From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Conservatism is a political and social philosophy
promoting traditional social institutions. The central tenets of
conservatism may vary in relation to the traditional values or practices
of the culture and civilization in which it appears. In Western culture, conservatives seek to preserve a range of institutions such as organized religion, parliamentary government, and property rights. Adherents of conservatism often oppose modernism and seek a return to traditional values.
The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 with François-René de Chateaubriand during the period of Bourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution. Historically associated with right-wing politics, the term has since been used to describe a wide range of views.
There is no single set of policies regarded as conservative because the
meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a
given place and time. Thus conservatives from different parts of the
world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide
range of issues. Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution, but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Great Britain in the 1790s.
Themes
Some writers such as Samuel P. Huntington
see conservatism as situational. Under this definition, conservatives
are seen as defending the established institutions of their time. According to Quintin Hogg, the chairman of the British Conservative Party
in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a
constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a
free society, and corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of
human nature itself". Despite the lack of a universal definition, certain themes can be recognised as common across conservative thought.
Tradition
According to Michael Oakeshott,
"To be conservative ... is to prefer the familiar to the unknown, to
prefer the tried to the untried, fact to mystery, the actual to the
possible, the limited to the unbounded, the near to the distant, the
sufficient to the superabundant, the convenient to the perfect, present
laughter to utopian bliss." Such traditionalism may be a reflection of trust in time-tested methods of social organisation, giving 'votes to the dead'. Traditions may also be steeped in a sense of identity.
Hierarchy
In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism primarily in terms of a general defense of social and economic inequality.
From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold
traditional institutions and more "a meditation on—and theoretical
rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened,
and trying to win it back".
Conversely, some conservatives may argue that they are seeking less to
protect their own power than they are seeking to protect "inalienable
rights" and promote norms and rules that they believe should stand
timeless and eternal, applying to each citizen.
Realism
Conservatism has been called a "philosophy of human imperfection" by Noël O'Sullivan, reflecting among its adherents a negative view of human nature and pessimism of the potential to improve it through 'utopian' schemes. The "intellectual godfather of the realist right", Thomas Hobbes, argued that the state of nature for humans was "poor, nasty, brutish, and short", requiring centralised authority.
Forms
Liberal conservatism
Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal
view of minimal government intervention in the economy. Individuals
should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without
government interference.
However, individuals cannot be thoroughly depended on to act
responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives
believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and
social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and
responsibility to the nation. Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism that is strongly influenced by liberal stances.
As these latter two terms have had different meanings over time
and across countries, liberal conservatism also has a wide variety of
meanings. Historically, the term often referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values. It contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres.
Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries
adopted fiscally conservative arguments and the term liberal
conservatism was replaced with conservatism. This is also the case in
countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition such as
the United States and are thus considered conservative. In other
countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the
political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain,
the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous. The liberal
conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism (which has also become part of the American conservative tradition, such as in the writings of Russell Kirk).
A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative (less traditionalist) views with those of social liberalism. This has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. Often this involves stressing conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with communitarian views on defence of civil rights, environmentalism and support for a limited welfare state. In continental Europe, this is sometimes also translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances. The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism. Until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Events after World War I brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative (i.e. more moderate) type of liberalism.
Libertarian conservatism
Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies most prominently within the United States which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism. Its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They generally differ from paleoconservatives, in that they favor more personal and economic freedom.
Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare, subsidies and other areas of economic intervention.
Many conservatives, especially in the United States, believe that
the government should not play a major role in regulating business and
managing the economy. They typically oppose efforts to charge high tax
rates and to redistribute income to assist the poor. Such efforts, they
argue, only serve to exacerbate the scourge of unemployment and poverty
by lessening the ability for businesses to hire employees due to higher
tax impositions.
Fiscal conservatism
Fiscal conservatism is the economic philosophy of prudence in government spending and debt. In his Reflections on the Revolution in France,
Edmund Burke argued that a government does not have the right to run up
large debts and then throw the burden on the taxpayer:
[I]t
is to the property of the citizen, and not to the demands of the
creditor of the state, that the first and original faith of civil
society is pledged. The claim of the citizen is prior in time, paramount
in title, superior in equity. The fortunes of individuals, whether
possessed by acquisition or by descent or in virtue of a participation
in the goods of some community, were no part of the creditor's security,
expressed or implied...[T]he public, whether represented by a monarch
or by a senate, can pledge nothing but the public estate; and it can
have no public estate except in what it derives from a just and
proportioned imposition upon the citizens at large.
