Search This Blog

Saturday, January 13, 2024

Maternal effect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

A maternal effect is a situation where the phenotype of an organism is determined not only by the environment it experiences and its genotype, but also by the environment and genotype of its mother. In genetics, maternal effects occur when an organism shows the phenotype expected from the genotype of the mother, irrespective of its own genotype, often due to the mother supplying messenger RNA or proteins to the egg. Maternal effects can also be caused by the maternal environment independent of genotype, sometimes controlling the size, sex, or behaviour of the offspring. These adaptive maternal effects lead to phenotypes of offspring that increase their fitness. Further, it introduces the concept of phenotypic plasticity, an important evolutionary concept. It has been proposed that maternal effects are important for the evolution of adaptive responses to environmental heterogeneity.

In genetics

In genetics, a maternal effect occurs when the phenotype of an organism is determined by the genotype of its mother. For example, if a mutation is maternal effect recessive, then a female homozygous for the mutation may appear phenotypically normal, however her offspring will show the mutant phenotype, even if they are heterozygous for the mutation.

Maternal effect
All offspring show the wild-type phenotype All offspring show the mutant phenotype
Genetic crosses involving a maternal effect recessive mutation, m. The maternal genotype determines the phenotype of the offspring.

Maternal effects often occur because the mother supplies a particular mRNA or protein to the oocyte, hence the maternal genome determines whether the molecule is functional. Maternal supply of mRNAs to the early embryo is important, as in many organisms the embryo is initially transcriptionally inactive. Because of the inheritance pattern of maternal effect mutations, special genetic screens are required to identify them. These typically involve examining the phenotype of the organisms one generation later than in a conventional (zygotic) screen, as their mothers will be potentially homozygous for maternal effect mutations that arise.

In Drosophila early embryogenesis

Protein and RNA are transported in particles (white dots) from the nurse cells (maternal) to the developing oocyte in Drosophila melanogaster. Scale bar shows 10µm.

A Drosophila melanogaster oocyte develops in an egg chamber in close association with a set of cells called nurse cells. Both the oocyte and the nurse cells are descended from a single germline stem cell, however cytokinesis is incomplete in these cell divisions, and the cytoplasm of the nurse cells and the oocyte is connected by structures known as ring canals. Only the oocyte undergoes meiosis and contributes DNA to the next generation.

Many maternal effect Drosophila mutants have been found that affect the early steps in embryogenesis such as axis determination, including bicoid, dorsal, gurken and oskar. For example, embryos from homozygous bicoid mothers fail to produce head and thorax structures.

Once the gene that is disrupted in the bicoid mutant was identified, it was shown that bicoid mRNA is transcribed in the nurse cells and then relocalized to the oocyte. Other maternal effect mutants either affect products that are similarly produced in the nurse cells and act in the oocyte, or parts of the transportation machinery that are required for this relocalization. Since these genes are expressed in the (maternal) nurse cells and not in the oocyte or fertilised embryo, the maternal genotype determines whether they can function.

Maternal effect genes are expressed during oogenesis by the mother (expressed prior to fertilization) and develop the anterior-posterior and dorsal ventral polarity of the egg. The anterior end of the egg becomes the head; posterior end becomes the tail. the dorsal side is on the top; the ventral side is in underneath. The products of maternal effect genes called maternal mRNAs are produced by nurse cell and follicle cells and deposited in the egg cells (oocytes). At the start of development process, mRNA gradients are formed in oocytes along anterior-posterior and dorsal ventral axes.

About thirty maternal genes are involved in pattern formation have been identified. In particular, products of four maternal effect genes are critical to the formation of anterior-posterior axis. The product of two maternal effect gene, bicoid and hunchback, regulates formation of anterior structure while another pair nanos and caudal, specifies protein that regulates formation of posterior part of embryo.

The transcript of all four genes-bicoid, hunchback, caudal, nanos are synthesized by nurse and follicle cells and transported into the oocytes.

In birds

In birds, mothers may pass down hormones in their eggs that affect an offspring's growth and behavior. Experiments in domestic canaries have shown that eggs that contain more yolk androgens develop into chicks that display more social dominance. Similar variation in yolk androgen levels has been seen in bird species like the American coot, though the mechanism of effect has yet to be established.

In humans

In 2015, obesity theorist Edward Archer published "The Childhood Obesity Epidemic as a Result of Nongenetic Evolution: The Maternal Resources Hypothesis" and a series of works on maternal effects in human obesity and health. In this body of work, Archer argued that accumulative maternal effects via the non-genetic evolution of matrilineal nutrient metabolism is responsible for the increased global prevalence of obesity and diabetes mellitus type 2. Archer posited that decrements in maternal metabolic control altered fetal pancreatic beta cell, adipocyte (fat cell) and myocyte (muscle cell) development thereby inducing an enduring competitive advantage of adipocytes in the acquisition and sequestering on nutrient energy.

In plants

The environmental cues such as light, temperature, soil moisture and nutrients that the mother plant encounters can cause variations in seed quality, even within the same genotype. Thus, the mother plant greatly influences seed traits such as seed size, germination rate, and viability.

Environmental maternal effects

The environment or condition of the mother can also in some situations influence the phenotype of her offspring, independent of the offspring's genotype.

Paternal effect genes

In contrast, a paternal effect is when a phenotype results from the genotype of the father, rather than the genotype of the individual. The genes responsible for these effects are components of sperm that are involved in fertilization and early development. An example of a paternal-effect gene is the ms(3)sneaky in Drosophila. Males with a mutant allele of this gene produce sperm that are able to fertilize an egg, but the sneaky-inseminated eggs do not develop normally. However, females with this mutation produce eggs that undergo normal development when fertilized.

Adaptive maternal effects

Adaptive maternal effects induce phenotypic changes in offspring that result in an increase in fitness. These changes arise from mothers sensing environmental cues that work to reduce offspring fitness, and then responding to them in a way that then “prepares” offspring for their future environments. A key characteristic of “adaptive maternal effects” phenotypes is their plasticity. Phenotypic plasticity gives organisms the ability to respond to different environments by altering their phenotype. With these “altered” phenotypes increasing fitness it becomes important to look at the likelihood that adaptive maternal effects will evolve and become a significant phenotypic adaptation to an environment.

Defining adaptive maternal effects

When traits are influenced by either the maternal environment or the maternal phenotype, it is said to be influenced by maternal effects. Maternal effects work to alter the phenotypes of the offspring through pathways other than DNA. Adaptive maternal effects are when these maternal influences lead to a phenotypic change that increases the fitness of the offspring. In general, adaptive maternal effects are a mechanism to cope with factors that work to reduce offspring fitness; they are also environment specific.

It can sometimes be difficult to differentiate between maternal and adaptive maternal effects. Consider the following: Gypsy moths reared on foliage of black oak, rather than chestnut oak, had offspring that developed faster. This is a maternal, not an adaptive maternal effect. In order to be an adaptive maternal effect, the mother's environment would have to have led to a change in the eating habits or behavior of the offspring. The key difference between the two therefore, is that adaptive maternal effects are environment specific. The phenotypes that arise are in response to the mother sensing an environment that would reduce the fitness of her offspring. By accounting for this environment she is then able to alter the phenotypes to actually increase the offspring's fitness. Maternal effects are not in response to an environmental cue, and further they have the potential to increase offspring fitness, but they may not.

When looking at the likelihood of these “altered” phenotypes evolving there are many factors and cues involved. Adaptive maternal effects evolve only when offspring can face many potential environments; when a mother can “predict” the environment into which her offspring will be born; and when a mother can influence her offspring's phenotype, thereby increasing their fitness. The summation of all of these factors can then lead to these “altered” traits becoming favorable for evolution.

The phenotypic changes that arise from adaptive maternal effects are a result of the mother sensing that a certain aspect of the environment may decrease the survival of her offspring. When sensing a cue the mother “relays” information to the developing offspring and therefore induces adaptive maternal effects. This tends to then cause the offspring to have a higher fitness because they are “prepared” for the environment they are likely to experience. These cues can include responses to predators, habitat, high population density, and food availability.

