other names of RCC members, it was apparent from that date
onward that the head of the RCC and new de facto head of state was Gaddafi.
Analysts were quick to point out the striking similarities
between the Libyan military coup of 1969 and that in Egypt under Nasser
in 1952, and it became clear that the Egyptian experience and the
charismatic figure of Nasser had formed the model for the Free Officers
Movement. As the RCC in the last months of 1969 moved vigorously to
institute domestic reforms, it proclaimed neutrality in the
confrontation between the superpowers and opposition to all forms of
colonialism and "imperialism". It also made clear Libya's dedication to
Arab unity and to the support of the Palestinian cause against Israel.
The RCC reaffirmed the country's identity as part of the "Arab nation" and its state religion as
Islam.
It abolished parliamentary institutions, all legislative functions
being assumed by the RCC, and continued the prohibition against
political parties, in effect since 1952. The new government
categorically rejected communism – in large part because it was
atheist
– and officially espoused an Arab interpretation of socialism that
integrated Islamic principles with social, economic, and political
reform. Libya had shifted, virtually overnight, from the camp of
conservative Arab traditionalist states to that of the radical
nationalist states.
Libyan Arab Republic (1969–1977)
Attempted counter-coups
Following the formation of the Libyan Arab Republic,
Gaddafi and his associates insisted that their government would not
rest on individual leadership, but rather on collegial decision making.
The first major cabinet change occurred soon after the first
challenge to the government. In December 1969, Adam Said Hawwaz, the
minister of defense, and Musa Ahmad, the minister of interior, were
arrested and accused of planning a coup. In the new cabinet formed after
the crisis, Gaddafi, retaining his post as chairman of the RCC, also
became prime minister and defense minister.
Major Abdel Salam Jallud, generally regarded as second only to Gaddafi in the RCC, became deputy prime minister and minister of interior. This cabinet totaled thirteen members, of whom five were RCC officers. The government was challenged a second time in July 1970 when Abdullah Abid Sanusi and
Ahmed al-Senussi,
distant cousins of former King Idris, and members of the Sayf an Nasr
clan of Fezzan were accused of plotting to seize power for themselves.
After the plot was foiled, a substantial cabinet change occurred, RCC
officers for the first time forming a majority among new ministers.
Assertion of Gaddafi's control
From
the start, RCC spokesmen had indicated a serious intent to bring the
"defunct regime" to account. In 1971 and 1972 more than 200 former
government officials—including seven prime ministers and numerous
cabinet ministers—as well as former King Idris and members of the royal
family, were brought to trial on charges of treason and corruption in
the
Libyan People's Court.
Many, who like Idris lived in exile, were
tried in absentia.
Although a large percentage of those charged were acquitted, sentences
of up to fifteen years in prison and heavy fines were imposed on others.
Five death sentences, all but one of them
in absentia, were pronounced, among them, one against Idris.
Fatima, the former queen, and Hasan ar Rida were sentenced to five and three years in prison, respectively.
Meanwhile, Gaddafi and the RCC had disbanded the
Sanusi order
and officially downgraded its historical role in achieving Libya's
independence. He also attacked regional and tribal differences as
obstructions in the path of social advancement and Arab unity,
dismissing traditional leaders and drawing administrative boundaries
across
tribal groupings.
The Free Officers Movement was renamed "
Arab Socialist Union" (ASU) in 1971, modeled after Egypt's
Arab Socialist Union, and made the
sole legal party
in Gaddafi's Libya. It acted as a "vehicle of national expression",
purporting to "raise the political consciousness of Libyans" and to
"aid the RCC in formulating public policy through debate in open
forums".
Trade unions were incorporated into the ASU and strikes outlawed. The
press, already subject to censorship, was officially conscripted in 1972
as an agent of the revolution. Italians and what remained of the Jewish
community were expelled from the country and their property confiscated
in October 1970.
In 1972, Libya joined the
Federation of Arab Republics with
Egypt and
Syria but the intended union of pan-Arabic states never had the intended success, and was effectively dormant after 1973.
As months passed, Gaddafi, caught up in his
apocalyptic visions of revolutionary
Pan-Arabism
and Islam locked in mortal struggle with what he termed the encircling,
demonic forces of reaction, imperialism, and Zionism, increasingly
devoted attention to international rather than internal affairs. As a
result, routine administrative tasks fell to Major Jallud, who in 1972
became prime minister in place of Gaddafi. Two years later Jallud
assumed Gaddafi's remaining administrative and protocol duties to allow
Gaddafi to devote his time to revolutionary theorizing. Gaddafi remained
commander in chief of the armed forces and effective head of state. The
foreign press speculated about an eclipse of his authority and
personality within the RCC, but Gaddafi soon dispelled such theories by
his measures to restructure Libyan society.
Alignment with the Soviet bloc
After the September coup, U.S. forces proceeded deliberately with the planned withdrawal from
Wheelus Air Base
under the agreement made with the previous government. The last of the
American contingent turned the facility over to the Libyans on 11 June
1970, a date thereafter celebrated in Libya as a national holiday.
As relations with the U.S. steadily deteriorated, Gaddafi forged close links with the
Soviet Union and other
Eastern Bloc
countries, all the while maintaining Libya's stance as a nonaligned
country and opposing the spread of communism in the Arab world. Libya's
army—sharply increased from the 6,000-man prerevolutionary force that
had been trained and equipped by the British—was armed with Soviet-built
armor and missiles.
Petroleum politics
The
economic base for Libya's revolution has been its oil revenues.
