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Saturday, February 10, 2024

Vocal learning

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vocal_learning

Vocal learning is the ability to modify acoustic and syntactic sounds, acquire new sounds via imitation, and produce vocalizations. "Vocalizations" in this case refers only to sounds generated by the vocal organ (mammalian larynx or avian syrinx) as opposed to by the lips, teeth, and tongue, which require substantially less motor control. A rare trait, vocal learning is a critical substrate for spoken language and has only been detected in eight animal groups despite the wide array of vocalizing species; these include humans, bats, cetaceans, pinnipeds (seals and sea lions), elephants, and three distantly related bird groups including songbirds, parrots, and hummingbirds. Vocal learning is distinct from auditory learning, or the ability to form memories of sounds heard, a relatively common trait which is present in all vertebrates tested. For example, dogs can be trained to understand the word "sit" even though the human word is not in its innate auditory repertoire (auditory learning). However, the dog cannot imitate and produce the word "sit" itself as vocal learners can.

Classification

Hypothetical distributions of two behavioral phenotypes: vocal learning and sensory (auditory) sequence learning. We hypothesize that the behavioral phenotypes of vocal learning and auditory learning are distributed along several categories. (A) Vocal learning complexity phenotype and (B) auditory sequence learning phenotype. The left axis (blue) illustrates the hypothetical distribution of species along the behavioral phenotype dimensions. The right axis (black step functions) illustrates different types of transitions along the hypothesized vocal-learning (A) or auditory-learning (B) complexity dimensions. Whether the actual distributions are continuous functions (blue curves), will need to be tested, in relation to the alternatives that there are several categories with gradual transitions or step functions (black curves). Although auditory learning is a prerequisite for vocal learning and there can be a correlation between the two phenotypes (A–B), the two need not be interdependent. A theoretical Turing machine (Turing, 1968) is illustrated [G∗], which can outperform humans on memory for digitized auditory input but is not a vocal learner. From Petkov, CI; Jarvis ED (2012). "Birds, primates, and spoken language origins: behavioral phenotypes and neurobiological substrates". Front. Evol. Neurosci. 4:12.

Historically, species have been classified into the binary categories of vocal learner or vocal non-learner based on their ability to produce novel vocalizations or imitate other species, with evidence from social isolation, deafening studies, and cross-fostering experiments.[1] However, vocal learners exhibit a great deal of plasticity or variation between species, resulting in a spectrum of ability. The vocalizations of songbirds and whales have a syntactic-like organization similar to that of humans but are limited to Finite-State Grammars (FSGs), where they can generate strings of sequences with limited structural complexity. Humans, on the other hand, show deeper hierarchical relationships, such as the nesting of phrases within others, and demonstrate compositional syntax, where changes in syntactic organization generate new meanings, both of which are beyond the capabilities of other vocal learning groups

Vocal learning phenotype also differ within groups and closely related species will not display the same abilities. Within avian vocal learners, for example, zebra finch songs only contain strictly linear transitions that go through different syllables in a motif from beginning to end, yet mockingbird and nightingale songs show element repetition within a range of legal repetitions, non-adjacent relationships between distant song elements, and forward and backward branching in song element transitions. Parrots are even more complex as they can imitate the speech of heterospecifics like humans and synchronize their movements to a rhythmic beat.

Continuum hypothesis

Even further complicating the original binary classification is evidence from recent studies that suggests that there is greater variability in a non-learner's ability to modify vocalizations based on experience than previously thought. Findings in suboscine passerine birds, non-human primates, mice, and goats, has led to the proposal of the vocal learning continuum hypothesis by Erich Jarvis and Gustavo Arriaga. Based on the apparent variations seen in various studies, the continuum hypothesis reclassifies species into non-learner, limited vocal learner, moderate vocal learning, complex vocal learner and high vocal learner categories where higher tiers have fewer species. Under this system, previously identified non-human vocal learners like songbirds are considered complex learners while humans fall under the “high” category; non-human primates, mice, and goats, which are traditionally classified as non-learners, are considered limited vocal learners under this system. Recent work, while generally acknowledging the usefulness of this richer view of vocal learning, has pointed out conceptual and empirical limitations of the vocal learning continuum hypothesis, suggesting more species and factors should be taken into account.

Evidence of vocal learning in various species

Known vocal learners

Birds

The most extensively studied model organisms of vocal learning are found in birds, namely songbirds, parrots, and hummingbirds. The degree of vocal learning in each specific species varies. While many parrots and certain songbirds like canaries can imitate and spontaneously combine learned sounds during all periods of their life, other songbirds and hummingbirds are limited to a certain songs learned during their critical period.

Bats

The first evidence for audio-vocal learning in a non-human mammal was produced by Karl-Heinz Esser in 1994. Hand-reared infant lesser spear-nosed bats (Phyllostomos discolor) were able to adapt their isolation calls to an external reference signal. Isolation calls in a control group that had no reference signal did not show the same adaptation.

Further evidence for vocal learning in bats appeared in 1998 when Janette Wenrick Boughman studied female greater spear-nosed bats (Phyllostomus hastatus). These bats live in unrelated groups and use group contact calls that differ among social groups. Each social group has a single call, which differs in frequency and temporal characteristics. When individual bats were introduced to a new social group, the group call began to morph, taking on new frequency and temporal characteristics, and over time, calls of transfer and resident bats in the same group more closely resembled their new modified call than their old calls.

Cetaceans

Whales

Male humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae) sing as a form of sexual display while migrating to and from their breeding grounds. All males in a population produce the same song which can change over time, indicating vocal learning and cultural transmission, a characteristic shared by some bird populations. Songs become increasingly dissimilar over distance and populations in different oceans have dissimilar songs.

Whale songs recorded along the east coast of Australia in 1996 showed introduction of a novel song by two foreign whales who had migrated from the west Australian coast to the east Australian coast. In just two years, all members of the population had switched songs. This new song was nearly identical to ones sung by migrating humpback whales on the west Australian Coast, and the two new singers who introduced the song are hypothesized to have introduced the new "foreign" song to the population on the east Australian coast.

Vocal learning has also been seen in killer whales (Orcinus orca). Two juvenile killer whales, separated from their natal pods, were seen mimicking cries of California sea lions (Zalophus californianus) that were near the region they lived in. The composition of the calls of these two juveniles were also different from their natal groups, reflecting more of the sea lion calls than that of the whales.

Dolphins

Captive bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops truncatus) can be trained to emit sounds through their blowhole in open air. Through training, these vocal emissions can be altered from natural patterns to resemble sounds like the human voice, measurable through the number of bursts of sound emitted by the dolphin. In 92% of exchanges between humans and dolphins, the number of bursts equaled ±1 of the number of syllables spoken by a human. Another study used an underwater keyboard to demonstrate that dolphins are able to learn various whistles in order to do an activity or obtain an object. Complete mimicry occurred within ten attempts for these trained dolphins. Other studies of dolphins have given even more evidence of spontaneous mimicry of species-specific whistles and other biological and computer-generated signals.

Such vocal learning has also been identified in wild bottlenose dolphins. Bottlenose dolphins develop a distinct signature whistle in the first few months of life, which is used to identify and distinguish itself from other individuals. This individual distinctiveness could have been a driving force for evolution by providing higher species fitness since complex communication is largely correlated with increased intelligence. However, vocal identification is present in vocal non-learners as well. Therefore, it is unlikely that individual identification was a primary driving force for the evolution of vocal learning. Each signature whistle can be learned by other individuals for identification purposes and are used primarily when the dolphin in question is out of sight. Bottlenose dolphins use their learned whistles in matching interactions, which are likely to be used while addressing each other, signalling alliance membership to a third party, or preventing deception by an imitating dolphin.

Mate attraction and territory defense have also been seen as possible contributors to vocal learning evolution. Studies on this topic point out that while both vocal learners and non-learners use vocalizations to attract mates or defend territories, there is one key difference: variability. Vocal learners can produce a more varied arrangement of vocalizations and frequencies, which studies show may be more preferred by females. For example, Caldwell observed that male Atlantic bottlenose dolphins may initiate a challenge by facing another dolphin, opening its mouth, thereby exposing its teeth, or arching its back slightly and holding its head downward. This behavior is more along the lines of visual communication but still may or may not be accompanied by vocalizations such as burst-pulsed sounds. The burst-pulsed sounds, which are more complex and varied than the whistles, are often utilized to convey excitement, dominance or aggression such as when they are competing for the same piece of food. The dolphins also produce these forceful sounds when in the presence of other individuals moving towards the same prey. On the sexual side, Caldwell saw that dolphins may solicit a sexual response from another by swimming in front of it, looking back, and rolling on its side to display the genital region. These observations provide yet another example of visual communication where dolphins exhibit different postures and non-vocal behaviors to communicate with others that also may or may not be accompanied by vocalizations. Sexual selection for greater variability, and thus in turn vocal learning, may then be a major driving force for the evolution of vocal learning.

Seals

Captive harbor seals (Phoca vitulina) were recorded mimicking human words such as "hello", "Hoover" (the seal's own name) and producing other speech-like sounds. Most of the vocalizations occurred during the reproductive season.

More evidence of vocal learning in seals occurs in southern elephant seals (Mirounga leonine). Young males imitate the vocal cries of successful older males during their breeding season. northern and southern elephant seals have a highly polygynous mating system with a vast disparity in mating success. In other words, few males guard huge harems of females, eliciting intense male-male competition. Antagonistic vocal cries play an important role in inter-male competitions and are hypothesized to demonstrate the resource-holding potential of the emitter. In both species, antagonistic vocal cries vary geographically and are structurally complex and individually distinct. Males displays unique calls, which can be identified by the specific arrangement of syllable and syllable parts.