The increase in size of Northern American red squirrels is a great example of an adaptive maternal effect producing a phenotype that resulted in an increased fitness. The adaptive maternal effect was induced by the mothers sensing the high population density and correlating it to low food availability per individual. Her offspring were on average larger than other squirrels of the same species; they also grew faster. Ultimately, the squirrels born during this period of high population density showed an increased survival rate (and therefore fitness) during their first winter.

Phenotypic plasticity

When analyzing the types of changes that can occur to a phenotype, we can see changes that are behavioral, morphological, or physiological. A characteristic of the phenotype that arises through adaptive maternal effects, is the plasticity of this phenotype. Phenotypic plasticity allows organisms to adjust their phenotype to various environments, thereby enhancing their fitness to changing environmental conditions. Ultimately it is a key attribute to an organism's, and a population's, ability to adapt to short term environmental change.

Phenotypic plasticity can be seen in many organisms, one species that exemplifies this concept is the seed beetle Stator limbatus. This seed beetle reproduces on different host plants, two of the more common ones being Cercidium floridum and Acacia greggii. When C. floridum is the host plant, there is selection for a large egg size; when A. greggii is the host plant, there is a selection for a smaller egg size. In an experiment it was seen that when a beetle who usually laid eggs on A. greggii was put onto C. floridum, the survivorship of the laid eggs was lower compared to those eggs produced by a beetle that was conditioned and remained on the C. florium host plant. Ultimately these experiments showed the plasticity of egg size production in the beetle, as well as the influence of the maternal environment on the survivorship of the offspring.

Further examples of adaptive maternal effects

In many insects:

  • Cues such as rapidly cooling temperatures or decreasing daylight can result in offspring that enter into a dormant state. They therefore will better survive the cooling temperatures and preserve energy.
  • When parents are forced to lay eggs on environments with low nutrients, offspring will be provided with more resources, such as higher nutrients, through an increased egg size.
  • Cues such as poor habitat or crowding can lead to offspring with wings. The wings allow the offspring to move away from poor environments to ones that will provide better resources.

Maternal diet and environment influence epigenetic effects

Related to adaptive maternal effects are epigenetic effects. Epigenetics is the study of long lasting changes in gene expression that are produced by modifications to chromatin instead of changes in DNA sequence, as is seen in DNA mutation. This "change" refers to DNA methylation, histone acetylation, or the interaction of non-coding RNAs with DNA. DNA methylation is the addition of methyl groups to the DNA. When DNA is methylated in mammals, the transcription of the gene at that location is turned down or turned off entirely. The induction of DNA methylation is highly influenced by the maternal environment. Some maternal environments can lead to a higher methylation of an offspring's DNA, while others lower methylation. The fact that methylation can be influenced by the maternal environment, makes it similar to adaptive maternal effects. Further similarities are seen by the fact that methylation can often increase the fitness of the offspring. Additionally, epigenetics can refer to histone modifications or non-coding RNAs that create a sort of cellular memory. Cellular memory refers to a cell's ability to pass nongenetic information to its daughter cell during replication. For example, after differentiation, a liver cell performs different functions than a brain cell; cellular memory allows these cells to "remember" what functions they are supposed to perform after replication. Some of these epigenetic changes can be passed down to future generations, while others are reversible within a particular individual's lifetime. This can explain why individuals with identical DNA can differ in their susceptibility to certain chronic diseases.

Currently, researchers are examining the correlations between maternal diet during pregnancy and its effect on the offspring's susceptibility for chronic diseases later in life. The fetal programming hypothesis highlights the idea that environmental stimuli during critical periods of fetal development can have lifelong effects on body structure and health and in a sense they prepare offspring for the environment they will be born into. Many of these variations are thought to be due to epigenetic mechanisms brought on by maternal environment such as stress, diet, gestational diabetes, and exposure to tobacco and alcohol. These factors are thought to be contributing factors to obesity and cardiovascular disease, neural tube defects, cancer, diabetes, etc. Studies to determine these epigenetic mechanisms are usually performed through laboratory studies of rodents and epidemiological studies of humans.

Importance for the general population

Knowledge of maternal diet induced epigenetic changes is important not only for scientists, but for the general public. Perhaps the most obvious place of importance for maternal dietary effects is within the medical field. In the United States and worldwide, many non-communicable diseases, such as cancer, obesity, and heart disease, have reached epidemic proportions. The medical field is working on methods to detect these diseases, some of which have been discovered to be heavily driven by epigenetic alterations due to maternal dietary effects. Once the genomic markers for these diseases are identified, research can begin to be implemented to identify the early onset of these diseases and possibly reverse the epigenetic effects of maternal diet in later life stages. The reversal of epigenetic effects will utilize the pharmaceutical field in an attempt to create drugs which target the specific genes and genomic alterations. The creation of drugs to cure these non-communicable diseases could be used to treat individuals who already have these illnesses. General knowledge of the mechanisms behind maternal dietary epigenetic effects is also beneficial in terms of awareness. The general public can be aware of the risks of certain dietary behaviors during pregnancy in an attempt to curb the negative consequences which may arise in offspring later in their lives. Epigenetic knowledge can lead to an overall healthier lifestyle for the billions of people worldwide.

The effect of maternal diet in species other than humans is also relevant. Many of the long term effects of global climate change are unknown. Knowledge of epigenetic mechanisms can help scientists better predict the impacts of changing community structures on species which are ecologically, economically, and/or culturally important around the world. Since many ecosystems will see changes in species structures, the nutrient availability will also be altered, ultimately affecting the available food choices for reproducing females. Maternal dietary effects may also be used to improve agricultural and aquaculture practices. Breeders may be able to utilize scientific data to create more sustainable practices, saving money for themselves, as well as the consumers.

Maternal diet and environment epigenetically influences susceptibility for adult diseases

Hyperglycemia during gestation correlated with obesity and heart disease in adulthood

Hyperglycemia during pregnancy is thought to cause epigenetic changes in the leptin gene of newborns leading to a potential increased risk for obesity and heart disease. Leptin is sometimes known as the “satiety hormone” because it is released by fat cells to inhibit hunger. By studying both animal models and human observational studies, it has been suggested that a leptin surge in the perinatal period plays a critical role in contributing to long-term risk of obesity. The perinatal period begins at 22 weeks gestation and ends a week after birth. DNA methylation near the leptin locus has been examined to determine if there was a correlation between maternal glycemia and neonatal leptin levels. Results showed that glycemia was inversely associated with the methylation states of LEP gene, which controls the production of the leptin hormone. Therefore, higher glycemic levels in mothers corresponded to lower methylation states in LEP gene in their children. With this lower methylation state, the LEP gene is transcribed more often, thereby inducing higher blood leptin levels. These higher blood leptin levels during the perinatal period were linked to obesity in adulthood, perhaps due to the fact that a higher “normal” level of leptin was set during gestation. Because obesity is a large contributor to heart disease, this leptin surge is not only correlated with obesity but also heart disease.

High fat diets during gestation correlated with metabolic syndrome

High fat diets in utero are believed to cause metabolic syndrome. Metabolic syndrome is a set of symptoms including obesity and insulin resistance that appear to be related. This syndrome is often associated with type II diabetes as well as hypertension and atherosclerosis. Using mice models, researchers have shown that high fat diets in utero cause modifications to the adiponectin and leptin genes that alter gene expression; these changes contribute to metabolic syndrome. The adiponectin genes regulate glucose metabolism as well as fatty acid breakdown; however, the exact mechanisms are not entirely understood. In both human and mice models, adiponectin has been shown to add insulin-sensitizing and anti-inflammatory properties to different types of tissue, specifically muscle and liver tissue. Adiponectin has also been shown to increase the rate of fatty acid transport and oxidation in mice, which causes an increase in fatty acid metabolism. With a high fat diet during gestation, there was an increase in methylation in the promoter of the adiponectin gene accompanied by a decrease in acetylation. These changes likely inhibit the transcription of the adiponectin genes because increases in methylation and decreases in acetylation usually repress transcription. Additionally, there was an increase in methylation of the leptin promoter, which turns down the production of the leptin gene. Therefore, there was less adiponectin to help cells take up glucose and break down fat, as well as less leptin to cause a feeling of satiety. The decrease in these hormones caused fat mass gain, glucose intolerance, hypertriglyceridemia, abnormal adiponectin and leptin levels, and hypertension throughout the animal's lifetime. However, the effect was abolished after three subsequent generations with normal diets. This study highlights the fact that these epigenetic marks can be altered in as many as one generation and can even be completely eliminated over time. This study highlighted the connection between high fat diets to the adiponectin and leptin in mice. In contrast, few studies have been done in humans to show the specific effects of high fat diets in utero on humans. However, it has been shown that decreased adiponectin levels are associated with obesity, insulin resistance, type II diabetes, and coronary artery disease in humans. It is postulated that a similar mechanism as the one described in mice may also contribute to metabolic syndrome in humans.