However, Libya's petroleum reserves were small compared with those of
other major Arab petroleum-producing states. As a consequence, Libya was
more ready to ration output in order to conserve its natural wealth and
less responsive to moderating its price-rise demands than the other
countries. Petroleum was seen both as a means of financing the economic
and social development of a woefully underdeveloped country and as a
political weapon to brandish in the Arab struggle against Israel.
The increase in production that followed the 1969 revolution was
accompanied by Libyan demands for higher petroleum prices, a greater
share of revenues, and more control over the development of the
country's petroleum industry. Foreign petroleum companies agreed to a
price hike of more than three times the going rate (from US$0.90 to
US$3.45 per barrel) early in 1971. In December, the Libyan government
suddenly nationalized the holdings of
British Petroleum
in Libya and withdrew funds amounting to approximately US$550 million
invested in British banks as a result of a foreign policy dispute.
British Petroleum rejected as inadequate a Libyan offer of compensation,
and the British treasury banned Libya from participation in the
sterling area.
In 1973, the Libyan government announced the nationalization of a
controlling interest in all other petroleum companies operating in the
country. This step gave Libya control of about 60 percent of its
domestic oil production by early 1974, a figure that subsequently rose
to 70 percent. Total nationalization was out of the question, given the
need for foreign expertise and funds in oil exploration, production, and
distribution.
1973 oil crisis
Insisting
on the continued use of petroleum as leverage against Israel and its
supporters in the West, Libya strongly urged the Organization of
Petroleum Exporting Countries (
OPEC) to
take action in 1973,
and Libyan militancy was partially responsible for OPEC measures to
raise oil prices, impose embargoes, and gain control of production. On
19 October 1973, Libya was the first Arab nation to issue an oil embargo
against the United States after US President Richard Nixon announced
the US would provide Israel with a $2.2 billion military aid program
during the
Yom Kippur War. Saudi Arabia and other Arab oil producing nations in OPEC would follow suit the next day.
While the other Arab nations lifted their oil embargoes on 18 March 1974, the Gaddafi regime refused to do so.
As a consequence of such policies, Libya's oil production declined by
half between 1970 and 1974, while revenues from oil exports more than
quadrupled. Production continued to fall, bottoming out at an
eleven-year low in 1975 at a time when the government was preparing to
invest large amounts of petroleum revenues in other sectors of the
economy. Thereafter, output stabilized at about two million barrels per
day. Production and hence income declined yet again in the early 1980s
because of the high price of Libyan crude and because recession in the
industrialized world reduced demand for oil from all sources.
Libya's Five-Year Economic and Social Transformation Plan
(1976–80), announced in 1975, was programmed to pump US$20 billion into
the development of a broad range of economic activities that would
continue to provide income after Libya's petroleum reserves had been
exhausted. Agriculture was slated to receive the largest share of aid in
an effort to make Libya self-sufficient in food and to help keep the
rural population on the land. Industry, of which there was little before
the revolution, also received a significant amount of funding in the
first development plan as well as in the second, launched in 1981.
Transition to the Jamahiriya (1973–1977)
(Alfateh, 1 September 1969) Festivity Alfateh in Bayda, Libya, on 1 September 2010.
The "remaking of Libyan society" contained in Gaddafi's ideological
visions began to be put into practice formally in 1973, with a so-called
cultural or popular revolution. This revolution was designed to create
bureaucratic efficiency, public interest and participation in the
subnational governmental system, and national political coordination. In
an attempt to instill revolutionary fervor into his compatriots and to
involve large numbers of them in political affairs, Gaddafi urged them
to challenge traditional authority and to take over and run government
organs themselves. The instrument for doing this was the people's
committee. Within a few months, such committees were found all across
Libya. They were functionally and geographically based, and eventually
became responsible for local and regional administration.
People's committees were established in such widely divergent
organizations as universities, private business firms, government
bureaucracies, and the broadcast media. Geographically based committees
were formed at the governorate, municipal, and zone (lowest) levels.
Seats on the people's committees at the zone level were filled by direct
popular election; members so elected could then be selected for service
at higher levels. By mid-1973 estimates of the number of people's
committees ranged above 2,000. In the scope of their administrative and
regulatory tasks and the method of their members' selection, the
people's committees purportedly embodied the concept of
direct democracy that Gaddafi propounded in the first volume of
The Green Book,
which appeared in 1976. The same concept lay behind proposals to create
a new political structure composed of "people's congresses." The
centerpiece of the new system was the
General People's Congress (GPC), a national representative body intended to replace the RCC.
Libyan–Egyptian War
On July 21, 1977, there were first gun battles between troops on the
border, followed by land and air strikes. Relations between the Libyan
and the Egyptian government had been deteriorating ever since the end of
Yom Kippur War from October 1973, due to Libyan opposition to President
Anwar Sadat's
peace policy as well as the breakdown of unification talks between the
two governments. There is some proof that the Egyptian government was
considering a war against Libya as early as 1974. On February 28, 1974,
during
Henry Kissinger's
visit to Egypt, President Sadat told him about such intentions and
requested that pressure be put on the Israeli government not to launch
an attack on Egypt in the event of its forces being occupied in war with
Libya.
In addition, the Egyptian government had broken its military ties with
Moscow, while the Libyan government kept that cooperation going. The
Egyptian government also gave assistance to former
RCC members Major Abd al Munim al Huni and Omar Muhayshi, who unsuccessfully tried to overthrow
Muammar Gaddafi
in 1975, and allowed them to reside in Egypt. During 1976 relations
were ebbing, as the Egyptian government claimed to have discovered a
Libyan plot to overthrow the government in Cairo. On January 26, 1976,
Egyptian Vice President
Hosni Mubarak indicated in a talk with the US Ambassador
Hermann Eilts
that the Egyptian government intended to exploit internal problems in
Libya to promote actions against Libya, but did not elaborate.