Harem holders frequently vocalize to keep peripheral males away from females, and these vocalizations are the dominant component in a young juvenile's acoustic habitat. Successful vocalizations are heard by juveniles, who then imitate these calls as they get older in an attempt to obtain a harem for themselves. Novel vocal types expressed by dominant males spread quickly through populations of breeding elephant seals and are even imitated by juveniles in the same season.

Genetic analysis indicated that successful vocal patterns were not passed down hereditarily, indicating that this behavior is learned. Progeny of successful harem holders do not display their father's vocal calls and the call that makes one male successful often disappears entirely from the population.

Elephants

Mlaika, a ten-year-old adolescent female African elephant, has been recorded imitating truck sounds coming from the Nairobi-Mombasa highway three miles away. Analysis of Mlaika's truck-like calls show that they are different from the normal calls of African elephants, and that her calls are a general model of truck sounds, not copies of the sounds of trucks recorded at the same time of the calls. In other words, Mlaika's truck calls are not imitations of the trucks that she hears, but rather, a generalized model she developed over time.

Other evidence of vocal learning in elephants occurred in a cross-fostering situation with a captive African elephant. At the Basel Zoo in Switzerland, Calimero, a male African elephant, was kept with two female Asian elephants. Recordings of his cries shows evidence of chirping noises, typically only produced by Asian elephants. The duration and frequency of these calls differs from recorded instances of chirping calls from other African elephants and more closely resembles the chirping calls of Asian elephants.

Controversial or limited vocal learners

The following species are not formally considered vocal learners, but some evidence has suggested they may have limited abilities to modify their vocalizations. Further research is needed in these species to fully understand their learning abilities.

Non-human primates

Early research asserted that primate calls are fully formed at an early age in development, yet recently some studies have suggested these calls are modified later in life. In 1989, Masataka and Fujita cross-fostered Japanese and rhesus monkeys in the same room and demonstrated that foraging calls were learned directly from their foster mothers, providing evidence of vocal learning. However, when another independent group was unable to reproduce these results, Masataka and Fujita's findings were questioned. Adding to the evidence against vocal learning in non-human primates is the suggestion that regional differences in calls maybe be attributed to genetic differences between populations and not vocal learning.

Other studies argue that non-human primates do have some limited vocal learning ability, demonstrating that they can modify their vocalizations in a limited fashion through laryngeal control and lip movements. For example, chimpanzees in both captivity and in the wild have been recorded producing novel sounds to attract attention. By puckering their lips and making a vibrating sounds, they can make a "raspberry" call, which has been imitated by both naïve captive and wild individuals. There is also evidence of an orangutan learning to whistle by copying a human, an ability previously unseen in the species. A cross-fostering experiment with marmosets and macaques showed convergence in pitch and other acoustic features in their supposedly innate calls, demonstrating the ability, albeit limited, for vocal learning.

Mice

Mice produce long sequences of vocalizations or "songs" that are used for both isolation calls in pups when cold or removed from nest and for courtship when males sense a female or detect pheromones in their urine. These ultrasonic vocalizations consist of discrete syllables and patterns, with species-specific differences. Males tend to use particular syllable types that can be used to differentiate individuals.

There has been intense debate on whether these songs are innate or learned. In 2011, Kikusui et al. cross-fostered two strains of mice with distinct song phenotypes and discovered that strain-specific characteristics of each song persisted in the offspring, indicating that these vocalizations are innate. However, a year later work by Arriaga et al. contradicted these results as their study found a motor cortex region active during singing, which projects directly to brainstem motor neurons and is also important for keeping songs stereotyped and on pitch. Vocal control by forebrain motor areas and direct cortical projections to vocal motor neurons are both features of vocal learning. Furthermore, male mice were shown to depend on auditory feedback to maintain some ultrasonic song features, and sub-strains with differences in their songs were able to match each other's pitch when cross-housed under competitive social conditions.

In 2013, Mahrt et al. showed that genetically deafened mice produce calls of the same types, number, duration, frequency as normal hearing mice. This finding shows that mice do not require auditory experience to produce normal vocalizations, suggesting that mice are not vocal learners.

With this conflicting evidence, it remains unclear whether mice are vocal non-learners or limited vocal learners.

Goats

When goats are placed in different social groups, they modify their calls to show more similarity to that of the group, which provides evidence they may be limited vocal learners according to Erich Jarvis' continuum hypothesis.

Evolution

As vocal learning is such a rare trait that evolved in distant groups, there are many theories to explain the striking similarities between vocal learners, especially within avian vocal learners.

Adaptive advantage

There are several proposed hypotheses that explain the selection for vocal learning based on environment and behavior. These include:

  • Individual identification: In most vocal-learning species, individuals have their own songs which serve as a unique signature to differentiate themselves from others in the population, which some suggest has driven selection of vocal learning. However, identification by voice, rather than by song or name, is present in vocal non-learners as well. Among vocal learners, only humans and maybe bottlenose dolphins actually use unique names. Therefore, it is unlikely that individual identification was a primary driving force for the evolution of vocal learning.
  • Semantic communication: Semantic vocal communication associates specific vocalizations with animate or inanimate objects to convey a factual message. This hypothesis asserts that vocal learning evolved to facilitate enhanced communication of these specific messages as opposed to affective communication, which conveys emotional content. For example, humans are able to shout "watch out for that car!" when another is in danger while crossing the street instead of just making a noise to indicate urgency, which is less effective at conveying the exact danger at hand. However, many vocal non-learners, including chickens and velvet monkeys, have been shown to use their innate calls to communicate semantic information such as ‘a food source’ or 'predator.' Further discrediting this hypothesis is the fact that vocal learning birds also use innate calls for this purpose and only rarely use their learned vocalizations for semantic communication (for example, the grey parrot can mimic human speech and the black-capped chickadee uses calls to indicate predator size). As learned vocalizations rarely convey semantic information, this hypothesis also does not fully explain the evolution of vocal learning.
  • Mate attraction and territory defense: While both vocal learners and non-learners use vocalizations to attract mates or defend territories, there is one key difference: variability. Vocal learners can produce more varied syntax and frequency modulation, which have been shown to be preferred by females in songbirds. For example, canaries use two voices to produce large frequency modulation variations called "sexy syllables" or "sexy songs", which are thought to stimulate estrogen production in females. When vocal non-learner females were presented with artificially increased frequency modulations in their innate vocalizations, more mating was stimulated. Sexual selection for greater variability, and thus in turn vocal learning, may then be a major driving force for the evolution of vocal learning.
  • Rapid adaptation to sound propagation in different environments: Vocal non-learners produce their sounds best in specific habitats, making them more susceptible to changes in the environment. For example, pigeons' low-frequency calls travel best near the ground, and so communication higher in the air is much less effective. In contrast, vocal learners can change voice characteristics to suit their current environment, which presumably allows for better group communication.

Predatory pressure

With the many possible advantages outlined above, it still remains unclear as to why vocal learning is so rare. One proposed explanation is that predatory pressure applies a strong selective force against vocal learning. If mates prefer more variable vocalizations, predators may also be more strongly attracted to more variable vocalizations. As innate calls are typically constant, predators quickly habituate to these vocalizations and ignore them as background noise. In contrast, the variable vocalizations of vocal learners are less likely to be ignored, possibly increasing the predation rate among vocal learners. In this case, relaxed predation pressure or some mechanism to overcome increased predation must first develop to facilitate the evolution of vocal learning. Supporting this hypothesis is the fact that many mammalian vocal learners including humans, whales, and elephants have very few major predators. Similarly, several avian vocal learners have behaviors that are effective in avoiding predators, from the rapid flight and escape behavior of hummingbirds to predator mobbing in parrots and songbirds.

While little research has been done in this area, some studies have supported the predation hypothesis. One study showed that Bengalese finches bred in captivity for 250 years without predation or human selection for singing behavior show increased variability in syntax than their conspecifics in the wild. A similar experiment with captive zebra finches demonstrated the same result as captive birds had increased song variability, which was then preferred by females. Although these studies are promising, more research is needed in this area to compare predation rates across vocal learners and non-learners.

Phylogeny

Birds

Avian phylogenetic tree and the complex-vocal learning phenotype. Shown is an avian phylogenetic tree (based on: Hackett et al., 2008). Identified in red text and ∗ are three groups of complex-vocal learning birds. Below the figure are summarized three alternative hypotheses on the evolutionary mechanisms of complex-vocal learning in birds. From Petkov, CI; Jarvis ED (2012). "Birds, primates, and spoken language origins: behavioral phenotypes and neurobiological substrates". Front. Evol. Neurosci. 4:12.