High fat diets during gestation correlated with chronic inflammation

In addition, high fat diets cause chronic low-grade inflammation in the placenta, adipose, liver, brain, and vascular system. Inflammation is an important aspect of the bodies’ natural defense system after injury, trauma, or disease. During an inflammatory response, a series of physiological reactions, such as increased blood flow, increased cellular metabolism, and vasodilation, occur in order to help treat the wounded or infected area. However, chronic low-grade inflammation has been linked to long-term consequences such as cardiovascular disease, renal failure, aging, diabetes, etc. This chronic low-grade inflammation is commonly seen in obese individuals on high fat diets. In a mice model, excessive cytokines were detected in mice fed on a high fat diet. Cytokines aid in cell signaling during immune responses, specifically sending cells towards sites of inflammation, infection, or trauma. The mRNA of proinflammatory cytokines was induced in the placenta of mothers on high fat diets. The high fat diets also caused changes in microbiotic composition, which led to hyperinflammatory colonic responses in offspring. This hyperinflammatory response can lead to inflammatory bowel diseases such as Crohn's disease or ulcerative colitis. As previously mentioned, high fat diets in utero contribute to obesity; however, some proinflammatory factors, like IL-6 and MCP-1, are also linked to body fat deposition. It has been suggested that histone acetylation is closely associated with inflammation because the addition of histone deacetylase inhibitors has been shown to reduce the expression of proinflammatory mediators in glial cells. This reduction in inflammation resulted in improved neural cell function and survival. This inflammation is also often associated with obesity, cardiovascular disease, fatty liver, brain damage, as well as preeclampsia and preterm birth. Although it has been shown that high fat diets induce inflammation, which contribute to all these chronic diseases; it is unclear as to how this inflammation acts as a mediator between diet and chronic disease.

Undernutrition during gestation correlated with cardiovascular disease

A study done after the Dutch Hunger Winter of 1944-1945 showed that undernutrition during the early stages of pregnancy are associated with hypomethylation of the insulin-like growth factor II (IGF2) gene even after six decades. These individuals had significantly lower methylation rates as compared to their same sex sibling who had not been conceived during the famine. A comparison was done with children conceived prior to the famine so that their mothers were nutrient deprived during the later stages of gestation; these children had normal methylation patterns. The IGF2 stands for insulin-like growth factor II; this gene is a key contributor in human growth and development. IGF2 gene is also maternally imprinted meaning that the mother's gene is silenced. The mother's gene is typically methylated at the differentially methylated region (DMR); however, when hypomethylated, the gene is bi-allelically expressed. Thus, individuals with lower methylation states likely lost some of the imprinting effect. Similar results have been demonstrated in the Nr3c1 and Ppara genes of the offspring of rats fed on an isocaloric protein-deficient diet before starting pregnancy. This further implies that the undernutrition was the cause of the epigenetic changes. Surprisingly, there was not a correlation between methylation states and birth weight. This displayed that birth weight may not be an adequate way to determine nutritional status during gestation. This study stressed that epigenetic effects vary depending on the timing of exposure and that early stages of mammalian development are crucial periods for establishing epigenetic marks. Those exposed earlier in gestation had decreased methylation while those who were exposed at the end of gestation had relatively normal methylation levels. The offspring and descendants of mothers with hypomethylation were more likely to develop cardiovascular disease. Epigenetic alterations that occur during embryogenesis and early fetal development have greater physiologic and metabolic effects because they are transmitted over more mitotic divisions. In other words, the epigenetic changes that occur earlier are more likely to persist in more cells.

Nutrient restriction during gestation correlated with diabetes mellitus type 2

In another study, researchers discovered that perinatal nutrient restriction resulting in intrauterine growth restriction (IUGR) contributes to diabetes mellitus type 2 (DM2). IUGR refers to the poor growth of the baby in utero. In the pancreas, IUGR caused a reduction in the expression of the promoter of the gene encoding a critical transcription factor for beta cell function and development. Pancreatic beta cells are responsible for making insulin; decreased beta cell activity is associated with DM2 in adulthood. In skeletal muscle, IUGR caused a decrease in expression of the Glut-4 gene. The Glut-4 gene controls the production of the Glut-4 transporter; this transporter is specifically sensitive to insulin. Thus, when insulin levels rise, more glut-4 transporters are brought to the cell membrane to increase the uptake of glucose into the cell. This change is caused by histone modifications in the cells of skeletal muscle that decrease the effectiveness of the glucose transport system into the muscle. Because the main glucose transporters are not operating at optimal capacity, these individuals are more likely to develop insulin resistance with energy rich diets later in life, contributing to DM2.

High protein diet during gestation correlated with higher blood pressure and adiposity

Further studies have examined the epigenetic changes resulting from a high protein/low carbohydrate diet during pregnancy. This diet caused epigenetic changes that were associated with higher blood pressure, higher cortisol levels, and a heightened Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis response to stress. Increased methylation in the 11β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase type 2 (HSD2), glucocorticoid receptor (GR), and H19 ICR were positively correlated with adiposity and blood pressure in adulthood. Glucocorticoids play a vital role in tissue development and maturation as well as having effects on metabolism. Glucocorticoids’ access to GR is regulated by HSD1 and HSD2. H19 is an imprinted gene for a long coding RNA (lncRNA), which has limiting effects on body weight and cell proliferation. Therefore, higher methylation rates in H19 ICR repress transcription and prevent the lncRNA from regulating body weight. Mothers who reported higher meat/fish and vegetable intake and lower bread/potato intake in late pregnancy had a higher average methylation in GR and HSD2. However, one common challenge of these types of studies is that many epigenetic modifications have tissue and cell-type specificity DNA methylation patterns. Thus, epigenetic modification patterns of accessible tissues, like peripheral blood, may not represent the epigenetic patterns of the tissue involved in a particular disease.

Neonatal estrogen exposure correlated with prostate cancer

Strong evidence in rats supports the conclusion that neonatal estrogen exposure plays a role in the development of prostate cancer. Using a human fetal prostate xenograft model, researchers studied the effects of early exposure to estrogen with and without secondary estrogen and testosterone treatment. A xenograft model is a graft of tissue transplanted between organisms of different species. In this case, human tissue was transplanted into rats; therefore, there was no need to extrapolate from rodents to humans. Histopathological lesions, proliferation, and serum hormone levels were measured at various time-points after xenografting. At day 200, the xenograft that had been exposed to two treatments of estrogen showed the most severe changes. Additionally, researchers looked at key genes involved in prostatic glandular and stromal growth, cell-cycle progression, apoptosis, hormone receptors, and tumor suppressors using a custom PCR array. Analysis of DNA methylation showed methylation differences in CpG sites of the stromal compartment after estrogen treatment. These variations in methylation are likely a contributing cause to the changes in the cellular events in the KEGG prostate cancer pathway that inhibit apoptosis and increase cell cycle progression that contribute to the development of cancer.

Supplementation may reverse epigenetic changes

In utero or neonatal exposure to bisphenol A (BPA), a chemical used in manufacturing polycarbonate plastic, is correlated with higher body weight, breast cancer, prostate cancer, and an altered reproductive function. In a mice model, the mice fed on a BPA diet were more likely to have a yellow coat corresponding to their lower methylation state in the promoter regions of the retrotransposon upstream of the Agouti gene. The Agouti gene is responsible for determining whether an animal's coat will be banded (agouti) or solid (non-agouti). However, supplementation with methyl donors like folic acid or phytoestrogen abolished the hypomethylating effect. This demonstrates that the epigenetic changes can be reversed through diet and supplementation.