On July 22, 1976, the Libyan government made a public threat to break
diplomatic relations with Cairo if Egyptian subversive actions
continued. On August 8, 1976, an explosion occurred in the bathroom of a government office in
Tahrir Square in Cairo, injuring 14, and the Egyptian government and media claimed this was done by Libyan agents.
The Egyptian government also claimed to have arrested two Egyptian
citizens trained by Libyan intelligence to perform sabotage within
Egypt. On August 23, an Egyptian passenger plane
was hijacked
by persons who reportedly worked with Libyan intelligence. They were
captured by Egyptian authorities in an operation that ended without any
casualties. In retaliation for accusations by the Egyptian government of
Libyan complicity in the hijacking, the Libyan government ordered the
closure of the Egyptian Consulate in Benghazi. On July 24, the combatants agreed to a
ceasefire under the mediation of the
President of Algeria Houari Boumediène and the
Palestine Liberation Organization leader
Yasser Arafat.
Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (1977–2011)
On 2 March 1977, the General People's Congress (GPC), at Gaddafi's
behest, adopted the "Declaration of the Establishment of the People's
Authority" and proclaimed the
Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (
Arabic:
الجماهيرية العربية الليبية الشعبية الاشتراكية
al-Jamāhīrīyah al-'Arabīyah al-Lībīyah ash-Sha'bīyah al-Ishtirākīyah).
In the official political philosophy of Gaddafi's state, the
"Jamahiriya" system was unique to the country, although it was presented
as the materialization of the
Third International Theory, proposed by Gaddafi to be applied to the entire
Third World.
The GPC also created the General Secretariat of the GPC, comprising the
remaining members of the defunct Revolutionary Command Council, with
Gaddafi as general secretary, and also appointed the General People's
Committee, which replaced the Council of Ministers, its members now
called secretaries rather than ministers.
Etymology
Jamahiriya (
Arabic:
جماهيرية
jamāhīrīyah) is an
Arabic term generally translated as "state of the masses"; Lisa Anderson
has suggested "peopledom" or "state of the masses" as a reasonable
approximations of the meaning of the term as intended by Gaddafi. The
term does not occur in this sense in
Muammar Gaddafi's
Green Book of 1975. The
nisba-adjective
jamāhīrīyah ("mass-, "of the masses") occurs only in the third part, published in 1981, in the phrase
إن الحركات التاريخية هي الحركات الجماهيرية (
Inna al-ḥarakāt at-tārīkhīyah hiya al-ḥarakāt al-jamāhīrīyah), translated in the English edition as "Historic movements are mass movements".
The word
jamāhīrīyah was derived from
jumhūrīyah, which is the usual Arabic translation of "republic". It was coined by changing the component
jumhūr — "public" — to its plural form,
jamāhīr — "the masses". Thus, it is similar to the term
People's Republic. It is often left untranslated in English, with the long-form name thus rendered as
Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. However, in
Hebrew, for instance,
jamāhīrīyah is translated as "קהילייה" (
qehiliyáh), a word also used to translate the term "Commonwealth" when referring to the designation of a country.
After weathering the
1986 U.S. bombing by the Reagan administration, Gaddafi added the specifier "Great" (
العظمى al-'Uẓmá) to the official name of the country.
Reforms (1977–1980)
The UNDP's Human Development Index (based on 2010 data, published on 4 November 2010)
|
0.900 and over
0.850–0.899
0.800–0.849
0.750–0.799
0.700–0.749
|
0.650–0.699
0.600–0.649
0.550–0.599
0.500–0.549
0.450–0.499
|
0.400–0.449
0.350–0.399
0.300–0.349
under 0.300
Data unavailable
|
Gaddafi as permanent "Leader of the Revolution"
The
changes in Libyan leadership since 1976 culminated in March 1979, when
the General People's Congress declared that the "vesting of power in the
masses" and the "separation of the state from the revolution" were
complete. The government was divided into two parts, the "Jamahiriya
sector" and the "revolutionary sector". The "Jamahiriya sector" was
composed of the General People's Congress, the General People's
Committee, and the local
Basic People's Congresses. Gaddafi relinquished his position as general secretary of the General People's Congress, as which he was succeeded by
Abdul Ati al-Obeidi, who had been prime minister since 1977.
The "Jamahiriya sector" was overseen by the "revolutionary sector", headed by Gaddafi as "Leader of the Revolution" (Qā'id)
and the surviving members of the Revolutionary Command Council, which
held office owing to their role in the 1969 coup and were therefore not
subject to election. They oversaw the "revolutionary committees", which
were nominally grass-roots organizations that helped keep the people
engaged. As a result, although Gaddafi held no formal government office
after 1979, he retained control of the government and the country. Gaddafi also remained supreme commander of the armed forces.
Administrative reforms
All
legislative and executive authority was vested in the GPC. This body,
however, delegated most of its important authority to its general
secretary and General Secretariat and to the General People's Committee.
Gaddafi, as general secretary of the GPC, remained the primary decision
maker, just as he had been when chairman of the RCC. In turn, all
adults had the right and duty to participate in the deliberation of
their local Basic People's Congress (BPC), whose decisions were passed
up to the GPC for consideration and implementation as national policy.
The BPCs were in theory the repository of ultimate political authority
and decision making, embodying what Gaddafi termed direct "people's
power". The 1977 declaration and its accompanying resolutions amounted
to a fundamental revision of the 1969 constitutional proclamation,
especially with respect to the structure and organization of the
government at both national and subnational levels.