Modern birds supposedly evolved from a common ancestor around the Cretaceous-Paleogene boundary at the time of the extinction of dinosaurs, about 66 million years ago. Out of the thirty avian orders, only three evolved vocal learning and all have incredibly similar forebrain structures despite the fact that they are distantly related (for example, parrots and songbirds are as distantly related as humans and dolphins). Phylogenetic comparisons have suggested that vocal learning evolved among birds at least two or three independent times, in songbirds, parrots, and hummingbirds. Depending on the interpretation of the trees, there were either three gains in all three lineages or two gains, in hummingbirds and the common ancestor of parrots and songbirds, with a loss in the suboscine songbirds. There are several hypotheses to explain this phenomenon:

  • Independent convergent evolution: All three avian groups evolved vocal learning and similar neural pathways independently (not through a common ancestor). This suggests that there are strong epigenetic constraints imposed by the environment or morphological needs, and so this hypothesis predicts that groups that newly evolve vocal learning will also develop similar neural circuits.
  • Common ancestor: This alternative hypothesis suggests that vocal learning birds evolved the trait from a distant common ancestor, which was then lost four independent times in interrelated vocal non-learners. Possible causes include high survival costs of vocal learning (predation) or weak adaptive benefits that did not induce strong selection for the trait for organisms in other environments.
  • Rudimentary structures in non-learners: This alternative hypothesis states that avian non-learners actually do possess rudimentary or undeveloped brain structures necessary for song learning, which were enlarged in vocal learning species. Significantly, this concept challenges the current assumption that vocal nuclei are unique to vocal learners, suggesting that these structures are universal even in other groups such as mammals.
  • Motor theory: This hypothesis suggests that cerebral systems that control vocal learning in distantly related animals evolved as specializations of a pre-existing motor system inherited from a common ancestor. Thus in avian vocal learners, each of the three groups of vocal learning birds evolved cerebral vocal systems independently, but the systems were constrained by a previous genetically determined motor system inherited from the common ancestor that controls learned movement sequencing. Evidence for this hypothesis was provided by Feenders and colleagues in 2008 as they found that EGR1, an immediate early gene associated with increases in neuronal activity, was expressed in forebrain regions surrounding or directly adjacent to song nuclei when vocal learning birds performed non-vocal movement behaviors such as hopping and flying. In non-learners, comparable areas were activated, but without the adjacent presence of song nuclei. EGR1 expression patterns were correlated with the amount of movement, just as its expression typically correlates with the amount of singing performed in vocal birds. These finding suggest that vocal learning brain regions developed from the same cell lineages that gave rise to the motor pathway, which then formed a direct projection onto the brainstem vocal motor neurons to provide greater control.

Currently, it remains unclear as to which of these hypotheses is the most accurate.

Primates

Primate phylogenetic tree and complex-vocal learning vs. auditory sequence learning. Shown is a primate phylogenetic tree based on a combination of DNA sequence and fossil age data (Goodman et al., 1998; Page et al., 1999). Humans (Homo) are the only primates classified as “vocal learners.” However, non-human primates might be better at auditory sequence learning than their limited vocal-production learning capabilities would suggest. In blue text and (#) we highlight species for which there is some evidence of Artificial Grammar Learning capabilities for at least adjacent relationships between the elements in a sequence (tamarins: Fitch and Hauser, 2004), (macaques: Wilson et al., 2011). Presuming that the auditory capabilities of guenons and gibbons (or the symbolic learning of signs by apes) would mean that these animals are able to learn at least adjacent relationships in Artificial Grammars we can tentatively mark these species also in blue #. Note however, that for the species labeled in black text, future studies might show them to be capable of some limited-vocal learning or various levels of complexity in learning the structure of auditory sequences. Three not mutually exclusive hypotheses are illustrated for both complex-vocal learning and auditory sequence learning. From Petkov, CI; Jarvis ED (2012). "Birds, primates, and spoken language origins: behavioral phenotypes and neurobiological substrates". Front. Evol. Neurosci. 4:12.

In primates, only humans are known to be capable of complex vocal learning. Similar to the first hypothesis relating to birds, one explanation is that vocal learning evolved independently in humans. An alternative hypothesis suggests evolution from a primate common ancestor capable of vocal learning, with the trait subsequently being lost at least eight other times. Considering the most parsimonious analysis, it seems unlikely that the number of independent gains (one in humans) would be exceeded so greatly by the number of independent losses (at least eight), which supports the independent evolution hypothesis.

Neurobiology

Neural pathways in avian vocal learners

As avian vocal learners are the most amenable to experimental manipulations, the vast majority of work to elucidate the neurobiological mechanisms of vocal learning has been conducted with zebra finches, with a few studies focusing on budgerigars and other species. Despite variation in vocal learning phenotype, the neural circuitry necessary for producing learned song is conserved in songbirds, parrots, and hummingbirds. As opposed to their non-learner avian counterparts such as quail, doves, and pigeons, these avian vocal learners contain seven distinct cerebral song nuclei, or distinct brain areas associated with auditory learning and song production defined by their gene expression patterns. As current evidence suggests independent evolution of these structures, the names of each equivalent vocal nucleus are different per bird group, as shown in the table below.

Parallel Song Nuclei in Avian Vocal Learners
Songbirds Parrots Hummingbirds
HVC: a letter based name NLC: central nucleus of the lateral nidopallium VLN: vocal nucleus of the lateral nidopallium
RA: robust nucleus of the arcopallium AAC: central nucleus of the anterior arcopallium VA: vocal nucleus of the arcopallium
MAN: magnocellular nucleus of anterior nidopallium NAOc: oval nucleus of the anterior nidopallium complex
Area X: area X of the striatum MMSt: magnocellular nucleus of the anterior striatum
DLM: medial nucleus of dorsolateral thalamus DMM: magnocellular nucleus of the dorsomedial thalamus
MO: oval nucleus of the mesopallium MOc: oval nucleus of the mesopallium complex

Vocal nuclei are found in two separate brain pathways, which will be described in songbirds as most research has been conducted in this group, yet connections are similar in parrots and hummingbirds. Projections of the anterior vocal pathway in the hummingbird remain unclear and so are not listed in the table above.

The posterior vocal pathway (also known as vocal motor pathway), involved in the production of learned vocalizations, begins with projections from a nidopallial nucleus, the HVC in songbirds. The HVC then projects to the robust nucleus of the arcopallium (RA). The RA connects to the midbrain vocal center DM (dorsal medial nucleus of the midbrain) and the brainstem (nXIIts) vocal motor neurons that control the muscles of the syrinx, a direct projection similar to the projection from LMC to the nucleus ambiguus in humans The HVC is considered the syntax generator while the RA modulates the acoustic structure of syllables. Vocal non-learners do possess the DM and twelfth motor neurons (nXIIts), but lack the connections to the arcopallium. As a result, they can produce vocalizations, but not learned vocalizations.

The anterior vocal pathway (also known as vocal learning pathway) is associated with learning, syntax, and social contexts, starting with projections from the magnocellular nucleus of the anterior nidopallium (MAN) to the striatal nucleus Area X. Area X then projects to the medial nucleus of dorsolateral thalamus (DLM), which ultimately projects back to MAN in a loop The lateral part of MAN (LMAN) generates variability in song, while Area X is responsible for stereotypy, or the generation of low variability in syllable production and order after song crystallization.

Despite the similarities in vocal learning neural circuits, there are some major connectivity differences between the posterior and anterior pathways among avian vocal learners. In songbirds, the posterior pathway communicates with the anterior pathway via projections from the HVC to Area X; the anterior pathway sends output to the posterior pathway via connections from LMAN to RA and medial MAN (MMAN) to HVC. Parrots, on the other hand, have projections from the ventral part of the AAC (AACv), the parallel of the songbird RA, to the NAOc, parallel of the songbird MAN, and the oval nucleus of the mesopallium (MO). The anterior pathway in parrots connects to the posterior pathway via NAOc projections to the NLC, parallel of the songbird HVC, and AAC. Thus, parrots do not send projections to the striatal nucleus of the anterior pathway from their posterior pathway as do songbirds. Another crucial difference is the location of the posterior vocal nuclei among species. Posterior nuclei are located in auditory regions for songbirds, laterally adjacent to auditory regions in hummingbirds, and are physically separate from auditory regions in parrots. Axons must therefore take different routes to connect nuclei in different vocal learning species. Exactly how these connectivity differences affect song production and/or vocal learning ability remains unclear.

An auditory pathway that is used for auditory learning brings auditory information into the vocal pathway, but the auditory pathway is not unique to vocal learners. Ear hair cells project to cochlear ganglia neurons to auditory pontine nuclei to midbrain and thalamic nuclei and to primary and secondary pallial areas. A descending auditory feedback pathway exists projecting from the dorsal nidopallium to the intermediate arcopallium to shell regions around the thalamic and midbrain auditory nuclei. Remaining unclear is the source of auditory input into the vocal pathways described above. It is hypothesized that songs are processed in these areas in a hierarchical manner, with the primary pallial area responsible for acoustic features (field L2), the secondary pallial area (fields L1 and L3 as well as the caudal medial nidopallium or NCM) determining sequencing and discrimination, and the highest station, the caudal mesopallium (CM), modulating fine discrimination of sounds. Secondary pallial areas including the NCM and CM are also thought to be involved in auditory memory formation of songs used for vocal learning, but more evidence is needed to substantiate this hypothesis.

Critical period

The development of the sensory modalities necessary for song learning occurs within a “critical period” of development that varies among avian vocal learners. Closed-ended learners such as the zebra finch and aphantochroa hummingbird can only learn during a limited time period and subsequently produce highly stereotyped or non-variable vocalizations consisting of a single, fixed song which they repeat their entire lives. In contrast, open-ended learners, including canaries and various parrot species, display significant plasticity and continue to learn new songs throughout the course of their lives.

In the male zebra finch, vocal learning begins with a period of sensory acquisition or auditory learning where juveniles are exposed to the song of an adult male “tutor” at about posthatch day 30 to 60. During this stage, juveniles listen and memorize the song pattern of their tutor and produce subsong, characterized by the production of highly variable syllables and syllable sequences. Subsong is thought to be analogous to babbling in human infants. Subsequently during the sensorimotor learning phase at posthatch day 35 to 90, juveniles practice the motor commands required for song production and use auditory feedback to alter vocalizations to match the song template. Songs during this period are plastic as specific syllables begin to emerge but are frequently in the wrong sequence, errors that are similar to phonological mistakes made by young children when learning a language. As the bird ages, its song becomes more stereotyped until at posthatch day 120 the song syllables and sequence are crystallized or fixed. At this point, the zebra finch can no longer learn new songs and thus sings this single song for the duration of its life.