Maternal diet effects and ecology

Maternal dietary effects are not just seen in humans, but throughout many taxa in the animal kingdom. These maternal dietary effects can result in ecological changes on a larger scale throughout populations and from generation to generation. The plasticity involved in these epigenetic changes due to maternal diet represents the environment into which the offspring will be born. Many times, epigenetic effects on offspring from the maternal diet during development will genetically prepare the offspring to be better adapted for the environment in which they will first encounter. The epigenetic effects of maternal diet can be seen in many species, utilizing different ecological cues and epigenetic mechanisms to provide an adaptive advantage to future generations.

Within the field of ecology, there are many examples of maternal dietary effects. Unfortunately, the epigenetic mechanisms underlying these phenotypic changes are rarely investigated. In the future, it would be beneficial for ecological scientists as well as epigenetic and genomic scientists to work together to fill the holes within the ecology field to produce a complete picture of environmental cues and epigenetic alterations producing phenotypic diversity.

Parental diet affects offspring immunity

A pyralid moth species, Plodia interpunctella, commonly found in food storage areas, exhibits maternal dietary effects, as well as paternal dietary effects, on its offspring. Epigenetic changes in moth offspring affect the production of phenoloxidase, an enzyme involved with melanization and correlated with resistance of certain pathogens in many invertebrate species. In this study, parent moths were housed in food rich or food poor environments during their reproductive period. Moths who were housed in food poor environments produced offspring with less phenoloxidase, and thus had a weaker immune system, than moths who reproduced in food rich environments. This is believed to be adaptive because the offspring develop while receiving cues of scarce nutritional opportunities. These cues allow the moth to allocate energy differentially, decreasing energy allocated for the immune system and devoting more energy towards growth and reproduction to increase fitness and insure future generations. One explanation for this effect may be imprinting, the expression of only one parental gene over the other, but further research has yet to be done.

Parental-mediated dietary epigenetic effects on immunity has a broader significance on wild organisms. Changes in immunity throughout an entire population may make the population more susceptible to an environmental disturbance, such as the introduction of a pathogen. Therefore, these transgenerational epigenetic effects can influence the population dynamics by decreasing the stability of populations who inhabit environments different from the parental environment that offspring are epigenetically modified for.

Maternal diet affects offspring growth rate

Food availability also influences the epigenetic mechanisms driving growth rate in the mouthbrooding cichlid, Simochromis pleurospilus. When nutrient availability is high, reproducing females will produce many small eggs, versus fewer, larger eggs in nutrient poor environments. Egg size often correlates with fish larvae body size at hatching: smaller larvae hatch from smaller eggs. In the case of the cichlid, small larvae grow at a faster rate than their larger egg counterparts. This is due to the increased expression of GHR, the growth hormone receptor. Increased transcription levels of GHR genes increase the receptors available to bind with growth hormone, GH, leading to an increased growth rate in smaller fish. Fish of larger size are less likely to be eaten by predators, therefore it is advantageous to grow quickly in early life stages to insure survival. The mechanism by which GHR transcription is regulated is unknown, but it may be due to hormones within the yolk produced by the mother, or just by the yolk quantity itself. This may lead to DNA methylation or histone modifications which control genic transcription levels.

Ecologically, this is an example of the mother utilizing her environment and determining the best method to maximize offspring survival, without actually making a conscious effort to do so. Ecology is generally driven by the ability of an organism to compete to obtain nutrients and successfully reproduce. If a mother is able to gather a plentiful amount of resources, she will have a higher fecundity and produce offspring who are able to grow quickly to avoid predation. Mothers who are unable to obtain as many nutrients will produce fewer offspring, but the offspring will be larger in hopes that their large size will help insure survival into sexual maturation. Unlike the moth example, the maternal effects provided to the cichlid offspring do not prepare the cichlids for the environment that they will be born into; this is because mouth brooding cichlids provide parental care to their offspring, providing a stable environment for the offspring to develop. Offspring who have a greater growth rate can become independent more quickly than slow growing counterparts, therefore decreasing the amount of energy spent by the parents during the parental care period.

A similar phenomenon occurs in the sea urchin, Strongylocentrotus droebachiensis. Urchin mothers in nutrient rich environments produce a large number of small eggs. Offspring from these small eggs grow at a faster rate than their large egg counterparts from nutrient poor mothers. Again, it is beneficial for sea urchin larvae, known as planula, to grow quickly to decrease the duration of their larval phase and metamorphose into a juvenile to decrease predation risks. Sea urchin larvae have the ability to develop into one of two phenotypes, based on their maternal and larval nutrition. Larvae who grow at a fast rate from high nutrition, are able to devote more of their energy towards development into the juvenile phenotype. Larvae who grow at a slower rate with low nutrition, devote more energy towards growing spine-like appendages to protect themselves from predators in an attempt to increase survival into the juvenile phase. The determination of these phenotypes is based on both the maternal and the juvenile nutrition. The epigenetic mechanisms behind these phenotypic changes is unknown, but it is believed that there may be a nutritional threshold that triggers epigenetic changes affecting development and, ultimately, the larval phenotype.

Baldwin effect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Baldwin effect compared to Lamarck's theory of evolution, Darwinian evolution, and Waddington's genetic assimilation. All the theories offer explanations of how organisms respond to a changed environment with adaptive inherited change.

In evolutionary biology, the Baldwin effect describes an effect of learned behaviour on evolution. James Mark Baldwin and others suggested that an organism's ability to learn new behaviours (e.g. to acclimatise to a new stressor) will affect its reproductive success and will therefore have an effect on the genetic makeup of its species through natural selection. It posits that subsequent selection might reinforce the originally learned behaviors, if adaptive, into more in-born, instinctive ones. Though this process appears similar to Lamarckism, that view proposes that living things inherited their parents' acquired characteristics. The Baldwin effect only posits that learning ability, which is genetically based, is another variable in / contributor to environmental adaptation. First proposed during the Eclipse of Darwinism in the late 19th century, this effect has been independently proposed several times, and today it is generally recognized as part of the modern synthesis.

"A New Factor in Evolution"

The effect, then unnamed, was put forward in 1896 in a paper "A New Factor in Evolution" by the American psychologist James Mark Baldwin, with a second paper in 1897. The paper proposed a mechanism for specific selection for general learning ability. As the historian of science Robert Richards explains:

If animals entered a new environment—or their old environment rapidly changed—those that could flexibly respond by learning new behaviours or by ontogenetically adapting would be naturally preserved. This saved remnant would, over several generations, have the opportunity to exhibit spontaneously congenital variations similar to their acquired traits and have these variations naturally selected. It would look as though the acquired traits had sunk into the hereditary substance in a Lamarckian fashion, but the process would really be neo-Darwinian.

Selected offspring would tend to have an increased capacity for learning new skills rather than being confined to genetically coded, relatively fixed abilities. In effect, it places emphasis on the fact that the sustained behaviour of a species or group can shape the evolution of that species. The "Baldwin effect" is better understood in evolutionary developmental biology literature as a scenario in which a character or trait change occurring in an organism as a result of its interaction with its environment becomes gradually assimilated into its developmental genetic or epigenetic repertoire. In the words of the philosopher of science Daniel Dennett:

Thanks to the Baldwin effect, species can be said to pretest the efficacy of particular different designs by phenotypic (individual) exploration of the space of nearby possibilities. If a particularly winning setting is thereby discovered, this discovery will create a new selection pressure: organisms that are closer in the adaptive landscape to that discovery will have a clear advantage over those more distant.

An update to the Baldwin effect was developed by Jean Piaget, Paul Weiss, and Conrad Waddington in the 1960s–1970s. This new version included an explicit role for the social in shaping subsequent natural change in humans (both evolutionary and developmental), with reference to alterations of selection pressures.

Subsequent research shows that Baldwin was not the first to identify the process; Douglas Spalding mentioned it in 1873.