National conservatism
National conservatism
is a political term used primarily in Europe to describe a variant of
conservatism which concentrates more on national interests than standard
conservatism as well as upholding cultural and ethnic identity, while not being outspokenly nationalist or supporting a far-right approach. In Europe, national conservatives are usually eurosceptics.
National conservatism is heavily oriented towards the traditional family and social stability as well as in favour of limiting immigration. As such, national conservatives can be distinguished from economic conservatives, for whom free market economic policies, deregulation
and fiscal conservatism are the main priorities. Some commentators have
identified a growing gap between national and economic conservatism:
"[M]ost parties of the Right [today] are run by economic conservatives
who, in varying degrees, have marginalized social, cultural, and
national conservatives". National conservatism is also related to traditionalist conservatism.
Traditionalist conservatism
Traditionalist conservatism is a political philosophy emphasizing the need for the principles of natural law and transcendent moral order, tradition, hierarchy and organic unity, agrarianism, classicism and high culture as well as the intersecting spheres of loyalty. Some traditionalists have embraced the labels "reactionary" and "counterrevolutionary", defying the stigma that has attached to these terms since the Enlightenment. Having a hierarchical view of society, many traditionalist conservatives, including a few Americans, defend the monarchical political structure as the most natural and beneficial social arrangement.
Cultural conservatism
Cultural conservatives support the preservation of the heritage of one nation, or of a shared culture that is not defined by national boundaries. The shared culture may be as divergent as Western culture or Chinese culture. In the United States, the term "cultural conservative" may imply a conservative position in the culture war.
Cultural conservatives hold fast to traditional ways of thinking even
in the face of monumental change. They believe strongly in traditional
values and traditional politics and often have an urgent sense of
nationalism.
Social conservatism
Social conservatism
is distinct from cultural conservatism, although there are some
overlaps. Social conservatives may believe that society is built upon a
fragile network of relationships which need to be upheld through duty,
traditional values and established institutions;
and that the government has a role in encouraging or enforcing
traditional values or behaviours. A social conservative wants to
preserve traditional morality and social mores, often by opposing what
they consider radical policies or social engineering. Social change is generally regarded as suspect.
Social conservatives today generally favour the anti-abortion position in the abortion controversy and oppose human embryonic stem cell research (particularly if publicly funded); oppose both eugenics and human enhancement (transhumanism) while supporting bioconservatism; support a traditional definition of marriage as being one man and one woman; view the nuclear family model as society's foundational unit; oppose expansion of civil marriage and child adoption to couples in same-sex relationships; promote public morality and traditional family values; oppose atheism, especially militant atheism, secularism and the separation of church and state; support the prohibition of drugs, prostitution and euthanasia; and support the censorship of pornography and what they consider to be obscenity or indecency.
Religious conservatism
Religious conservatism principally applies the teachings of
particular religions to politics: sometimes by merely proclaiming the
value of those teachings; at other times, by having those teachings
influence laws.
In most democracies, political conservatism seeks to uphold
traditional family structures and social values. Religious conservatives
typically oppose abortion, LGBT behavior (or, in certain cases, identity), drug use,
and sexual activity outside of marriage. In some cases, conservative
values are grounded in religious beliefs, and conservatives seek to
increase the role of religion in public life.
Paternalistic conservatism
Paternalistic conservatism is a strand in conservatism which reflects
the belief that societies exist and develop organically and that
members within them have obligations towards each other. There is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society. Since it is consistent with principles such as organicism, hierarchy and duty, it can be seen as an outgrowth of traditional conservatism. Paternal conservatives support neither the individual nor the state
in principle, but are instead prepared to support either or recommend a
balance between the two depending on what is most practical.
It stresses the importance of a social safety net to deal with poverty, support of limited redistribution of wealth along with government regulation of markets in the interests of both consumers and producers. Paternalistic conservatism first arose as a distinct ideology in the United Kingdom under Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli's "One Nation" Toryism. There have been a variety of one nation conservative governments. In the United Kingdom, the Prime Ministers Disraeli, Stanley Baldwin, Neville Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan and Boris Johnson were or are one nation conservatives.
In Germany, during the 19th-century German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck
adopted policies of state-organized compulsory insurance for workers
against sickness, accident, incapacity and old age. Chancellor Leo von Caprivi promoted a conservative agenda called the "New Course".