The neural mechanisms behind the closing of the critical period remain unclear, but early deprivation of juveniles from their adult tutors has been shown to extend the critical period of song acquisition “Synapse selection” theories hypothesize that synaptic plasticity during the critical period is gradually reduced as dendritic spines are pruned through activity-dependent synaptic rearrangement The pruning of dendritic spines in the LMAN song nucleus was delayed in isolated zebra finches with extended critical periods, suggesting that this form of synaptic reorganization may be important in closing the critical period. However, other studies have shown that birds reared normally as well as isolated juveniles have similar levels of dendritic pruning despite an extended critical period in the latter group, demonstrating that this theory does not completely explain critical period modulation.

Previous research has suggested that the length of the critical period may be linked to differential gene expression within song nuclei, thought to be caused by neurotransmitter binding of receptors during neural activation. One key area is the LMAN song nucleus, part of the specialized cortical-basal-ganglia-thalamo-cortical loop in the anterior forebrain pathway, which is essential for vocal plasticity. While inducing deafness in songbirds usually disrupts the sensory phase of learning and leads to production of highly abnormal song structures, lesioning of LMAN in zebra finches prevents this song deterioration, leading to the earlier development of stable song. One of the neurotransmitter receptors shown to affect LMAN is the N- methyl-D-aspartate glutamate receptor (NMDAR), which is required for learning and activity-dependent gene regulation in the post-synaptic neuron. Infusions of the NMDAR antagonist APV (R-2-amino-5-phosphonopentanoate) into the LMAN song nucleus disrupts the critical period in the zebra finch. NMDAR density and mRNA levels of the NR1 subunit also decrease in LMAN during early song development. When the song becomes crystallized, expression of the NR2B subunit decreases in LMAN and NMDAR-mediated synaptic currents shorten. It has been hypothesized that LMAN actively maintains RA microcircuitry in a state permissive for song plasticity and in a process of normal development it regulates HVC-RA synapses.

In humans

Vocalization subsystems in complex-vocal learners and in limited-vocal learners or vocal non-learners: Direct and indirect pathways. The different subsystems for vocalization and their interconnectivity are illustrated using different colors. (A) Schematic of a songbird brain showing some connectivity of the four major song nuclei (HVC, RA, AreaX, and LMAN). (B) Human brain schematic showing the different proposed vocal subsystems. The learned vocalization subsystem consists of a primary motor cortex pathway (blue arrow) and a cortico-striatal-thalamic loop for learning vocalizations (white). Also shown is the limbic vocal subsystem that is broadly conserved in primates for producing innate vocalizations (black), and the motoneurons that control laryngeal muscles (red). (C) Known connectivity of a brainstem vocal system (not all connections shown) showing absence of forebrain song nuclei in vocal non-learning birds. (D) Known connectivity of limited-vocal learning monkeys (based on data in squirrel monkeys and macaques) showing presence of forebrain regions for innate vocalization (ACC, OFC, and amygdala) and also of a ventral premotor area (Area 6vr) of currently poorly understood function that is indirectly connected to nucleus ambiguous. The LMC in humans is directly connected with motoneurons in the nucleus ambiguus, which orchestrate the production of learned vocalizations. Only the direct pathway through the mammalian basal ganglia (ASt, anterior striatum; GPi, globus palidus, internal) is shown as this is the one most similar to AreaX connectivity in songbirds. Modified figure based on (Jarvis, 2004; Jarvis et al., 2005). Abbreviations: ACC, anterior cingulate cortex; Am, nucleus ambiguus; Amyg, amygdala; AT, anterior thalamus; Av, nucleus avalanche; DLM, dorsolateral nucleus of the medial thalamus; DM, dorsal medial nucleus of the midbrain; HVC, high vocal center; LMAN, lateral magnocellular nucleus of the anterior nidopallium; LMC, laryngeal motor cortex; OFC, orbito-frontal cortex; PAG, periaqueductal gray; RA, robust nucleus of the arcopallium; RF, reticular formation; vPFC, ventral prefrontal cortex; VLT, ventro-lateral division of thalamus; XIIts, bird twelfth nerve nucleus. From Petkov, CI; Jarvis ED (2012). "Birds, primates, and spoken language origins: behavioral phenotypes and neurobiological substrates". Front. Evol. Neurosci. 4:12.

Humans seem to have analogous anterior and posterior vocal pathways which are implicated in speech production and learning. Parallel to the avian posterior vocal pathway mentioned above is the motor cortico-brainstem pathway. Within this pathway, the face motor cortex projects to the nucleus ambiguous of the medulla, which then projects to the muscles of the larynx. Humans also have a vocal pathway that is analogous to the avian anterior pathway. This pathway is a cortico-basal ganglia-thalamic-cortico loop which begins at a strip of the premotor cortex, called the cortical strip, which is responsible for speech learning and syntax production. The cortical strip includes spans across five brain regions: the anterior insula, Broca's area, the anterior dorsal lateral prefrontal cortex, the anterior pre-supplementary motor area, and the anterior cingulate cortex. This cortical strip has projections to the anterior striatum which projects to the globus pallidus to the anterior dorsal thalamus back to the cortical strip. All of these regions are also involved in syntax and speech learning.

Genetic applications to humans

In addition to the similarities in the neurobiological circuits necessary for vocalizations between animal vocal learners and humans, there are also a few genetic similarities. The most prominent of these genetic links are the FOXP1 and FOXP2 genes, which code for forkhead box (FOX) proteins P1 and P2, respectively. FOXP1 and FOXP2 are transcription factors which play a role in the development and maturation of the lungs, heart, and brain, and are also highly expressed in brain regions of the vocal learning pathway, including the basal ganglia and the frontal cortex. In these regions (i.e. the basal ganglia and frontal cortex), FOXP1 and FOXP2 are thought to be essential for brain maturation and development of speech and language.

Orthologues of FOXP2 are found in a number of vertebrates including mice and songbirds, and have been implicated in modulating plasticity of neural circuits. In fact, although mammals and birds are very distant relatives and diverged more than 300 million years ago, the FOXP2 gene in zebra finches and mice differs at only five amino acid positions, and differs between zebra finches and humans at only eight amino acid positions. In addition, researchers have found that patterns of expression of FOXP1 and FOXP2 are amazingly similar in the human fetal brain and the songbird.

These similarities are especially interesting in the context of the aforementioned avian song circuit. FOXP2 is expressed in the avian Area X, and is especially highly expressed in the striatum during the critical period of song plasticity in songbirds. In humans, FOXP2 is highly expressed in the basal ganglia, frontal cortex, and insular cortex, all thought to be important nodes in the human vocal pathway. Thus, mutations in the FOXP2 gene are proposed to have detrimental effects on human speech and language, such as grammar, language processing, and impaired movement of the mouth, lips, and tongue, as well as potential detrimental effects on song learning in songbirds. Indeed, FOXP2 was the first gene to be implicated in the cognition of speech and language in a family of individuals with a severe speech and language disorder.

Additionally, it has been suggested that due to the overlap of FOXP1 and FOXP2 expression in songbirds and humans, mutations in FOXP1 may also result in speech and language abnormalities seen in individuals with mutations in FOXP2.

These genetic links have important implications for studying the origin of language because FOXP2 is so similar among vocal learners and humans, as well as important implications for understanding the etiology of certain speech and language disorders in humans.

Currently, no other genes have been linked as compellingly to vocal learning in animals or humans.

Onomatopoeia

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A sign in a shop window in Italy proclaims these silent clocks make "No Tic Tac", in imitation of the sound of a clock.

Onomatopoeia (or rarely echoism) is the use or creation of a word that phonetically imitates, resembles, or suggests the sound that it describes. Common onomatopoeias include animal noises such as oink, meow, roar, and chirp. Onomatopoeia can differ by language: it conforms to some extent to the broader linguistic system. Hence, the sound of a clock may be expressed variously across languages: thus as tick tock in English, tic tac in Spanish and Italian (shown in the picture), dī dā in Mandarin, kachi kachi in Japanese, or tik-tik in Hindi and Bengali.

Etymology and terminology

The word onomatopoeia, with rarer spelling variants like onomatopeia and onomatopœia, is an English word from the Ancient Greek compound ὀνοματοποιία, onomatopoiía, meaning 'name-making', composed of ὄνομα, ónoma, meaning "name"; and ποιέω, poiéō, meaning "making". It is pronounced /ˌɒnəˌmætəˈpə, -ˌmɑːt-/ . Thus, words that imitate sounds can be said to be onomatopoeic or onomatopoetic.

Uses

According to Musurgia Universalis (1650), the hen makes "to to too", while chicks make "glo glo glo".
A bang flag gun, a novelty item

In the case of a frog croaking, the spelling may vary because different frog species around the world make different sounds: Ancient Greek brekekekex koax koax (only in Aristophanes' comic play The Frogs) probably for marsh frogs; English ribbit for species of frog found in North America; English verb croak for the common frog.

Some other very common English-language examples are hiccup, zoom, bang, beep, moo, and splash. Machines and their sounds are also often described with onomatopoeia: honk or beep-beep for the horn of an automobile, and vroom or brum for the engine. In speaking of a mishap involving an audible arcing of electricity, the word zap is often used (and its use has been extended to describe non-auditory effects of interference).

Human sounds sometimes provide instances of onomatopoeia, as when mwah is used to represent a kiss.

For animal sounds, words like quack (duck), moo (cow), bark or woof (dog), roar (lion), meow/miaow or purr (cat), cluck (chicken) and baa (sheep) are typically used in English (both as nouns and as verbs).

Some languages flexibly integrate onomatopoeic words into their structure. This may evolve into a new word, up to the point that the process is no longer recognized as onomatopoeia. One example is the English word bleat for sheep noise: in medieval times it was pronounced approximately as blairt (but without an R-component), or blet with the vowel drawled, which more closely resembles a sheep noise than the modern pronunciation.