Controversy and acceptance

Initially Baldwin's ideas were not incompatible with the prevailing, but uncertain, ideas about the mechanism of transmission of hereditary information and at least two other biologists put forward very similar ideas in 1896. In 1901, Maurice Maeterlinck referred to behavioural adaptations to prevailing climates in different species of bees as "what had merely been an idea, therefore, and opposed to instinct, has thus by slow degrees become an instinctive habit". The Baldwin effect theory subsequently became more controversial, with scholars divided between "Baldwin boosters" and "Baldwin skeptics". The theory was first called the "Baldwin effect" by George Gaylord Simpson in 1953. Simpson "admitted that the idea was theoretically consistent, that is, not inconsistent with the modern synthesis", but he doubted that the phenomenon occurred very often, or if so, could be proven to occur. In his discussion of the reception of the Baldwin-effect theory Simpson points out that the theory appears to provide a reconciliation between a neo-Darwinian and a neo-Lamarckian approach and that "Mendelism and later genetic theory so conclusively ruled out the extreme neo-Lamarckian position that reconciliation came to seem unnecessary". In 1942, the evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley promoted the Baldwin effect as part of the modern synthesis, saying the concept had been unduly neglected by evolutionists.

In the 1960s, the evolutionary biologist Ernst Mayr contended that the Baldwin effect theory was untenable because

  1. the argument is stated in terms of the individual genotype, whereas what is really exposed to the selection pressure is a phenotypically and genetically variable population;
  2. it is not sufficiently emphasized that the degree of modification of the phenotype is in itself genetically controlled;
  3. it is assumed that phenotypic rigidity is selectively superior to phenotypic flexibility.

In 1987 Geoffrey Hinton and Steven Nowlan demonstrated by computer simulation that learning can accelerate evolution, and they associated this with the Baldwin effect.

Paul Griffiths suggests two reasons for the continuing interest in the Baldwin effect. The first is the role mind is understood to play in the effect. The second is the connection between development and evolution in the effect. Baldwin's account of how neurophysiological and conscious mental factors may contribute to the effect brings into focus the question of the possible survival value of consciousness.

The house finch's colonisation of North America has provided empirical evidence of the Baldwin effect.

Still, David Depew observed in 2003, "it is striking that a rather diverse lot of contemporary evolutionary theorists, most of whom regard themselves as supporters of the Modern Synthesis, have of late become 'Baldwin boosters'". These

are typically evolutionary psychologists who are searching for scenarios in which a population can get itself by behavioral trial and error onto a "hard to find" part of the fitness landscape in which human brain, language, and mind can rapidly coevolve. They are searching for what Daniel Dennett, himself a Baldwin booster, calls an "evolutionary crane," an instrument to do some heavy lifting fast.

According to Dennett, also in 2003, recent work has rendered the Baldwin effect "no longer a controversial wrinkle in orthodox Darwinism". Potential genetic mechanisms underlying the Baldwin effect have been proposed for the evolution of natural (genetically determinant) antibodies. In 2009, empirical evidence for the Baldwin effect was provided from the colonisation of North America by the house finch.

The Baldwin effect has been incorporated into the extended evolutionary synthesis.

Comparison with genetic assimilation

The Baldwin effect has been confused with, and sometimes conflated with, a different evolutionary theory also based on phenotypic plasticity, C. H. Waddington's genetic assimilation. The Baldwin effect includes genetic accommodation, of which one type is genetic assimilation. Science historian Laurent Loison has written that "the Baldwin effect and genetic assimilation, even if they are quite close, should not be conflated".

Power (social and political)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The term authority is often used for power that is perceived as legitimate or socially approved by the social structure. Power can be seen as evil or unjust; however, power can also be seen as good and as something inherited or given for exercising humanistic objectives that will help, move, and empower others as well.

Scholars have distinguished the differences between soft power and hard power.

Theories

Five bases of power

In a now-classic study (1959), social psychologists John R. P. French and Bertram Raven developed a schema of sources of power by which to analyse how power plays work (or fail to work) in a specific relationship.

According to French and Raven, power must be distinguished from influence in the following way: power is that state of affairs that holds in a given relationship, A-B, such that a given influence attempt by A over B makes A's desired change in B more likely. Conceived this way, power is fundamentally relative; it depends on the specific understandings A and B each apply to their relationship and requires B's recognition of a quality in A that would motivate B to change in the way A intends. A must draw on the 'base' or combination of bases of power appropriate to the relationship to effect the desired outcome. Drawing on the wrong power base can have unintended effects, including a reduction in A's own power.

French and Raven argue that there are five significant categories of such qualities, while not excluding other minor categories. Further bases have since been adduced, in particular by Gareth Morgan in his 1986 book, Images of Organization.

Legitimate power

Also called "positional power", legitimate power is the power of an individual because of the relative position and duties of the holder of the position within an organization. Legitimate power is formal authority delegated to the holder of the position. It is usually accompanied by various attributes of power, such as a uniform, a title, or an imposing physical office.

In simple terms, power can be expressed as being upward or downward. With downward power, a company's superiors influence subordinates to attain organizational goals. When a company exhibits upward power, subordinates influence the decisions of their leader or leaders.

Referent power

Referent power is the power or ability of individuals to attract others and build loyalty. It is based on the charisma and interpersonal skills of the powerholder. A person may be admired because of a specific personal trait, and this admiration creates the opportunity for interpersonal influence. Here, the person under power desires to identify with these personal qualities and gains satisfaction from being an accepted follower. Nationalism and patriotism count towards an intangible sort of referent power. For example, soldiers fight in wars to defend the honor of the country. This is the second-least obvious power but the most effective. Advertisers have long used the referent power of sports figures for product endorsements, for example. The charismatic appeal of the sports star supposedly leads to an acceptance of the endorsement, although the individual may have little real credibility outside the sports arena. Abuse is possible when someone who is likable yet lacks integrity and honesty rises to power, placing them in a situation to gain personal advantage at the cost of the group's position. Referent power is unstable alone and is not enough for a leader who wants longevity and respect. When combined with other sources of power, however, it can help a person achieve great success.

Expert power

Expert power is an individual's power deriving from the skills or expertise of the person and the organization's needs for those skills and expertise. Unlike the others, this type of power is usually highly specific and limited to the particular area in which the expert is trained and qualified. When they have knowledge and skills that enable them to understand a situation, suggest solutions, use solid judgment, and generally outperform others, then people tend to listen to them. When individuals demonstrate expertise, people tend to trust them and respect what they say. As subject-matter experts, their ideas will have more value, and others will look to them for leadership in that area.

Reward power

Reward power depends on the ability of the power wielder to confer valued material rewards; it refers to the degree to which the individual can give others a reward of some kind, such as benefits, time off, desired gifts, promotions, or increases in pay or responsibility. This power is obvious, but it is also ineffective if abused. People who abuse reward power can become pushy or be reprimanded for being too forthcoming or 'moving things too quickly'. If others expect to be rewarded for doing what someone wants, there is a high probability that they will do it. The problem with this basis of power is that the rewarder may not have as much control over rewards as may be required. Supervisors rarely have complete control over salary increases, and managers often cannot control all actions in isolation; even a company CEO needs permission from the board of directors for some actions. When an individual uses up available rewards or the rewards do not have enough perceived value for others, their power weakens. One of the frustrations of using rewards is that they often need to be bigger each time if they are to have the same motivational impact. Even then, if rewards are given frequently, people can become so satiated by the reward it loses its effectiveness.

In terms of cancel culture, the mass ostracization used to reconcile unchecked injustice and abuse of power is an "upward power." Policies for policing the internet against these processes as a pathway for creating due process for handling conflicts, abuses, and harm that is done through established processes are known as "downward power."

Coercive power

Coercive power is the application of negative influences. It includes the ability to defer or withhold other rewards. The desire for valued rewards or the fear of having them withheld can ensure the obedience of those under power. Coercive power tends to be the most obvious but least effective form of power, as it builds resentment and resistance from the people who experience it. Threats and punishment are common tools of coercion. Implying or threatening that someone will be fired, demoted, denied privileges, or given undesirable assignments – these are characteristics of using coercive power. Extensive use of coercive power is rarely appropriate in an organizational setting, and relying on these forms of power alone will result in a very cold, impoverished style of leadership. This is a type of power commonly seen in the fashion industry by coupling with legitimate power; it is referred to in the industry-specific literature as "glamorization of structural domination and exploitation".