Progressive conservatism
In the United States, Theodore Roosevelt
has been the main figure identified with progressive conservatism as a
political tradition. Roosevelt stated that he had "always believed that
wise progressivism and wise conservatism go hand in hand". The Republican administration of President William Howard Taft was a progressive conservative and he described himself as "a believer in progressive conservatism" and President Dwight D. Eisenhower declared himself an advocate of "progressive conservatism".
In Canada, a variety of conservative governments have been part of the Red tory tradition, with Canada's former major conservative party being named the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada from 1942 to 2003. In Canada, the Prime Ministers Arthur Meighen, R. B. Bennett, John Diefenbaker, Joe Clark, Brian Mulroney, and Kim Campbell led Red tory federal governments.
Authoritarian conservatism
Authoritarian conservatism or reactionary conservatism refers to autocratic regimes that center their ideology around conservative nationalism, rather than ethnic nationalism, though certain racial components such as antisemitism may exist.
Authoritarian conservative movements show strong devotion towards
religion, tradition and culture while also expressing fervent
nationalism akin to other far-right nationalist movements. Examples of
authoritarian conservative leaders include António de Oliveira Salazar and Engelbert Dollfuss. Authoritarian conservative movements were prominent in the same era as fascism,
with which it sometimes clashed. Although both ideologies shared core
values such as nationalism and had common enemies such as communism and materialism, there was nonetheless a contrast between the traditionalist nature of authoritarian conservatism and the revolutionary, palingenetic and populist nature of fascism—thus it was common for authoritarian conservative regimes to suppress rising fascist and National Socialist movements. The hostility between the two ideologies is highlighted by the struggle for power for the National Socialists in Austria, which was marked by the assassination of Engelbert Dollfuss.
Sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset has examined the class basis of right-wing extremist politics in the 1920–1960 era. He reports:
Conservative or rightist extremist movements have arisen at different periods in modern history, ranging from the Horthyites in Hungary, the Christian Social Party of Dollfuss in Austria, Der Stahlhelm and other nationalists in pre-Hitler Germany, and Salazar in Portugal,
to the pre-1966 Gaullist movements and the monarchists in contemporary
France and Italy. The right extremists are conservative, not
revolutionary. They seek to change political institutions in order to
preserve or restore cultural and economic ones, while extremists of the
centre and left seek to use political means for cultural and social
revolution. The ideal of the right extremist is not a totalitarian
ruler, but a monarch, or a traditionalist who acts like one. Many such
movements in Spain, Austria, Hungary, Germany, and Italy-have been
explicitly monarchist... The supporters of these movements differ from
those of the centrists, tending to be wealthier, and more religious,
which is more important in terms of a potential for mass support.
History
History of conservative thought
In Great Britain, the Tory movement during the Restoration period (1660–1688) was a precursor to conservatism. Toryism supported a hierarchical society with a monarch who ruled by divine right. However, Tories
differ from conservatives in that they opposed the idea that
sovereignty derived from the people and rejected the authority of
parliament and freedom of religion. Robert Filmer's Patriarcha: or the Natural Power of Kings (published posthumously in 1680, but written before the English Civil War of 1642–1651) became accepted as the statement of their doctrine. However, the Glorious Revolution
of 1688 destroyed this principle to some degree by establishing a
constitutional government in England, leading to the hegemony of the
Tory-opposed Whig
ideology. Faced with defeat, the Tories reformed their movement. They
adopted more conservative positions, such as holding that sovereignty
was vested in the three estates of Crown, Lords, and Commons rather than solely in the Crown. Richard Hooker (1554–1600), Marquess of Halifax (1633–1695) and David Hume
(1711-1776) were proto-conservatives of the period. Halifax promoted
pragmatism in government whilst Hume argued against political
rationalism and utopianism.
Edmund Burke (1729–1797) has been widely regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism. Burke served as the private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham and as official pamphleteer to the Rockingham branch of the Whig party. Together with the Tories, they were the conservatives in the late 18th century United Kingdom. Burke's views were a mixture of conservatism and republicanism. He supported the American Revolution of 1775–1783 but abhorred the violence of the French Revolution (1789–1799). He accepted the conservative ideals of private property and the economics of Adam Smith
(1723–1790), but thought that economics should remain subordinate to
the conservative social ethic, that capitalism should be subordinate to
the medieval social tradition and that the business class should be
subordinate to aristocracy.
He insisted on standards of honor derived from the medieval
aristocratic tradition and saw the aristocracy as the nation's natural
leaders.