An example of the opposite case is cuckoo, which, due to continuous familiarity with the bird noise down the centuries, has kept approximately the same pronunciation as in Anglo-Saxon times and its vowels have not changed as they have in the word furrow.

Verba dicendi ('words of saying') are a method of integrating onomatopoeic words and ideophones into grammar.

Sometimes, things are named from the sounds they make. In English, for example, there is the universal fastener which is named for the sound it makes: the zip (in the UK) or zipper (in the U.S.) Many birds are named after their calls, such as the bobwhite quail, the weero, the morepork, the killdeer, chickadees and jays, the cuckoo, the chiffchaff, the whooping crane, the whip-poor-will, and the kookaburra. In Tamil and Malayalam, the word for crow is kaakaa. This practice is especially common in certain languages such as Māori, and so in names of animals borrowed from these languages.

Cross-cultural differences

Although a particular sound is heard similarly by people of different cultures, it is often expressed through the use of different consonant strings in different languages. For example, the snip of a pair of scissors is cri-cri in Italian, riqui-riqui in Spanish, terre-terre or treque-treque in Portuguese, krits-krits in modern Greek, cëk-cëk in Albanian, and katr-katr in Hindi. Similarly, the "honk" of a car's horn is ba-ba (Han: 叭叭) in Mandarin, tut-tut in French, pu-pu in Japanese, bbang-bbang in Korean, bært-bært in Norwegian, fom-fom in Portuguese and bim-bim in Vietnamese.

Onomatopoeic effect without onomatopoeic words

An onomatopoeic effect can also be produced in a phrase or word string with the help of alliteration and consonance alone, without using any onomatopoeic words. The most famous example is the phrase "furrow followed free" in Samuel Taylor Coleridge's The Rime of the Ancient Mariner. The words "followed" and "free" are not onomatopoeic in themselves, but in conjunction with "furrow" they reproduce the sound of ripples following in the wake of a speeding ship. Similarly, alliteration has been used in the line "as the surf surged up the sun swept shore ..." to recreate the sound of breaking waves in the poem "I, She and the Sea".

Comics and advertising

A sound effect of breaking a door

Comic strips and comic books make extensive use of onomatopoeia. Popular culture historian Tim DeForest noted the impact of writer-artist Roy Crane (1901–1977), the creator of Captain Easy and Buz Sawyer:

It was Crane who pioneered the use of onomatopoeic sound effects in comics, adding "bam," "pow" and "wham" to what had previously been an almost entirely visual vocabulary. Crane had fun with this, tossing in an occasional "ker-splash" or "lickety-wop" along with what would become the more standard effects. Words as well as images became vehicles for carrying along his increasingly fast-paced storylines.

In 2002, DC Comics introduced a villain named Onomatopoeia, an athlete, martial artist, and weapons expert, who often speaks pure sounds.

Advertising uses onomatopoeia for mnemonic purposes, so that consumers will remember their products, as in Alka-Seltzer's "Plop, plop, fizz, fizz. Oh, what a relief it is!" jingle, recorded in two different versions (big band and rock) by Sammy Davis, Jr.

Rice Krispies (US and UK) and Rice Bubbles (AU) make a "snap, crackle, pop" when one pours on milk. During the 1930s, the illustrator Vernon Grant developed Snap, Crackle and Pop as gnome-like mascots for the Kellogg Company.

Sounds appear in road safety advertisements: "clunk click, every trip" (click the seatbelt on after clunking the car door closed; UK campaign) or "click, clack, front and back" (click, clack of connecting the seat belts; AU campaign) or "make it click" (click of the seatbelt; McDonalds campaign) or "click it or ticket" (click of the connecting seat belt, with the implied penalty of a traffic ticket for not using a seat belt; US DOT (Department of Transportation) campaign).

The sound of the container opening and closing gives Tic Tac its name.

Manner imitation

In many of the world's languages, onomatopoeic-like words are used to describe phenomena beyond the purely auditive. Japanese often uses such words to describe feelings or figurative expressions about objects or concepts. For instance, Japanese barabara is used to reflect an object's state of disarray or separation, and shiiin is the onomatopoetic form of absolute silence (used at the time an English speaker might expect to hear the sound of crickets chirping or a pin dropping in a silent room, or someone coughing). In Albanian, tartarec is used to describe someone who is hasty. It is used in English as well with terms like bling, which describes the glinting of light on things like gold, chrome or precious stones. In Japanese, kirakira is used for glittery things.

Examples in media

  • James Joyce in Ulysses (1922) coined the onomatopoeic tattarrattat for a knock on the door. It is listed as the longest palindromic word in The Oxford English Dictionary.
  • Whaam! (1963) by Roy Lichtenstein is an early example of pop art, featuring a reproduction of comic book art that depicts a fighter aircraft striking another with rockets with dazzling red and yellow explosions.
  • In the 1960s TV series Batman, comic book style onomatopoeic words such as wham!, pow!, biff!, crunch! and zounds! appear onscreen during fight scenes.
  • Ubisoft's XIII employed the use of comic book onomatopoeic words such as bam!, boom! and noooo! during gameplay for gunshots, explosions and kills, respectively. The comic-book style is apparent throughout the game and is a core theme, and the game is an adaptation of a comic book of the same name.
  • The chorus of American popular songwriter John Prine's song "Onomatopoeia" incorporates onomatopoeic words: "Bang! went the pistol", "Crash! went the window", "Ouch! went the son of a gun".
  • The marble game KerPlunk has an onomatopoeic word for a title, from the sound of marbles dropping when one too many sticks has been removed.
  • The Nickelodeon cartoon's title KaBlam! is implied to be onomatopoeic to a crash.
  • Each episode of the TV series Harper's Island is given an onomatopoeic name which imitates the sound made in that episode when a character dies. For example, in the episode titled "Bang" a character is shot and fatally wounded, with the "Bang" mimicking the sound of the gunshot.
  • Mad Magazine cartoonist Don Martin, already popular for his exaggerated artwork, often employed creative comic-book style onomatopoeic sound effects in his drawings (for example, thwizzit is the sound of a sheet of paper being yanked from a typewriter). Fans have compiled The Don Martin Dictionary, cataloging each sound and its meaning.

Cross-linguistic examples

In linguistics

A key component of language is its arbitrariness and what a word can represent, as a word is a sound created by humans with attached meaning to said sound. No one can determine the meaning of a word purely by how it sounds. However, in onomatopoeic words, these sounds are much less arbitrary; they are connected in their imitation of other objects or sounds in nature. Vocal sounds in the imitation of natural sounds does not necessarily gain meaning, but can gain symbolic meaning. An example of this sound symbolism in the English language is the use of words starting with sn-. Some of these words symbolize concepts related to the nose (sneeze, snot, snore). This does not mean that all words with that sound relate to the nose, but at some level we recognize a sort of symbolism associated with the sound itself. Onomatopoeia, while a facet of language, is also in a sense outside of the confines of language.

In linguistics, onomatopoeia is described as the connection, or symbolism, of a sound that is interpreted and reproduced within the context of a language, usually out of mimicry of a sound. It is a figure of speech, in a sense. Considered a vague term on its own, there are a few varying defining factors in classifying onomatopoeia. In one manner, it is defined simply as the imitation of some kind of non-vocal sound using the vocal sounds of a language, like the hum of a bee being imitated with a "buzz" sound. In another sense, it is described as the phenomena of making a new word entirely.

Onomatopoeia works in the sense of symbolizing an idea in a phonological context, not necessarily constituting a direct meaningful word in the process. The symbolic properties of a sound in a word, or a phoneme, is related to a sound in an environment, and are restricted in part by a language's own phonetic inventory, hence why many languages can have distinct onomatopoeia for the same natural sound. Depending on a language's connection to a sound's meaning, that language's onomatopoeia inventory can differ proportionally. For example, a language like English generally holds little symbolic representation when it comes to sounds, which is the reason English tends to have a smaller representation of sound mimicry than a language like Japanese, which overall has a much higher amount of symbolism related to the sounds of the language.

Evolution of language

In ancient Greek philosophy, onomatopoeia was used as evidence for how natural a language was: it was theorized that language itself was derived from natural sounds in the world around us. Symbolism in sounds was seen as deriving from this. Some linguists hold that onomatopoeia may have been the first form of human language.

Role in early language acquisition

When first exposed to sound and communication, humans are biologically inclined to mimic the sounds they hear, whether they are actual pieces of language or other natural sounds. Early on in development, an infant will vary his/her utterances between sounds that are well established within the phonetic range of the language(s) most heavily spoken in their environment, which may be called "tame" onomatopoeia, and the full range of sounds that the vocal tract can produce, or "wild" onomatopoeia. As one begins to acquire one's first language, the proportion of "wild" onomatopoeia reduces in favor of sounds which are congruent with those of the language they are acquiring.

During the native language acquisition period, it has been documented that infants may react strongly to the more wild-speech features to which they are exposed, compared to more tame and familiar speech features. But the results of such tests are inconclusive.

In the context of language acquisition, sound symbolism has been shown to play an important role. The association of foreign words to subjects and how they relate to general objects, such as the association of the words takete and baluma with either a round or angular shape, has been tested to see how languages symbolize sounds.

In other languages

Japanese

The Japanese language has a large inventory of ideophone words that are symbolic sounds. These are used in contexts ranging from day to day conversation to serious news. These words fall into four categories:

  • Giseigo: mimics humans and animals. (e.g. wanwan for a dog's bark)
  • Giongo: mimics general noises in nature or inanimate objects. (e.g. zaazaa for rain on a roof)
  • Gitaigo: describes states of the external world
  • Gijōgo: describes psychological states or bodily feelings.