Continuing to revamp Libya's political and administrative
structure, Gaddafi introduced yet another element into the body politic.
Beginning in 1977, "revolutionary committees" were organized and
assigned the task of "absolute revolutionary supervision of people's
power"; that is, they were to guide the people's committees, "raise the
general level of political consciousness and devotion to revolutionary
ideals". In reality, the revolutionary committees were used to survey
the population and repress any political opposition to Gaddafi's
autocratic rule. Reportedly 10% to 20% of Libyans worked in
surveillance for these committees, a proportion of informants on par
with
Ba'athist Iraq or
Juche Korea.
Filled with politically astute zealots, the ubiquitous
revolutionary committees in 1979 assumed control of BPC elections.
Although they were not official government organs, the revolutionary
committees became another mainstay of the domestic political scene. As
with the people's committees and other administrative innovations since
the revolution, the revolutionary committees fit the pattern of imposing
a new element on the existing subnational system of government rather
than eliminating or consolidating already existing structures. By the
late 1970s, the result was an unnecessarily complex system of
overlapping jurisdictions in which cooperation and coordination among
different elements were compromised by ill-defined authority and
responsibility. The ambiguity may have helped serve Gaddafi's aim to
remain the prime mover behind Libyan governance, while minimizing his
visibility at a time when internal opposition to political repression
was rising.
The RCC was formally dissolved and the government was again
reorganized into people's committees. A new General People's Committee
(cabinet) was selected, each of its "secretaries" becoming head of a
specialized people's committee; the exceptions were the "secretariats"
of petroleum, foreign affairs, and heavy industry, where there were no
people's committees. A proposal was also made to establish a "people's
army" by substituting a national militia, being formed in the late
1970s, for the national army. Although the idea surfaced again in early
1982, it did not appear to be close to implementation.
Gaddafi also wanted to combat the strict social restrictions that
had been imposed on women by the previous regime, establishing the
Revolutionary Women's Formation to encourage reform. In 1970, a law was
introduced affirming equality of the sexes and insisting on wage parity.
In 1971, Gaddafi sponsored the creation of a Libyan General Women's
Federation. In 1972, a law was passed criminalizing the marriage of any
females under the age of sixteen and ensuring that a woman's consent was
a necessary prerequisite for a marriage.
Economic reforms
Remaking of the economy was parallel with the attempt to remold
political and social institutions. Until the late 1970s, Libya's
economy was mixed,
with a large role for private enterprise except in the fields of oil
production and distribution, banking, and insurance. But according to
volume two of Gaddafi's Green Book, which appeared in 1978, private
retail trade, rent, and wages were forms of exploitation that should be
abolished. Instead,
workers' self-management committees and profit participation partnerships were to function in public and private enterprises.
A property law was passed that forbade ownership of more than one
private dwelling, and Libyan workers took control of a large number of
companies, turning them into state-run enterprises. Retail and wholesale
trading operations were replaced by state-owned "people's
supermarkets", where Libyans in theory could purchase whatever they
needed at low prices. By 1981 the state had also restricted access to
individual bank accounts to draw upon privately held funds for
government projects. The measures created resentment and opposition
among the newly dispossessed. The latter joined those already alienated,
some of whom had begun to leave the country. By 1982, perhaps 50,000 to
100,000 Libyans had gone abroad; because many of the emigrants were
among the enterprising and better educated Libyans, they represented a
significant loss of managerial and technical expertise.
The government also built a trans-Sahara water pipeline from
major aquifers to both a network of reservoirs and the towns of Tripoli,
Sirte and Benghazi in 2006–2007. It is part of the
Great Manmade River project, started in 1984. It is pumping large resources of water from the
Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System to both urban populations and new irrigation projects around the country.
Libya continued to be plagued with a shortage of skilled labor,
which had to be imported along with a broad range of consumer goods,
both paid for with petroleum income. The country consistently ranked as
the African nation with the highest HDI, standing at 0.755 in 2010,
which was 0.041 higher than the next highest African HDI that same year.
Gender equality was a major achievement under Gaddafi's rule. According
to Lisa Anderson, president of the American University in Cairo and an
expert on Libya, said that under Gaddafi more women attended university
and had "dramatically" more employment opportunities.
Military
Wars against Chad and Egypt
As early as 1969, Gaddafi waged a campaign against
Chad. Scholar Gerard Prunier claims part of his hostility was apparently because
Chadian President François Tombalbaye was Christian.
Libya was also involved in a sometimes violent territorial dispute with neighbouring Chad over the
Aouzou Strip, which Libya occupied in 1973. This dispute eventually led to the
Libyan invasion of Chad. The prolonged foray of Libyan troops into the
Aozou Strip
in northern Chad, was finally repulsed in 1987, when extensive US and
French help to Chadian rebel forces and the government headed by former
Defence Minister
Hissein Habré finally led to a Chadian victory in the so-called
Toyota War. The conflict ended in a ceasefire in 1987. After a judgement of the
International Court of Justice on 13 February 1994, Libya withdrew troops from Chad the same year and the dispute was settled.
Islamic Legion
In 1972, Gaddafi created the
Islamic Legion as a tool to unify and Arabize the region. The priority of the Legion was first Chad, and then Sudan. In
Darfur, a western province of Sudan, Gaddafi supported the creation of the
Arab Gathering
(Tajammu al-Arabi), which according to Gérard Prunier was "a militantly
racist and pan-Arabist organization which stressed the 'Arab' character
of the province." The two organizations shared members and a source of support, and the distinction between them is often ambiguous.
This Islamic Legion was mostly composed of immigrants from poorer
Sahelian countries,
but also, according to a source, thousands of Pakistanis who had been
recruited in 1981 with the false promise of civilian jobs once in Libya.