Principles in interpersonal relationships

According to Laura K. Guerrero and Peter A. Andersen in Close Encounters: Communication in Relationships:

  • Power as a perception: Power is a perception in the sense that some people can have objective power but still have trouble influencing others. People who use power cues and act powerfully and proactively tend to be perceived as powerful by others. Some people become influential even though they don't overtly use powerful behavior.
  • Power as a relational concept: Power exists in relationships. The issue here is often how much relative power a person has in comparison to one's partner. Partners in close and satisfying relationships often influence each other at different times in various arenas.
  • Power as resource-based: Power usually represents a struggle over resources. The more scarce and valued resources are, the more intense and protracted the power struggles. The scarcity hypothesis indicates that people have the most power when the resources they possess are hard to come by or are in high demand. However, scarce resources lead to power only if they are valued within a relationship.
  • The principle of least interest and dependence power: The person with less to lose has greater power in the relationship. Dependence power indicates that those who are dependent on their relationship or partner are less powerful, especially if they know their partner is uncommitted and might leave them. According to interdependence theory, the quality of alternatives refers to the types of relationships and opportunities people could have if they were not in their current relationship. The principle of least interest suggests that if a difference exists in the intensity of positive feelings between partners, the partner who feels the most positive is at a power disadvantage. There's an inverse relationship between interest in a relationship and the degree of relational power.
  • Power as enabling or disabling: Power can be enabling or disabling. Research has shown that people are more likely to have an enduring influence on others when they engage in dominant behavior that reflects social skill rather than intimidation. Personal power is protective against pressure and excessive influence by others and/or situational stress. People who communicate through self-confidence and expressive, composed behavior tend to be successful in achieving their goals and maintaining good relationships. Power can be disabling when it leads to destructive patterns of communication. This can lead to the chilling effect, where the less powerful person often hesitates to communicate dissatisfaction, and the demand withdrawal pattern, which is when one person makes demands and the other becomes defensive and withdraws (Mawasha, 2006). Both effects have negative consequences for relational satisfaction.
  • Power as a prerogative: The prerogative principle states that the partner with more power can make and break the rules. Powerful people can violate norms, break relational rules, and manage interactions without as much penalty as powerless people. These actions may reinforce the powerful person's dependence on power. In addition, the more powerful person has the prerogative to manage both verbal and nonverbal interactions. They can initiate conversations, change topics, interrupt others, initiate touch, and end discussions more easily than less powerful people. (See expressions of dominance.)

Rational choice framework

Game theory, with its foundations in the Walrasian theory of rational choice, is increasingly used in various disciplines to help analyze power relationships. One rational-choice definition of power is given by Keith Dowding in his book Power.

In rational choice theory, human individuals or groups can be modelled as 'actors' who choose from a 'choice set' of possible actions in order to try to achieve desired outcomes. An actor's 'incentive structure' comprises (its beliefs about) the costs associated with different actions in the choice set and the likelihoods that different actions will lead to desired outcomes.

In this setting, we can differentiate between:

  1. outcome power – the ability of an actor to bring about or help bring about outcomes;
  2. social power – the ability of an actor to change the incentive structures of other actors in order to bring about outcomes.

This framework can be used to model a wide range of social interactions where actors have the ability to exert power over others. For example, a 'powerful' actor can take options away from another's choice set; can change the relative costs of actions; can change the likelihood that a given action will lead to a given outcome; or might simply change the other's beliefs about its incentive structure.

As with other models of power, this framework is neutral as to the use of 'coercion'. For example, a threat of violence can change the likely costs and benefits of different actions; so can a financial penalty in a 'voluntarily agreed' contract, or indeed a friendly offer.

Cultural hegemony

In the Marxist tradition, the Italian writer Antonio Gramsci elaborated on the role of ideology in creating a cultural hegemony, which becomes a means of bolstering the power of capitalism and of the nation-state. Drawing on Niccolò Machiavelli in The Prince and trying to understand why there had been no Communist revolution in Western Europe while it was claimed there had been one in Russia, Gramsci conceptualised this hegemony as a centaur, consisting of two halves. The back end, the beast, represented the more classic material image of power: power through coercion, through brute force, be it physical or economic. But the capitalist hegemony, he argued, depended even more strongly on the front end, the human face, which projected power through 'consent'. In Russia, this power was lacking, allowing for a revolution. However, in Western Europe, specifically in Italy, capitalism had succeeded in exercising consensual power, convincing the working classes that their interests were the same as those of capitalists. In this way, a revolution had been avoided.

While Gramsci stresses the significance of ideology in power structures, Marxist-feminist writers such as Michele Barrett stress the role of ideologies in extolling the virtues of family life. The classic argument to illustrate this point of view is the use of women as a 'reserve army of labour'. In wartime, it is accepted that women perform masculine tasks, while after the war, the roles are easily reversed. Therefore, according to Barrett, the destruction of capitalist economic relations is necessary but not sufficient for the liberation of women.

Tarnow

Eugen Tarnow considers what power hijackers have over air plane passengers and draws similarities with power in the military. He shows that power over an individual can be amplified by the presence of a group. If the group conforms to the leader's commands, the leader's power over an individual is greatly enhanced, while if the group does not conform, the leader's power over an individual is nil.

Foucault

For Michel Foucault, the real power will always rely on the ignorance of its agents. No single human, group, or actor runs the dispositif (machine or apparatus), but power is dispersed through the apparatus as efficiently and silently as possible, ensuring its agents do whatever is necessary. It is because of this action that power is unlikely to be detected and remains elusive to 'rational' investigation. Foucault quotes a text reputedly written by political economist Jean Baptiste Antoine Auget de Montyon, entitled Recherches et considérations sur la population de la France (1778), but turns out to be written by his secretary Jean-Baptise Moheau (1745–1794), and by emphasizing biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, who constantly refers to milieus as a plural adjective and sees into the milieu as an expression as nothing more than water, air, and light confirming the genus within the milieu, in this case the human species, relates to a function of the population and its social and political interaction in which both form an artificial and natural milieu. This milieu (both artificial and natural) appears as a target of intervention for power, according to Foucault, which is radically different from the previous notions on sovereignty, territory, and disciplinary space interwoven into social and political relations that function as a species (biological species). Foucault originated and developed the concept of "docile bodies" in his book Discipline and Punish. He writes, "A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved.

Clegg

Stewart Clegg proposes another three-dimensional model with his "circuits of power" theory. This model likens the production and organization of power to an electric circuit board consisting of three distinct interacting circuits: episodic, dispositional, and facilitative. These circuits operate at three levels: two are macro and one is micro. The episodic circuit is at the micro level and is constituted of irregular exercise of power as agents address feelings, communication, conflict, and resistance in day-to-day interrelations. The outcomes of the episodic circuit are both positive and negative. The dispositional circuit is constituted of macro level rules of practice and socially constructed meanings that inform member relations and legitimate authority. The facilitative circuit is constituted of macro level technology, environmental contingencies, job design, and networks, which empower or disempower and thus punish or reward agency in the episodic circuit. All three independent circuits interact at "obligatory passage points", which are channels for empowerment or disempowerment.

Galbraith

John Kenneth Galbraith (1908–2006) in The Anatomy of Power (1983) summarizes the types of power as "condign" (based on force), "compensatory" (through the use of various resources) or "conditioned" (the result of persuasion), and the sources of power as "personality" (individuals), "property" (power-wielders' material resources), and/or "organizational" (from sitting higher in an organisational power structure).

Gene Sharp

Gene Sharp, an American professor of political science, believes that power ultimately depends on its bases. Thus, a political regime maintains power because people accept and obey its dictates, laws, and policies. Sharp cites the insight of Étienne de La Boétie.

Sharp's key theme is that power is not monolithic; that is, it does not derive from some intrinsic quality of those who are in power. For Sharp, political power, the power of any state – regardless of its particular structural organization – ultimately derives from the subjects of the state. His fundamental belief is that any power structure relies upon the subjects' obedience to the orders of the ruler(s). If subjects do not obey, leaders have no power.

His work is thought to have been influential in the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević, in the 2011 Arab Spring, and other nonviolent revolutions.