The two former correspond directly to the concept of onomatopoeia, while the two latter are similar to onomatopoeia in that they are intended to represent a concept mimetically and performatively rather than referentially, but different from onomatopoeia in that they aren't just imitative of sounds. For example, shiinto represents something being silent, just as how an anglophone might say "clatter, crash, bang!" to represent something being noisy. That "representative" or "performative" aspect is the similarity to onomatopoeia.

Sometimes Japanese onomatopoeia produces reduplicated words.

Hebrew

As in Japanese, onomatopoeia in Hebrew sometimes produces reduplicated verbs:

    • שקשק shikshék "to make noise, rustle".
    • רשרש rishrésh "to make noise, rustle".

Malay

There is a documented correlation within the Malay language of onomatopoeia that begin with the sound bu- and the implication of something that is rounded, as well as with the sound of -lok within a word conveying curvature in such words like lok, kelok and telok ('locomotive', 'cove', and 'curve' respectively).

Arabic

The Qur'an, written in Arabic, documents instances of onomatopoeia. Of about 77,701 words, there are nine words that are onomatopoeic: three are animal sounds (e.g., mooing), two are sounds of nature (e.g., thunder), and four that are human sounds (e.g., whisper or groan).

Albanian

There is wide array of objects and animals in the Albanian language that have been named after the sound they produce. Such onomatopoeic words are shkrepse (matches), named after the distinct sound of friction and ignition of the match head; take-tuke (ashtray) mimicking the sound it makes when placed on a table; shi (rain) resembling the continuous sound of pouring rain; kukumjaçkë (Little owl) after its "cuckoo" hoot; furçë (brush) for its rustling sound; shapka (slippers and flip-flops); pordhë (loud flatulence) and fëndë (silent flatulence).

Hindi-Urdu

In Hindi and Urdu, onomatopoeic words like bak-bak, churh-churh are used to indicate silly talk. Other examples of onomatopoeic words being used to represent actions are fatafat (to do something fast), dhak-dhak (to represent fear with the sound of fast beating heart), tip-tip (to signify a leaky tap) etc. Movement of animals or objects is also sometimes represented with onomatopoeic words like bhin-bhin (for a housefly) and sar-sarahat (the sound of a cloth being dragged on or off a piece of furniture). khusr-phusr refers to whispering. bhaunk means bark.

Alliteration

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Alliteration is the repetition of syllable-initial consonant sounds between nearby words, or of syllable-initial vowels, if the syllables in question do not start with a consonant. It is often used as a literary device. An example is the quote "Out of doubt, out of dark to the day's rising" from Lord of the Rings.

Historical use

The word alliteration comes from the Latin word littera, meaning "letter of the alphabet". It was first coined in a Latin dialogue by the Italian humanist Giovanni Pontano in the 15th century.

Alliteration is used in the alliterative verse of Old English poems like Beowulf, Middle English poems like Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Old Norse works like the Poetic Edda, and in Old High German, Old Saxon, and Old Irish. It was also used as an ornament to suggest connections between ideas in classical Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit poetry.

Today, alliteration is used poetically in various languages around the world, including Arabic, Irish, German, Mongolian, Hungarian, American Sign Language, Somali, Finnish, and Icelandic. It is also used in music lyrics, article titles in magazines and newspapers, and in advertisements, business names, comic strips, television shows, video games and in the dialogue and naming of cartoon characters.

Types of alliteration

There are several concepts to which the term alliteration is sometimes applied:

  1. Literary or poetic alliteration is often described as the repetition of identical initial consonant sounds in successive or closely associated syllables within a group of words. However, this is an oversimplification; there are several special cases that have to be taken into account:
    • Repetition of unstressed consonants does not count as alliteration. Only stressed syllables can alliterate (though "stressed" includes any syllable that counts as an upbeat in poetic meter, such as the syllable long in James Thomson's verse "Come . . . dragging the lazy languid line along".)
    • The repetition of syllable-initial vowels functions as alliteration, regardless of which vowels are used. This may be because such syllables start with a glottal stop.
    • In English (and in other Germanic languages), the consonant clusters sp-, st-, and sk- do not alliterate with one another or with s-. For example, spill alliterates with spit, sting with stick, skin with scandal, and sing with sleep, but those pairs do not alliterate with one another. In other consonant clusters the second consonant does not matter; for example, bring alliterates with blast and burn, or rather all three words alliterate with one another.
    • Alliteration may also refer to the use of different but similar consonants, often because the two sounds were identical in an earlier stage of the language. For example, Middle English poems sometimes alliterate z with s (both originally s), or hard g with soft (fricative) g (the latter represented in some cases by the letter yogh – ȝ – pronounced like the y in yarrow or the j in Jotunheim).
  2. Consonance is a broader literary device involving the repetition of consonant sounds at any point in a word (for example, coming home, hot foot). Alliteration can then be seen as a special case of consonance where the repeated consonant sound opens the stressed syllable.
  3. Head rhyme or initial rhyme involves the creation of alliterative phrases where each word literally starts with the same letter; for example, "humble house", "potential power play", "picture perfect", "money matters", "rocky road", or "quick question". A familiar example is "Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers".
  4. Symmetrical alliteration is a specialized form of alliteration which demonstrates parallelism or chiasmus. In symmetrical alliteration with chiasmus, the phrase must have a pair of outside end words both starting with the same sound, and pairs of outside words also starting with matching sounds as one moves progressively closer to the centre. For example, with chiasmus: "rust brown blazers rule"; with parallelism: "what in earlier days had been drafts of volunteers were now droves of victims". Symmetrical alliteration with chiasmus resembles palindromes in its use of symmetry.

Examples of use

Poetry

Poets can call attention to certain words in a line of poetry by using alliteration. They can also use alliteration to create a pleasant, rhythmic effect. In the following poetic lines, notice how alliteration is used to emphasize words and to create rhythm:

  • "Give me the splendid silent sun with all his beams full-dazzling!' (Walt Whitman, "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun")
  • "They all gazed and gazed upon this green stranger, / because everyone wondered what it could mean/ that a rider and his horse could be such a 'colour- / green as grass, and greener it seemed/ than green enamel glowing bright against gold". (232-236) (Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, translated by Bernard O'Donoghue.)
  • "Some papers like writers, some like wrappers. Are you a writer or a wrapper?" ("Paper I" by Carl Sandburg)

Alliteration can also add to the mood of a poem. If a poet repeats soft, melodious sounds, a calm or dignified mood can result. If harsh, hard sounds are repeated, on the other hand, the mood can become tense or excited. In this poem, alliteration of the s, l, and f sounds adds to a hushed, peaceful mood:

Examples from Alliterative Verse

  • "In the first age, the frogs dwelt / at peace in their pond: they paddled about ..." (Moralities by W.H. Auden)
  • "Holocaust, pentecost: what heaped heartbreak: / The tendrils of fire forthrightly tasting foundation to rooftree ..." (My Grandfather's Church Goes Up by Fred Chappell)
  • "Chestnuts fell in the charred season, / Fell finally, finding room / In air to open their old cases ..." (Another Reluctance by Annie Finch)
  • "Fresh-firecoal chestnut-falls; finches' wings; / Landscape plotted & pieced -- fold, fallow, & plough ..." (Pied Beauty by Gerard Manley Hopkins)
  • "Effortlessly at height hangs his still eye. / His wings hold all creation in a weightless quiet ..." (The Hawk in the Rain by Ted Hughes)
  • "As one who wanders into old workings, / Dazed by the noonday, desiring coolness, Has found retreat barred by fall of rockface ..." (As One Who Wanders into Old Workings by C. Day Lewis)
  • "We were talking of dragons, Tolkien and I / In a Berkshire bar. The big workman / Who had sat silent and sucked his pipe / All the evening, from his empty mug ..." (We Were Talking of Dragons by C.S. Lewis)
  • "We set up mast and sail on that swart ship / Bore sheep aboard her, and our bodies also / Heavy with weeping, so winds from sternward / Bore us out onward with bellying canvas ..." (Canto I by Ezra Pound)
  • "Out of doubt, out of dark to the day's rising / I came singing in the sun, sword unsheathing ..." (Eomer's Wrath by J.R.R. Tolkien)
  • "An axe angles from my neighbor's ashcan; / It is hell's handiwork, the wood not hickory, ..." (Junk by Richard Wilbur)
Gilbert and Sullivan's comic opera The Mikado contains a well-known example of alliterative lyrics:
"To sit in solemn silence in a dull, dark dock,
In a pestilential prison, with a lifelong lock,
Awaiting the sensation of a short, sharp shock,
From a cheap and chippy chopper on a big black block!"

Lines from Other Poems

Alliteration Combined with Rhyme

  • "Great Aunt Nellie and Brent Bernard who watch with wild wonder at the wide window as the beautiful birds begin to bite into the bountiful birdseed" ("Thank-You for the Thistle" by Dorie Thurston)
  • "Three grey geese in a green field grazing. Grey were the geese and green was the grazing." (From the nursery rhyme Three Grey Geese by Mother Goose)
  • "Betty Botter bought a bit of butter, but she said, this butter's bitter; if I put it in my batter, it will make my batter bitter, but a bit of better butter will make my bitter batter better..." (from the tongue-twister rhyme Betty Botter by Carolyn Wells)
  • "Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers. If Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers, where's the peck of pickled peppers Peter Piper picked?" (anonymous tongue-twister rhyme)

Music lyrics

  • "Helplessly Hoping" by Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young has rich alliteration in every verse.
  • "Mr. Tambourine Man" by Bob Dylan employs alliteration throughout the song, including the lines: "Yes, to dance beneath the diamond sky with one hand waving free / Silhouetted by the sea, circled by the circus sands."
  • "Mother Nature's Son" by The Beatles includes the line: "Swaying daisies sing a lazy song beneath the sun."
  • "Spieluhr" by Rammstein includes a spoken line: "Das kleine Herz stand still für Stunden" (eng. "The little heart stood still for hours).
  • "Fairyland Fanfare" by Falconer has a part that alliterates the "l" over 30 times: "Live the legend, live life all alone / Longing to linger in lore / Illuminating a lane / That leads you aloft / You're lost to the lunar lure / Leave the languish / Leave lanterns of lorn / Lend lacking lustre to lies / Liberate the laces / Of life for the lone / Lest lament yet alights“
  • "Werewolves of London" by Warren Zevon includes the line "Little old lady got mutilated late last night."