Generally speaking, the Legion's members were immigrants who had gone
to Libya with no thought of fighting wars, and had been provided with
inadequate military training and had sparse commitment. A French
journalist, speaking of the Legion's forces in Chad, observed that they
were "foreigners, Arabs or Africans,
mercenaries
in spite of themselves, wretches who had come to Libya hoping for a
civilian job, but found themselves signed up more or less by force to go
and fight in an unknown desert."
At the beginning of the 1987 Libyan offensive in Chad, it
maintained a force of 2,000 in Darfur. The nearly continuous
cross-border raids that resulted greatly contributed to a separate
ethnic conflict within Darfur that killed about 9,000 people between
1985 and 1988.
Attempts at nuclear and chemical weapons
In 1972, Gaddafi tried to buy a nuclear bomb from the
People's Republic of China. He then tried to get a bomb from Pakistan, but Pakistan severed its ties before it succeeded in building a bomb. In 1978, Gaddafi turned to Pakistan's rival, India, for help building its own nuclear bomb. In July 1978, Libya and India signed a
memorandum of understanding to cooperate in peaceful applications of nuclear energy as part of India's Atom of Peace policy. In 1991, then
Prime Minister Navaz Sharif paid a
state visit to Libya to hold talks on the promotion of a
Free Trade Agreement between Pakistan and Libya.
However, Gaddafi focused on demanding Pakistan's Prime Minister sell
him a nuclear weapon, which surprised many of the Prime Minister's
delegation members and journalists.
When Prime minister Sharif refused Gaddafi's demand, Gaddafi
disrespected him, calling him a "Corrupt politician", a term which
insulted and surprised Sharif. The Prime minister cancelled the talks, returned to Pakistan and expelled the Libyan Ambassador from Pakistan.
Thailand reported its citizens had helped build storage facilities for nerve gas.
Germany sentenced a businessman, Jurgen Hippenstiel-Imhausen, to five
years in prison for involvement in Libyan chemical weapons. Inspectors from the
Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) verified in 2004 that Libya owned a stockpile of 23 metric tons of
mustard gas and more than 1,300 metric tons of precursor chemicals.
Gulf of Sidra incidents and US air strikes
When Libya was under pressure from international disputes, on 19 August 1981, a naval
dogfight occurred over the
Gulf of Sirte in the
Mediterranean Sea. US
F-14 Tomcat jets fired anti-aircraft missiles against a formation of Libyan fighter jets in this dogfight and shot down two
Libyan Su-22 Fitter
attack aircraft. This naval action was a result of claiming the
territory and losses from the previous incident. A second dogfight
occurred on 4 January 1989; US carrier-based jets also shot down two
Libyan MiG-23 Flogger-Es in the same place.
A similar action occurred on 23 March 1986; while patrolling the
Gulf, US naval forces attacked a sizable naval force and various SAM
sites defending Libyan territory. US fighter jets and fighter-bombers
destroyed SAM launching facilities and sank various naval vessels,
killing 35 seamen. This was a reprisal for terrorist hijackings between
June and December 1985.
On 5 April 1986, Libyan agents
bombed "La Belle" nightclub in West Berlin,
killing three and injuring 229. Gaddafi's plan was intercepted by
several national intelligence agencies and more detailed information was
retrieved four years later from
Stasi archives. The Libyan agents who had carried out the operation, from the Libyan embassy in
East Germany, were prosecuted by the reunited Germany in the 1990s.
In response to the discotheque bombing, joint US Air Force, Navy
and Marine Corps air-strikes took place against Libya on 15 April 1986
and code-named Operation El Dorado Canyon and known as the
1986 bombing of Libya. Air defenses, three army bases, and two airfields in
Tripoli and
Benghazi
were bombed. The surgical strikes failed to kill Gaddafi but he lost a
few dozen military officers. Gaddafi spread propaganda how it had killed
his "adopted daughter" and how victims had been all "civilians".
Despite the variations of the stories, the campaign was successful, and a
large proportion of the Western press reported the government's stories
as facts.
Following the 1986 bombing of Libya, Gaddafi intensified his support for anti-American government organizations. He financed
Jeff Fort's
Al-Rukn faction of the Chicago
Black P. Stones gang, in their emergence as an indigenous anti-American armed revolutionary movement.
Al-Rukn members were arrested in 1986 for preparing strikes on behalf
of Libya, including blowing up US government buildings and bringing down
an airplane; the Al-Rukn defendants were convicted in 1987 of "offering
to commit bombings and assassinations on US soil for Libyan payment."
In 1986, Libyan state television announced that Libya was training
suicide squads to attack American and European interests. He began
financing the IRA again in 1986, to retaliate against the British for
harboring American fighter planes.
Gaddafi announced that he had won a spectacular military victory
over the US and the country was officially renamed the "Great Socialist
People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah".
However, his speech appeared devoid of passion and even the "victory"
celebrations appeared unusual. Criticism of Gaddafi by ordinary Libyan
citizens became more bold, such as defacing of Gaddafi posters. The raids against Libyan military had brought the government to its weakest point in 17 years.
International relations
Africa
Gaddafi was a close supporter of Ugandan President
Idi Amin.
Gaddafi sent thousands of troops to fight against Tanzania on
behalf of Idi Amin. About 600 Libyan soldiers lost their lives
attempting to defend the collapsing presidency of Amin. Amin was
eventually exiled from Uganda to Libya before settling in Saudi Arabia.
Gaddafi also aided
Jean-Bédel Bokassa, the Emperor of the
Central African Empire. He also intervened militarily in the renewed Central African Republic in 2001 to protect his ally
Ange-Félix Patassé.