Björn Kraus

Björn Kraus deals with the epistemological perspective on power regarding the question of the possibilities of interpersonal influence by developing a special form of constructivism (named relational constructivism). Instead of focusing on the valuation and distribution of power, he asks first and foremost what the term can describe at all. Coming from Max Weber's definition of power, he realizes that the term power has to be split into "instructive power" and "destructive power". More precisely, instructive power means the chance to determine the actions and thoughts of another person, whereas destructive power means the chance to diminish the opportunities of another person. How significant this distinction really is, becomes evident by looking at the possibilities of rejecting power attempts: Rejecting instructive power is possible; rejecting destructive power is not. By using this distinction, proportions of power can be analyzed in a more sophisticated way, helping to sufficiently reflect on matters of responsibility. This perspective permits people to get over an "either-or-position" (either there is power or there isn't), which is common, especially in epistemological discourses about power theories, and to introduce the possibility of an "as well as-position".

Unmarked categories

The idea of unmarked categories originated in feminism. As opposed to looking at social difference by focusing on what or whom is perceived to be different, theorists who use the idea of unmarked categories insist that one must also look at how whatever is "normal" comes to be perceived as unremarkable and what effects this has on social relations. Attending the unmarked category is thought to be a way to analyze linguistic and cultural practices to provide insight into how social differences, including power, are produced and articulated in everyday occurrences.

According to the idea of unmarked categories, when the cultural practices of people who occupy positions of relative power or can more easily exercise power seem obvious, they tend not to be explicitly articulated and therefore are perceived as default or baseline practices against which others are evaluated as different, deviant, or aberrant. The unmarked category becomes the standard against which to measure everything else. For example, it is posited that if a protagonist's race is not indicated, most Western readers will assume the protagonist is white; if a sexual identity is not indicated, it will be assumed the protagonist is heterosexual; if the gender of a body is not indicated, it is assumed to be male; if no disability is indicated, it will be assumed the protagonist is able-bodied. These assumptions do not, however, mean the unmarked category is superior, preferable, or more "natural," nor that the practices associated with the unmarked category require less social effort to enact.

Although the unmarked category is typically not explicitly noticed and often goes overlooked, it is still necessarily visible. As visible but unnoticed and unremarkable, membership in the unmarked category can be an index of power. For example, whiteness forms an unmarked category not commonly noticeable to the powerful, as they often fall within this category. Social groups can hold this view of power in terms of a variety of social distinctions, such as race, class, gender, ability, and sexuality.

Counterpower

The term 'counter-power' (sometimes written 'counterpower') is used in a range of situations to describe the countervailing force that can be utilised by the oppressed to counterbalance or erode the power of elites. A general definition has been provided by the anthropologist David Graeber as 'a collection of social institutions set in opposition to the state and capital: from self-governing communities to radical labor unions to popular militias'. Graeber also notes that counter-power can also be referred to as 'anti-power' and 'when institutions [of counter-power] maintain themselves in the face of the state, this is usually referred to as a 'dual power' situation'. Tim Gee, in his 2011 book Counterpower: Making Change Happen, put forward the theory that those disempowered by governments' and elite groups' power can use counterpower to counter this. In Gee's model, counterpower is split into three categories: idea counterpower, economic counterpower, and physical counterpower.

Although the term has come to prominence through its use by participants in the global justice/anti-globalization movement of the 1990s onwards, the word has been used for at least 60 years; for instance, Martin Buber's 1949 book 'Paths in Utopia' includes the line 'Power abdicates only under the stress of counter-power'.

Other theories

  • Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) defined power as a man's "present means, to obtain some future apparent good" (Leviathan, Ch. 10).
  • The thought of Friedrich Nietzsche underlies much 20th-century analysis of power. Nietzsche disseminated ideas on the "will to power," which he saw as the domination of other humans as much as the exercise of control over one's environment.
  • Some schools of psychology, notably those associated with Alfred Adler, place power dynamics at the core of their theory (where orthodox Freudians might place sexuality).
  • A generalization of power is given as "what counts as a means of determining a subject's position in a given competition".

Psychological research

Recent experimental psychology suggests that the more power one has, the less one takes on the perspective of others, implying that the powerful have less empathy. Adam Galinsky, along with several coauthors, found that when those who are reminded of their powerlessness are instructed to draw Es on their forehead, they are 3 times more likely to draw them such that they are legible to others than those who are reminded of their power. Powerful people are also more likely to take action. In one example, powerful people turned off an irritatingly close fan twice as much as less powerful people. Researchers have documented the bystander effect: they found that powerful people are three times as likely to first offer help to a "stranger in distress".

A study involving over 50 college students suggested that those primed to feel powerful through stating 'power words' were less susceptible to external pressure, more willing to give honest feedback, and more creative.

Empathy gap

"Power is defined as a possibility to influence others."

The use of power has evolved from centuries. Gaining prestige, honor and reputation is one of the central motives for gaining power in human nature. Power also relates with empathy gaps because it limits the interpersonal relationship and compares the power differences. Having power or not having power can cause a number of psychological consequences. It leads to strategic versus social responsibilities. Research experiments were done as early as 1968 to explore power conflict.

Past research

Earlier, research proposed that increased power relates to increased rewards and leads one to approach things more frequently. In contrast, decreased power relates to more constraint, threat and punishment which leads to inhibitions. It was concluded that being powerful leads one to successful outcomes, to develop negotiation strategies and to make more self-serving offers.

Later, research proposed that differences in power lead to strategic considerations. Being strategic can also mean to defend when one is opposed or to hurt the decision-maker. It was concluded that facing one with more power leads to strategic consideration whereas facing one with less power leads to a social responsibility.

Bargaining games

Bargaining games were explored in 2003 and 2004. These studies compared behavior done in different power given situations.

In an ultimatum game, the person in given power offers an ultimatum and the recipient would have to accept that offer or else both the proposer and the recipient will receive no reward.

In a dictator game, the person in given power offers a proposal and the recipient would have to accept that offer. The recipient has no choice of rejecting the offer.

Conclusion

The dictator game gives no power to the recipient whereas the ultimatum game gives some power to the recipient. The behavior observed was that the person offering the proposal would act less strategically than would the one offering in the ultimatum game. Self-serving also occurred and a lot of pro-social behavior was observed.

When the counterpart recipient is completely powerless, lack of strategy, social responsibility and moral consideration is often observed from the behavior of the proposal given (the one with the power).

Abusive power and control

One can regard power as evil or unjust; however, power can also be seen as good and as something inherited or given for exercising humanistic objectives that will help, move, and empower others as well. In general, power derives from the factors of interdependence between two entities and the environment. The use of power need not involve force or the threat of force (coercion). An example of using power without oppression is the concept "soft power" (as compared to hard power). Much of the recent sociological debate about power revolves around the issue of its means to enable – in other words, power as a means to make social actions possible as much as it may constrain or prevent them.

Abusive power and control (or controlling behaviour or coercive control) involve the ways in which abusers gain and maintain power and control over victims for abusive purposes such as psychological, physical, sexual, or financial abuse. Such abuse can have various causes – such as personal gain, personal gratification, psychological projection, devaluation, envy or because some abusers enjoy exercising power and control.

Controlling abusers may use multiple tactics to exert power and control over their victims. The tactics themselves are psychologically and sometimes physically abusive. Control may be helped through economic abuse, thus limiting the victim's actions as they may then lack the necessary resources to resist the abuse. Abusers aim to control and intimidate victims or to influence them to feel that they do not have an equal voice in the relationship.

Manipulators and abusers may control their victims with a range of tactics, including:

The vulnerabilities of the victim are exploited, with those who are particularly vulnerable being most often selected as targets. Traumatic bonding can occur between the abuser and victim as the result of ongoing cycles of abuse in which the intermittent reinforcement of reward and punishment fosters powerful emotional bonds that are resistant to change, as well as a climate of fear. An attempt may be made to normalise, legitimise, rationalise, deny, or minimise the abusive behaviour, or to blame the victim for it.

Isolation, gaslighting, mind games, lying, disinformation, propaganda, destabilisation, brainwashing and divide and rule are other strategies that are often used. The victim may be plied with alcohol or drugs or deprived of sleep to help disorientate them.

Certain personality-types feel particularly compelled to control other people.