Rhetoric

Literary alliteration has been used in various spheres of public speaking and rhetoric. It can also be used as an artistic constraint in oratory to sway the audience to feel some type of urgency, or another emotional effect. For example, S sounds can imply danger or make the audience feel as if they are being deceived. Other sounds can likewise generate positive or negative responses. Alliteration serves to "intensify any attitude being signified".

An example is in John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address, in which he uses alliteration 21 times. The last paragraph of his speech is given as an example here.

"Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on Earth God's work must truly be our own." — John F. Kennedy

Examples of alliteration from public speeches

  • "I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character." — Martin Luther King Jr.
  • "We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths—that all of us are created equal—is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth". — Barack Obama.
  • "And our nation itself is testimony to the love our veterans have had for it and for us. All for which America stands is safe today because brave men and women have been ready to face the fire at freedom's front." — Ronald Reagan, Vietnam Veterans Memorial Address.
  • "Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal". — Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg Address.
  • "Patent portae; proficiscere!" ("The gates are open; depart!") — Cicero, In Catilinam 1.10.

Translation can lose the emphasis developed by this device. For example, in the accepted Greek text of Luke 10:41 the repetition and extension of initial sound are noted as Jesus doubles Martha's name and adds an alliterative description: Μάρθα Μάρθα μεριμνᾷς (Martha, Martha, merimnas). This is lost in the English NKJ and NRS translations "Martha, Martha, you are worried and distracted by many things."

Metaphor

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A political cartoon by illustrator S.D. Ehrhart in an 1894 Puck magazine shows a farm woman labeled "Democratic Party" sheltering from a tornado of political change.

A metaphor is a figure of speech that, for rhetorical effect, directly refers to one thing by mentioning another. It may provide (or obscure) clarity or identify hidden similarities between two different ideas.

Metaphors are often compared with other types of figurative language, such as antithesis, hyperbole, metonymy, and simile. One of the most commonly cited examples of a metaphor in English literature comes from the "All the world's a stage" monologue from As You Like It:

All the world's a stage,
And all the men and women merely players;
They have their exits and their entrances
And one man in his time plays many parts,
His Acts being seven ages. At first, the infant...
William Shakespeare, As You Like It, 2/7

This quotation expresses a metaphor because the world is not literally a stage, and most humans are not literally actors and actresses playing roles. By asserting that the world is a stage, Shakespeare uses points of comparison between the world and a stage to convey an understanding about the mechanics of the world and the behavior of the people within it.

In the ancient Hebrew psalms (around 1000 B.C.), one finds already vivid and poetic examples of metaphor such as, "The Lord is my rock, my fortress and my deliverer; my God is my rock, in whom I take refuge, my shield and the horn of my salvation, my stronghold" and "The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want". Some recent linguistic theories view all language in essence as metaphorical.

The word metaphor itself is a metaphor, coming from a Greek term meaning "transference (of ownership)". The user of a metaphor alters the reference of the word, "carrying" it from one semantic "realm" to another. The new meaning of the word might be derived from an analogy between the two semantic realms, but also from other reasons such as the distortion of the semantic realm - for example in sarcasm.

Etymology

The English word metaphor derives from the 16th-century Old French word métaphore, which comes from the Latin metaphora, "carrying over", and in turn from the Greek μεταφορά (metaphorá), "transference (of ownership)", from μεταφέρω (metapherō), "to carry over", "to transfer" and that from μετά (meta), "behind", "along with", "across" + φέρω (pherō), "to bear", "to carry".

Parts of a metaphor

The Philosophy of Rhetoric (1936) by rhetorician I. A. Richards describes a metaphor as having two parts: the tenor and the vehicle. The tenor is the subject to which attributes are ascribed. The vehicle is the object whose attributes are borrowed. In the previous example, "the world" is compared to a stage, describing it with the attributes of "the stage"; "the world" is the tenor, and "a stage" is the vehicle; "men and women" is the secondary tenor, and "players" is the secondary vehicle.

Other writers employ the general terms 'ground' and 'figure' to denote the tenor and the vehicle. Cognitive linguistics uses the terms 'target' and 'source', respectively.

Psychologist Julian Jaynes coined the terms 'metaphrand' and 'metaphier', plus two new concepts, 'paraphrand' and 'paraphier'. 'Metaphrand' is equivalent to the metaphor-theory terms 'tenor', 'target', and 'ground'. 'Metaphier' is equivalent to the metaphor-theory terms 'vehicle', 'figure', and 'source'. In a simple metaphor, an obvious attribute of the metaphier exactly characterizes the metaphrand (e.g. the ship plowed the seas). With an inexact metaphor, however, a metaphier might have associated attributes or nuances – its paraphiers – that enrich the metaphor because they "project back" to the metaphrand, potentially creating new ideas – the paraphrands – associated thereafter with the metaphrand or even leading to a new metaphor. For example, in the metaphor "Pat is a tornado", the metaphrand is "Pat", the metaphier is "tornado". As metaphier, "tornado" carries paraphiers such as power, storm and wind, counterclockwise motion, and danger, threat, destruction, etc. The metaphoric meaning of "tornado" is inexact: one might understand that 'Pat is powerfully destructive' through the paraphrand of physical and emotional destruction; another person might understand the metaphor as 'Pat can spin out of control'. In the latter case, the paraphier of 'spinning motion' has become the paraphrand 'psychological spin', suggesting an entirely new metaphor for emotional unpredictability, a possibly apt description for a human being hardly applicable to a tornado. Based on his analysis, Jaynes claims that metaphors not only enhance description, but "increase enormously our powers of perception...and our understanding of [the world], and literally create new objects".

As a type of comparison

"The Asherah is part of a jigsaw in weaving together the feminine threads of a religious history that could be an important new breakthrough for women, she says." An example of mixed metaphor in print.

Metaphors are most frequently compared with similes. A metaphor asserts the objects in the comparison are identical on the point of comparison, while a simile merely asserts a similarity through use of words such as "like" or "as". For this reason a common-type metaphor is generally considered more forceful than a simile.

The metaphor category contains these specialized types:

  • Allegory: An extended metaphor wherein a story illustrates an important attribute of the subject.
  • Antithesis: A rhetorical contrast of ideas by means of parallel arrangements of words, clauses, or sentences.
  • Catachresis: A mixed metaphor, sometimes used by design and sometimes by accident (a rhetorical fault).
  • Hyperbole: Excessive exaggeration to illustrate a point.
  • Parable: An extended metaphor told as an anecdote to illustrate or teach a moral or spiritual lesson, such as in Aesop's fables or Jesus' teaching method as told in the Bible.
  • Pun: A verbal device by which multiple definitions of a word or its homophones are used to give a sentence multiple valid readings, typically to humorous effect.
  • Similitude: An extended simile or metaphor that has a picture part (Bildhälfte), a reality part (Sachhälfte), and a point of comparison (tertium comparationis). Similitudes are found in the parables of Jesus.

It is said that a metaphor is 'a condensed analogy' or 'analogical fusion' or that they 'operate in a similar fashion' or are 'based on the same mental process' or yet that 'the basic processes of analogy are at work in metaphor'. It is also pointed out that 'a border between metaphor and analogy is fuzzy' and 'the difference between them might be described (metaphorically) as the distance between things being compared'.

Metaphor vs metonymy

Metaphor is distinct from metonymy, both constituting two fundamental modes of thought. Metaphor works by bringing together concepts from different conceptual domains, whereas metonymy uses one element from a given domain to refer to another closely related element. A metaphor creates new links between otherwise distinct conceptual domains, whereas a metonymy relies on pre-existent links within them.

For example, in the phrase "lands belonging to the crown", the word "crown" is a metonymy because some monarchs do indeed wear a crown, physically. In other words, there is a pre-existent link between "crown" and "monarchy". On the other hand, when Ghil'ad Zuckermann argues that the Israeli language is a "phoenicuckoo cross with some magpie characteristics", he is using a metaphor. There is no physical link between a language and a bird. The reason the metaphors "phoenix" and "cuckoo" are used is that on the one hand hybridic "Israeli" is based on Hebrew, which, like a phoenix, rises from the ashes; and on the other hand, hybridic "Israeli" is based on Yiddish, which like a cuckoo, lays its egg in the nest of another bird, tricking it to believe that it is its own egg. Furthermore, the metaphor "magpie" is employed because, according to Zuckermann, hybridic "Israeli" displays the characteristics of a magpie, "stealing" from languages such as Arabic and English.

Subtypes

A dead metaphor is a metaphor in which the sense of a transferred image has become absent. The phrases "to grasp a concept" and "to gather what you've understood" use physical action as a metaphor for understanding. The audience does not need to visualize the action; dead metaphors normally go unnoticed. Some distinguish between a dead metaphor and a cliché. Others use "dead metaphor" to denote both.

A mixed metaphor is a metaphor that leaps from one identification to a second inconsistent with the first, e.g.:

I smell a rat [...] but I'll nip him in the bud" — Irish politician Boyle Roche

This form is often used as a parody of metaphor itself:

If we can hit that bull's-eye then the rest of the dominoes will fall like a house of cards... Checkmate.