Patassé signed a deal giving Libya a 99-year lease to exploit all of
that country's natural resources, including uranium, copper, diamonds,
and oil.
Gaddafi was a strong opponent of
apartheid in
South Africa and forged a friendship with
Nelson Mandela. One of Mandala's grandsons is named Gaddafi, an indication of the latter's support in South Africa. Gaddafi funded Mandela's
1994 election campaign,
and after taking office as the country's first democratically-elected
president in 1994, Mandela rejected entreaties from U.S. President
Bill Clinton and others to cut ties with Gaddafi. Mandela later played a key role in helping Gaddafi gain mainstream acceptance in the Western world later in the 1990s. Over the years, Gaddafi came to be seen as a hero in much of Africa due to his revolutionary image.
Gaddafi's World Revolutionary Center (WRC) near Benghazi became a training center for groups backed by Gaddafi. Graduates in power as of 2011 include
Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso and
Idriss Déby of Chad.
Gaddafi's strong military support and finances gained him allies across the continent. He had himself crowned with the title "
King of Kings of Africa"
in 2008, in the presence of over 200 African traditional rulers and
kings, although his views on African political and military unification
received a lukewarm response from their governments.
His 2009 forum for African kings was canceled by the Ugandan hosts, who
believed that traditional rulers discussing politics would lead to
instability. On 1 February 2009, a '
coronation ceremony' in
Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, was held to coincide with the 53rd African Union Summit, at
which he was elected head of the African Union for the year. Gaddafi told the assembled African leaders: "I shall continue to insist that our sovereign countries work to achieve the
United States of Africa."
In 1986, 2000, and the months prior to the 2011 civil war, Gaddafi announced plans for a unified African
gold dinar
currency, to challenge the dominance of the US Dollar and Euro
currencies. The African dinar would have been measured directly in terms
of gold.
Gaddafi and international terrorism
In 1971 Gaddafi warned that if France opposes Libyan military
occupation of Chad, he will use all weapons in the war against France
including the "revolutionary weapon".
On 11 June 1972, Gaddafi announced that any Arab wishing to volunteer
for Palestinian terrorist groups "can register his name at any Libyan
embassy will be given adequate training for combat". He also promised
financial support for attacks. On 7 October 1972, Gaddafi praised the
Lod Airport massacre, executed by the communist
Japanese Red Army, and demanded Palestinian terrorist groups to carry out similar attacks.
Reportedly, Gaddafi was a major financier of the "
Black September Movement" which perpetrated the
Munich massacre at the
1972 Summer Olympics. In 1973 the
Irish Naval Service intercepted the vessel
Claudia in Irish territorial waters, which carried Soviet arms from Libya to the Provisional IRA. In 1976 after a series of terror activities by the
Provisional IRA,
Gaddafi announced that "the bombs which are convulsing Britain and
breaking its spirit are the bombs of Libyan people. We have sent them to
the Irish revolutionaries so that the British will pay the price for
their past deeds".
Gaddafi also became a strong supporter of the
Palestine Liberation Organization,
which support ultimately harmed Libya's relations with Egypt, when in
1979 Egypt pursued a peace agreement with Israel. As Libya's relations
with Egypt worsened, Gaddafi sought closer relations with the Soviet
Union. Libya became the first country outside the Soviet bloc to receive
the supersonic
MiG-25
combat fighters, but Soviet-Libyan relations remained relatively
distant. Gaddafi also sought to increase Libyan influence, especially in
states with an
Islamic population, by calling for the creation of a Saharan Islamic state and supporting anti-government forces in
sub-Saharan Africa.
In the 1970s and the 1980s, this support was sometimes so freely
given that even the most unsympathetic groups could obtain Libyan
support; often the groups represented ideologies far removed from
Gaddafi's own. Gaddafi's approach often tended to confuse international
opinion.
In October 1981 Egypt's President
Anwar Sadat was assassinated. Gaddafi applauded the murder and remarked that it was a "punishment".
In December 1981, the
US State Department invalidated US passports for travel to Libya, and in March 1982, the U.S. declared a ban on the import of Libyan
oil.
Gaddafi reportedly spent hundreds of millions of the government's money on training and arming Sandinistas in Nicaragua.
Daniel Ortega, the President of Nicaragua, was his ally.
In April 1984, Libyan refugees in London protested against
execution of two dissidents. Communications intercepted by MI5 show that
Tripoli ordered its diplomats to direct violence against the
demonstrators. Libyan diplomats shot at 11 people and killed British
policewoman
Yvonne Fletcher. The incident led to the breaking off of
diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Libya for over a decade.
After December 1985
Rome and Vienna airport attacks, which killed 19 and wounded around 140, Gaddafi indicated that he would continue to support the
Red Army Faction, the
Red Brigades, and the Irish Republican Army as long as European countries support anti-Gaddafi Libyans.
The Foreign Minister of Libya also called the massacres "heroic acts".
In 1986, Libyan state television announced that Libya was training suicide squads to attack American and European interests.
On 5 April 1986, Libyan agents were alleged with
bombing the "La Belle" nightclub in West Berlin,
killing three people and injuring 229 people who were spending evening
there. Gaddafi's plan was intercepted by Western intelligence.
More-detailed information was retrieved years later when
Stasi
archives were investigated by the reunited Germany. Libyan agents who
had carried out the operation from the Libyan embassy in East Germany
were prosecuted by reunited Germany in the 1990s.
In May 1987, Australia broke off relations with Libya because of its role in fueling violence in Oceania.