Tactics

In everyday situations people use a variety of power tactics to push or prompt other people into particular actions. Many examples exist of common power tactics employed every day. Some of these tactics include bullying, collaboration, complaining, criticizing, demanding, disengaging, evading, humor, inspiring, manipulating, negotiating, socializing, and supplicating. One can classify such power tactics along three different dimensions:

  1. Soft and hard: Soft tactics take advantage of the relationship between the influencer and the target. They are more indirect and interpersonal (e.g., collaboration, socializing). Conversely, hard tactics are harsh, forceful, direct, and rely on concrete outcomes. However, they are not more powerful than soft tactics. In many circumstances, fear of social exclusion can be a much stronger motivator than some kind of physical punishment.
  2. Rational and nonrational: Rational tactics of influence make use of reasoning, logic, and sound judgment, whereas nonrational tactics may rely on emotionality or misinformation. Examples of each include bargaining and persuasion, and evasion and put-downs, respectively.
  3. Unilateral and bilateral: Bilateral tactics, such as collaboration and negotiation, involve reciprocity on the part of both the person influencing and their target. Unilateral tactics, on the other hand, develop without any participation on the part of the target. These tactics include disengagement and the deployment of fait accomplis.

People tend to vary in their use of power tactics, with different types of people opting for different tactics. For instance, interpersonally oriented people tend to use soft and rational tactics. Moreover, extroverts use a greater variety of power tactics than do introverts. People will also choose different tactics based on the group situation, and based on whom they wish to influence. People also tend to shift from soft to hard tactics when they face resistance.

Balance of power

Because power operates both relationally and reciprocally, sociologists speak of the "balance of power" between parties to a relationship: all parties to all relationships have some power: the sociological examination of power concerns itself with discovering and describing the relative strengths: equal or unequal, stable or subject to periodic change. Sociologists usually analyse relationships in which the parties have relatively equal or nearly equal power in terms of constraint rather than of power. In this context, "power" has a connotation of unilateralism. If this were not so, then all relationships could be described in terms of "power", and its meaning would be lost. Given that power is not innate and can be granted to others, to acquire power one must possess or control a form of power currency.

Political power in authoritarian regimes

In authoritarian regimes, political power is concentrated in the hands of a single leader or a small group of leaders who exercise almost complete control over the government and its institutions. Because some authoritarian leaders are not elected by a majority, their main threat is that posed by the masses. They often maintain their power through political control tactics like:

  1. Repression: The state targets actors who challenge their beliefs. Can be done directly or indirectly.
    • Autocrats repress actors they perceive as having irreconcilable interests, and cooperate with those they think have reconcilable ones.
    • Because of preference falsification- distinguishing between an individual's private preference and public preference- sometimes repression in itself is not enough.
  2. Indoctrination: The state controls public education and uses propaganda to diffuse its views and values into society.
    • A one standard deviation increase in pro-regime propaganda reduces the odds of protest the following day by 15%.
  3. Coercive distribution: The state distributes welfare and resources to keep people dependent while offering benefits to people they know they can manipulate.
  4. Infiltration: The state assigns people to go into grassroot level to sway the public in favor of the authoritarian regime.

Although several regimes follow these general forms of control, different authoritarian sub-regime types rely on different political control tactics.

Effects

Power changes those in the position of power and those who are targets of that power.

Approach/inhibition theory

Developed by D. Keltner and colleagues, approach/inhibition theory assumes that having power and using power alters psychological states of individuals. The theory is based on the notion that most organisms react to environmental events in two common ways. The reaction of approach is associated with action, self-promotion, seeking rewards, increased energy and movement. Inhibition, on the contrary, is associated with self-protection, avoiding threats or danger, vigilance, loss of motivation and an overall reduction in activity.

Overall, approach/inhibition theory holds that power promotes approach tendencies, while a reduction in power promotes inhibition tendencies.

Positive

  • Power prompts people to take action
  • Makes individuals more responsive to changes within a group and its environment
  • Powerful people are more proactive, more likely to speak up, make the first move, and lead negotiation
  • Powerful people are more focused on the goals appropriate in a given situation and tend to plan more task-related activities in a work setting
  • Powerful people tend to experience more positive emotions, such as happiness and satisfaction, and they smile more than low-power individuals
  • Power is associated with optimism about the future because more powerful individuals focus their attention on more positive aspects of the environment
  • People with more power tend to carry out executive cognitive functions more rapidly and successfully, including internal control mechanisms that coordinate attention, decision-making, planning, and goal-selection

Negative

  • Powerful people are prone to take risky, inappropriate, or unethical decisions and often overstep their boundaries
  • They tend to generate negative emotional reactions in their subordinates, particularly when there is a conflict in the group
  • When individuals gain power, their self-evaluation become more positive, while their evaluations of others become more negative
  • Power tends to weaken one's social attentiveness, which leads to difficulty understanding other people's point of view
  • Powerful people also spend less time collecting and processing information about their subordinates and often perceive them in a stereotypical fashion
  • People with power tend to use more coercive tactics, increase social distance between themselves and subordinates, believe that non-powerful individuals are untrustworthy, and devalue work and ability of less powerful individuals

Reactions

Tactics

A number of studies demonstrate that harsh power tactics (e.g. punishment (both personal and impersonal), rule-based sanctions, and non-personal rewards) are less effective than soft tactics (expert power, referent power, and personal rewards). It is probably because harsh tactics generate hostility, depression, fear, and anger, while soft tactics are often reciprocated with cooperation. Coercive and reward power can also lead group members to lose interest in their work, while instilling a feeling of autonomy in one's subordinates can sustain their interest in work and maintain high productivity even in the absence of monitoring.

Coercive influence creates conflict that can disrupt entire group functioning. When disobedient group members are severely reprimanded, the rest of the group may become more disruptive and uninterested in their work, leading to negative and inappropriate activities spreading from one troubled member to the rest of the group. This effect is called Disruptive contagion or ripple effect and it is strongly manifested when reprimanded member has a high status within a group, and authority's requests are vague and ambiguous.

Resistance to coercive influence

Coercive influence can be tolerated when the group is successful, the leader is trusted, and the use of coercive tactics is justified by group norms. Furthermore, coercive methods are more effective when applied frequently and consistently to punish prohibited actions.

However, in some cases, group members chose to resist the authority's influence. When low-power group members have a feeling of shared identity, they are more likely to form a Revolutionary Coalition, a subgroup formed within a larger group that seeks to disrupt and oppose the group's authority structure. Group members are more likely to form a revolutionary coalition and resist an authority when authority lacks referent power, uses coercive methods, and asks group members to carry out unpleasant assignments. It is because these conditions create reactance, individuals strive to reassert their sense of freedom by affirming their agency for their own choices and consequences.

Kelman's compliance-identification-internalization theory of conversion

Herbert Kelman identified three basic, step-like reactions that people display in response to coercive influence: compliance, identification, and internalization. This theory explains how groups convert hesitant recruits into zealous followers over time.

At the stage of compliance, group members comply with authority's demands, but personally do not agree with them. If authority does not monitor the members, they will probably not obey.

Identification occurs when the target of the influence admires and therefore imitates the authority, mimics authority's actions, values, characteristics, and takes on behaviours of the person with power. If prolonged and continuous, identification can lead to the final stage – internalization.

When internalization occurs, individual adopts the induced behaviour because it is congruent with his/her value system. At this stage, group members no longer carry out authority orders but perform actions that are congruent with their personal beliefs and opinions. Extreme obedience often requires internalization.

Power literacy

Power literacy refers to how one perceives power, how it is formed and accumulates, and the structures that support it and who is in control of it. Education can be helpful for heightening power literacy. In a 2014 TED talk Eric Liu notes that "we don't like to talk about power" as "we find it scary" and "somehow evil" with it having a "negative moral valence" and states that the pervasiveness of power illiteracy causes a concentration of knowledge, understanding and clout. Joe L. Kincheloe describes a "cyber-literacy of power" that is concerned with the forces that shape knowledge production and the construction and transmission of meaning, being more about engaging knowledge than "mastering" information, and a "cyber-power literacy" that is focused on transformative knowledge production and new modes of accountability.

Cellular automaton

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia https://en.wikipedi...