— Futurama character Zapp Brannigan.

An extended metaphor, or conceit, sets up a principal subject with several subsidiary subjects or comparisons. In the above quote from As You Like It, the world is first described as a stage and then the subsidiary subjects men and women are further described in the same context.

An implicit metaphor has no specified tenor, although the vehicle is present. M. H. Abrams offers the following as an example of an implicit metaphor: "That reed was too frail to survive the storm of its sorrows". The reed is the vehicle for the implicit tenor, someone's death, and the "storm" is the vehicle for the person's "sorrows".

Metaphor can serve as a device for persuading an audience of the user's argument or thesis, the so-called rhetorical metaphor.

In rhetoric and literature

Aristotle writes in his work the Rhetoric that metaphors make learning pleasant: "To learn easily is naturally pleasant to all people, and words signify something, so whatever words create knowledge in us are the pleasantest." When discussing Aristotle's Rhetoric, Jan Garret stated "metaphor most brings about learning; for when [Homer] calls old age "stubble", he creates understanding and knowledge through the genus, since both old age and stubble are [species of the genus of] things that have lost their bloom." Metaphors, according to Aristotle, have "qualities of the exotic and the fascinating; but at the same time we recognize that strangers do not have the same rights as our fellow citizens".

Educational psychologist Andrew Ortony gives more explicit detail: "Metaphors are necessary as a communicative device because they allow the transfer of coherent chunks of characteristics -- perceptual, cognitive, emotional and experiential -- from a vehicle which is known to a topic which is less so. In so doing they circumvent the problem of specifying one by one each of the often unnameable and innumerable characteristics; they avoid discretizing the perceived continuity of experience and are thus closer to experience and consequently more vivid and memorable."

As style in speech and writing

As a characteristic of speech and writing, metaphors can serve the poetic imagination. This allows Sylvia Plath, in her poem "Cut", to compare the blood issuing from her cut thumb to the running of a million soldiers, "redcoats, every one"; and enabling Robert Frost, in "The Road Not Taken", to compare a life to a journey.

Metaphors can be implied and extended throughout pieces of literature.

Larger applications

Sonja K. Foss characterizes metaphors as "nonliteral comparisons in which a word or phrase from one domain of experience is applied to another domain". She argues that since reality is mediated by the language we use to describe it, the metaphors we use shape the world and our interactions to it.

A metaphorical visualization of the word anger

The term metaphor is used to describe more basic or general aspects of experience and cognition:

  • A cognitive metaphor is the association of object to an experience outside the object's environment
  • A conceptual metaphor is an underlying association that is systematic in both language and thought
  • A root metaphor is the underlying worldview that shapes an individual's understanding of a situation
  • A nonlinguistic metaphor is an association between two nonlinguistic realms of experience
  • A visual metaphor uses an image to create the link between different ideas

Conceptual metaphors

Some theorists have suggested that metaphors are not merely stylistic, but that they are cognitively important as well. In Metaphors We Live By, George Lakoff and Mark Johnson argue that metaphors are pervasive in everyday life, not just in language, but also in thought and action. A common definition of metaphor can be described as a comparison that shows how two things that are not alike in most ways are similar in another important way. They explain how a metaphor is simply understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another, called a "conduit metaphor". A speaker can put ideas or objects into containers, and then send them along a conduit to a listener who removes the object from the container to make meaning of it. Thus, communication is something that ideas go into, and the container is separate from the ideas themselves. Lakoff and Johnson give several examples of daily metaphors in use, including "argument is war" and "time is money". Metaphors are widely used in context to describe personal meaning. The authors suggest that communication can be viewed as a machine: "Communication is not what one does with the machine, but is the machine itself."

Experimental evidence shows that "priming" people with material from one area will influence how they perform tasks and interpret language in a metaphorically related area.

As a foundation of our conceptual system

Cognitive linguists emphasize that metaphors serve to facilitate the understanding of one conceptual domain—typically an abstraction such as "life", "theories" or "ideas"—through expressions that relate to another, more familiar conceptual domain—typically more concrete, such as "journey", "buildings" or "food". For example: we devour a book of raw facts, try to digest them, stew over them, let them simmer on the back-burner, regurgitate them in discussions, and cook up explanations, hoping they do not seem half-baked.

A convenient short-hand way of capturing this view of metaphor is the following: CONCEPTUAL DOMAIN (A) IS CONCEPTUAL DOMAIN (B), which is what is called a conceptual metaphor. A conceptual metaphor consists of two conceptual domains, in which one domain is understood in terms of another. A conceptual domain is any coherent organization of experience. For example, we have coherently organized knowledge about journeys that we rely on in understanding life.

Lakoff and Johnson greatly contributed to establishing the importance of conceptual metaphor as a framework for thinking in language, leading scholars to investigate the original ways in which writers used novel metaphors and question the fundamental frameworks of thinking in conceptual metaphors.

From a sociological, cultural, or philosophical perspective, one asks to what extent ideologies maintain and impose conceptual patterns of thought by introducing, supporting, and adapting fundamental patterns of thinking metaphorically. To what extent does the ideology fashion and refashion the idea of the nation as a container with borders? How are enemies and outsiders represented? As diseases? As attackers? How are the metaphoric paths of fate, destiny, history, and progress represented? As the opening of an eternal monumental moment (German fascism)? Or as the path to communism (in Russian or Czech for example)?

Some cognitive scholars have attempted to take on board the idea that different languages have evolved radically different concepts and conceptual metaphors, while others hold to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. German philologist Wilhelm von Humboldt contributed significantly to this debate on the relationship between culture, language, and linguistic communities. Humboldt remains, however, relatively unknown in English-speaking nations. Andrew Goatly, in "Washing the Brain", takes on board the dual problem of conceptual metaphor as a framework implicit in the language as a system and the way individuals and ideologies negotiate conceptual metaphors. Neural biological research suggests some metaphors are innate, as demonstrated by reduced metaphorical understanding in psychopathy.

James W. Underhill, in Creating Worldviews: Ideology, Metaphor & Language (Edinburgh UP), considers the way individual speech adopts and reinforces certain metaphoric paradigms. This involves a critique of both communist and fascist discourse. Underhill's studies are situated in Czech and German, which allows him to demonstrate the ways individuals are thinking both within and resisting the modes by which ideologies seek to appropriate key concepts such as "the people", "the state", "history", and "struggle".

Though metaphors can be considered to be "in" language, Underhill's chapter on French, English and ethnolinguistics demonstrates that we cannot conceive of language or languages in anything other than metaphoric terms.

Several other philosophers have embraced the view that metaphors may also be described as examples of a linguistic "category mistake" which have the potential of leading unsuspecting users into considerable obfuscation of thought within the realm of epistemology. Included among them is the Australian philosopher Colin Murray Turbayne. In his book "The Myth of Metaphor", Turbayne argues that the use of metaphor is an essential component within the context of any language system which claims to embody richness and depth of understanding. In addition, he clarifies the limitations associated with a literal interpretation of the mechanistic Cartesian and Newtonian depictions of the universe as little more than a "machine" - a concept which continues to underlie much of the scientific materialism which prevails in the modern Western world. He argues further that the philosophical concept of "substance" or "substratum" has limited meaning at best and that physicalist theories of the universe depend upon mechanistic metaphors which are drawn from deductive logic in the development of their hypotheses. By interpreting such metaphors literally, Turbayne argues that modern man has unknowingly fallen victim to only one of several metaphorical models of the universe which may be more beneficial in nature.

Nonlinguistic metaphors

Tombstone of a Jewish woman depicting broken candles, a visual metaphor of the end of life

Metaphors can map experience between two nonlinguistic realms. Musicologist Leonard B. Meyer demonstrated how purely rhythmic and harmonic events can express human emotions. It is an open question whether synesthesia experiences are a sensory version of metaphor, the "source" domain being the presented stimulus, such as a musical tone, and the target domain, being the experience in another modality, such as color.

Art theorist Robert Vischer argued that when we look at a painting, we "feel ourselves into it" by imagining our body in the posture of a nonhuman or inanimate object in the painting. For example, the painting The Lonely Tree by Caspar David Friedrich shows a tree with contorted, barren limbs. Looking at the painting, we imagine our limbs in a similarly contorted and barren shape, evoking a feeling of strain and distress. Nonlinguistic metaphors may be the foundation of our experience of visual and musical art, as well as dance and other art forms.

In historical linguistics

In historical onomasiology or in historical linguistics, a metaphor is defined as a semantic change based on a similarity in form or function between the original concept and the target concept named by a word.

For example, mouse: small, gray rodent with a long tailsmall, gray computer device with a long cord.

Some recent linguistic theories hold that language evolved from the capability of the brain to create metaphors that link actions and sensations to sounds.

Historical theories

Aristotle discusses the creation of metaphors at the end of his Poetics: "But the greatest thing by far is to be a master of metaphor. It is the one thing that cannot be learnt from others; and it is also a sign of genius, since a good metaphor implies an intuitive perception of the similarity in dissimilars."

Baroque literary theorist Emanuele Tesauro defines the metaphor "the most witty and acute, the most strange and marvelous, the most pleasant and useful, the most eloquent and fecund part of the human intellect". There is, he suggests, something divine in metaphor: the world itself is God's poem and metaphor is not just a literary or rhetorical figure but an analytic tool that can penetrate the mysteries of God and His creation.

Friedrich Nietzsche makes metaphor the conceptual center of his early theory of society in On Truth and Lies in the Non-Moral Sense. Some sociologists have found his essay useful for thinking about metaphors used in society and for reflecting on their own use of metaphor. Sociologists of religion note the importance of metaphor in religious worldviews, and that it is impossible to think sociologically about religion without metaphor.

Romance (love)

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