Under Gaddafi, Libya had a long history of supporting the
Irish Republican Army. In late 1987 French authorities stopped a merchant vessel, the
MV Eksund, which was delivering a 150-ton Libyan arms shipment to the IRA.
In Britain, Gaddafi's best-known political subsidiary is the
Workers Revolutionary Party.
In New Zealand, Libya attempted to radicalize
Māoris.
In Australia, there were several cases of attempted
radicalisation of Australian Aborigines, with individuals receiving
paramilitary training in Libya. Libya put several left-wing unions on
the Libyan payroll, such as the Food Preservers Union (FPU) and the
Federated Confectioners Association of Australia (FCA). Labour Party politician
Bill Hartley, the secretary of Libya-Australia friendship society, was long-term supporter of Gaddafi and Saddam Hussein.
In the 1980s, the Libyan government purchased advertisements in
Arabic-language newspapers in Australia asking for Australian Arabs to
join the military units of his worldwide struggle against imperialism.
In part, because of this, Australia banned recruitment of foreign
mercenaries in Australia.
Some publications were financed by Gaddafi. The Socialist Labour League's Workers News
was one such publication: "in among the routine denunciations of
uranium mining and calls for greater trade union militancy would be a
couple of pages extolling Gaddafi's fatuous and incoherent green book
and the Libyan revolution."
International sanctions after the Lockerbie bombing (1992–2003)
Libya was accused in the 1988 bombing of
Pan Am Flight 103 over
Lockerbie,
Scotland; UN sanctions were imposed in 1992.
UN Security Council
resolutions (UNSCRs) passed in 1992 and 1993 obliged Libya to fulfill
requirements related to the Pan Am 103 bombing before sanctions could be
lifted, leading to Libya's political and economic isolation for most of
the 1990s. The UN sanctions cut airline connections with the outer
world, reduced diplomatic representation and prohibited the sale of
military equipment. Oil-related sanctions were assessed by some as
equally significant for their exceptions: thus sanctions froze Libya's
foreign assets (but excluded revenue from oil and natural gas and
agricultural commodities) and banned the sale to Libya of refinery or
pipeline equipment (but excluded oil
production equipment).
Under the sanctions Libya's refining capacity eroded. Libya's
role on the international stage grew less provocative after UN sanctions
were imposed. In 1999, Libya fulfilled one of the UNSCR requirements by
surrendering two Libyans suspected in connection with the bombing for
trial before a Scottish court in the Netherlands. One of these suspects,
Abdel Basset al-Megrahi, was found guilty; the other was acquitted. UN
sanctions against Libya were subsequently suspended. The full lifting of
the sanctions, contingent on Libya's compliance with the remaining
UNSCRs, including acceptance of responsibility for the actions of its
officials and payment of appropriate compensation, was passed 12
September 2003, explicitly linked to the release of up to $2.7 billion
in Libyan funds to the families of the 1988 attack's 270 victims.
In 2002, Gaddafi paid a ransom reportedly worth tens of millions of dollars to
Abu Sayyaf,
a Filipino Islamist militancy, to release a number of kidnapped
tourists. He presented it as an act of goodwill to Western countries;
nevertheless the money helped the group to expand its operation.
Normalization of international relations (2003–2010)
In
December 2003, Libya announced that it had agreed to reveal and end its
programs to develop weapons of mass destruction and to renounce
terrorism, and Gaddafi made significant strides in normalizing relations
with western nations. He received various Western European leaders as
well as many working-level and commercial delegations, and made his
first trip to Western Europe in 15 years when he traveled to
Brussels
in April 2004. Libya responded in good faith to legal cases brought
against it in U.S. courts for terrorist acts that predate its
renunciation of violence. Claims for compensation in the Lockerbie
bombing, LaBelle disco bombing, and UTA 772 bombing cases are ongoing.
The U.S. rescinded Libya's designation as a
state sponsor of terrorism
in June 2006. In late 2007, Libya was elected by the General Assembly
to a nonpermanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for the
2008–2009 term. Currently,
Operation Enduring Freedom - Trans Sahara is being fought in Libya's portion of the
Sahara Desert.
Purification laws
In 1994, the
General People's Congress
approved the introduction of "purification laws" to be put into effect,
punishing theft by the amputation of limbs, and fornication and
adultery by flogging. Under the Libyan constitution, homosexual relations are punishable by up to five years in jail.
Opposition, coups and revolts
Throughout his long rule, Gaddafi had to defend his position against
opposition and coup attempts, emerging both from the military and from
the general population. He reacted to these threats on one hand by
maintaining a careful balance of power between the forces in the
country, and by brutal repression on the other. Gaddafi successfully
balanced the various
tribes of Libya one against the other by distributing his favours. To forestall a military coup, he deliberately weakened the
Libyan Armed Forces by regularly rotating officers, relying instead on loyal elite troops such as his
Revolutionary Guard Corps, the special-forces
Khamis Brigade and his personal
Amazonian Guard,
even though emphasis on political loyalty tended, over the long run, to
weaken the professionalism of his personal forces. This trend made the
country vulnerable to dissension at a time of crisis, as happened during
early 2011.
Political repression and "Green Terror"
The term "Green Terror" is used to describe campaigns of violence and
intimidation against opponents of Gaddafi, particularly in reference to
wave of oppression during Libya's
cultural revolution, or to the wave of highly publicized hangings of regime opponents that began with the
Execution of Al-Sadek Hamed Al-Shuwehdy. Dissent was illegal under Law 75 of 1973. Reportedly 10 to 20 percent of Libyans worked in surveillance for Gaddafi's Revolutionary Committees, a proportion of informants on par with
Saddam Hussein's Iraq or
Kim Jong Il's North Korea. The surveillance took place in government, in factories, and in the education sector.
Following an abortive attempt to replace English foreign language education with Russian,
in recent years English has been taught in Libyan schools from a
primary level, and students have access to English-language media.
However, one protester in 2011 described the situation as: "None of us
can speak English or French. He kept us ignorant and blindfolded".
According to the 2009
Freedom of the Press Index, Libya is the most censored country in the Middle East and North Africa.
Prisons are run with little or no documentation of the inmate
population or of such basic data as prisoner's crime and sentence.
Opposition to the Jamahiriya reforms
During the late 1970s, some exiled Libyans
formed active opposition groups. In early 1979, Gaddafi warned
opposition leaders to return home immediately or face "liquidation."
When caught, they could face being sentenced and hanged in public.
It is the Libyan people's responsibility to liquidate such scums who are distorting Libya's image abroad.
— Gaddafi talking about exiles in 1982.
Gaddafi employed his network of diplomats and recruits to assassinate dozens of his critics around the world.
Amnesty International listed at least twenty-five assassinations between 1980 and 1987.
Gaddafi's agents were active in the U.K., where many Libyans had
sought asylum. After Libyan diplomats shot at 15 anti-Gaddafi protesters
from inside the Libyan embassy's first floor and killed
a British policewoman, the U.K. broke off relations with Gaddafi's government as a result of the incident.
Even the U.S. could not protect dissidents from Libya. In 1980, a Libyan agent attempted to assassinate dissident
Faisal Zagallai, a doctoral student at the
University of Colorado at Boulder. The bullets left Zagallai partially blinded. A defector was kidnapped and executed in 1990 just before he was about to receive U.S. citizenship.
Gaddafi asserted in June 1984 that killings could be carried out
even when the dissidents were on pilgrimage in the holy city of
Mecca. In August 1984, one Libyan plot was thwarted in Mecca.
[57]
As of 2004, Libya still provided bounties for heads of critics, including 1 million dollars for
Ashur Shamis, a Libyan-British journalist.
There is indication that between the years of 2002 and 2007, Libya's Gaddafi-era
intelligence service had a partnership with western spy organizations including
MI6 and the
CIA,
who voluntarily provided information on Libyan dissidents in the United
States and Canada in exchange for using Libya as a base for
extraordinary renditions.
This was done despite Libya's history of murdering dissidents abroad,
and with full knowledge of Libya's brutal mistreatment of detainees.
Political unrest during the 1990s
In the 1990s, Gaddafi's rule was threatened by militant
Islamism.
In October 1993, there was an unsuccessful assassination attempt on
Gaddafi by elements of the Libyan army. In response, Gaddafi used
repressive measures, using his personal
Revolutionary Guard Corps to crush riots and Islamist activism during the 1990s. Nevertheless,
Cyrenaica between 1995 and 1998 was politically unstable, due to the tribal allegiances of the local troops.
2011 civil war and collapse of Gaddafi's government
A global map of the world showing countries that recognised or had informal relations with the Libyan Republic during the civil war of 2011.
Libya
Countries
that had permanent informal relations with the NTC, or which voted in
favor of recognition at the UN, but had not granted official recognition
Countries which opposed recognition of the NTC at the UN, but had not made a formal statement
Countries that said they would not recognise the NTC
A renewed serious threat to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya came in February 2011, with the
Libyan Civil War. The novelist Idris Al-Mesmari was arrested hours after giving an interview with
Al Jazeera about the police reaction to protests in Benghazi on 15 February.
Inspiration for the unrest is attributed to the uprisings in
Tunisia and
Egypt, connecting it with the wider
Arab Spring. On 22 February,
The Economist described the events as an "uprising that is trying to reclaim Libya from the world's longest-ruling
autocrat."
Gaddafi had referred to the opposition variously as "rats",
"cockroaches", and "drugged kids" and accused them of being part of
al-Qaeda. In the east, the
National Transitional Council was established in Benghazi.
Gaddafi's son,
Khamis, controlled the well-armed
Khamis Brigade and alleged to possess large number of mercenaries.
Some Libyan officials
had sided with the protesters and requested help from the international
community to bring an end to the massacres of civilians. The government
in
Tripoli had lost control of half of Libya by the end of February, but as of mid-September Gaddafi remained in control of several parts of
Fezzan.
On 21 September, the forces of NTC captured Sabha, the largest city of
Fezzan, reducing the control of Gaddafi to limited and isolated areas.
The UN resolution authorised air-strikes against Libyan ground troops and warships that appeared to threaten civilians. On 19 March, the no-fly zone enforcement began, with French aircraft undertaking sorties across Libya and a naval
blockade by the British
Royal Navy. Eventually, the aircraft carriers
USS Enterprise and
Charles de Gaulle
arrived off the coast and provided the enforcers with a rapid-response
capability. U.S. forces named their part of the enforcement action
Operation Odyssey Dawn, meant to "deny the Libyan regime from using force against its own people". said U.S.
Vice Admiral William E. Gortney. More than 110
"Tomahawk" cruise missiles were fired in an initial assault by U.S. warships and a British submarine against Libyan air defences.
The last government holdouts in
Sirte finally fell to anti-Gaddafi fighters on 20 October 2011, and, following the controversial
death of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya was officially declared "liberated" on 23 October 2011, ending 42 years of Gaddafi's leadership in Libya.
Political scientist
Riadh Sidaoui
suggested in October 2011 that Gaddafi "has created a great void for
his exercise of power: there is no institution, no army, no electoral
tradition in the country", and as a result, the period of transition
would be difficult in Libya.
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