That meant limits on the powers of the Crown, since he found the
institutions of Parliament to be better informed than commissions
appointed by the executive. He favored an established church, but allowed for a degree of religious toleration.
Burke ultimately justified the social order on the basis of tradition:
tradition represented the wisdom of the species and he valued community
and social harmony over social reforms.
Another form of conservatism developed in France in parallel to conservatism in Britain. It was influenced by Counter-Enlightenment works by men such as Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) and Louis de Bonald (1754-1840). Many continental conservatives do not support separation of church and state, with most supporting state recognition of and cooperation with the Catholic Church,
such as had existed in France before the Revolution. Conservatives were
also early to embrace nationalism, which was previously associated with
liberalism and the Revolution in France. Another early French conservative, François-René de Chateaubriand (1768-1848), espoused a romantic opposition to modernity, contrasting its emptiness with the 'full heart' of traditional faith and loyalty. Elsewhere on the continent, German thinkers Justus Möser (1720-1794) and Friedrich von Gentz (1764-1832) criticized the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen that came of the Revolution. Opposition was also expressed by August Wilhelm Rehberg (1757-1836), Adam Müller (1779-1829) and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1771-1830), the latter inspiring both left and right-wing followers.
Both Burke and Maistre were critical of pure democracy in general, though their reasons differed.
Maistre was pessimistic about humans being able to follow rules, while
Burke was skeptical about humans' innate ability to make rules. For Maistre, rules had a divine origin, while Burke believed they arose from custom. The lack of custom for Burke, and the lack of divine guidance for Maistre, meant that people would act in terrible ways. Both also believed that liberty of the wrong kindled to bewilderment and political breakdown. Their ideas would together flow into a stream of anti-rationalist conservatism, but would still stay separate.
Whereas Burke was more open to argumentation and disagreement, Maistre
wanted authority and obedience, leading to a more illiberal strain of
thought.
History of conservative parties and movements
Conservative
political parties vary widely from country to country in the goals they
wish to achieve. Both conservative and liberal parties tend to favor
private ownership of property, in opposition to communist, socialist and
green parties, which favor communal ownership or laws requiring social
responsibility on the part of property owners. Where conservatives and
liberals differ is primarily on social issues. Conservatives tend to
reject behavior that does not conform to some social norm.
Modern conservative parties often define themselves by their opposition
to liberal or labor parties. The United States usage of the term
"conservative" is unique to that country.
In Italy, which was united by liberals and radicals (Risorgimento), liberals, not conservatives, emerged as the party of the right. In the Netherlands, conservatives merged into a new Christian democratic party in 1980. In Austria, Germany, Portugal and Spain, conservatism was transformed into and incorporated into fascism or the far-right.
In 1940, all Japanese parties were merged into a single fascist party.
Following the war, Japanese conservatives briefly returned to politics,
but were largely purged from public office.
Conservative elites have long dominated Latin American nations.
Mostly, this has been achieved through control of and support for civil
institutions, the church and the armed forces, rather than through party
politics. Typically, the church was exempt from taxes and its employees
immune from civil prosecution. Where national conservative parties were
weak or non-existent, conservatives were more likely to rely on
military dictatorship as a preferred form of government. However, in
some nations where the elites were able to mobilize popular support for
conservative parties, longer periods of political stability were
achieved. Chile, Colombia and Venezuela are examples of nations that
developed strong conservative parties. Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador
and Peru are examples of nations where this did not occur. The Conservative Party of Venezuela disappeared following the Federal Wars of 1858–1863. Chile's conservative party, the National Party,
disbanded in 1973 following a military coup and did not re-emerge as a
political force following the subsequent return to democracy. Louis Hartz explained conservatism in Quebec and Latin America as a result of their settlement as feudal societies. The American conservative writer Russell Kirk
provided the opinion that conservatism had been brought to the United
States and interpreted the American Revolution as a "conservative
revolution".
Historic conservatism in different countries
Although
political conservatism developed in most countries, most countries did
not have conservative parties. Many conservatives parties disappeared as
the reasons for there existence disappeared. Below are listed the
historic conservative parties that survive today.
Belgium
Having its roots in the conservative Catholic Party, the Christian People's Party retained a conservative edge through the twentieth century, supporting the king in the Royal Question, supporting nuclear family as the cornerstone of society, defending Christian education, and opposing euthanasia.
The Christian People's Party dominated politics in post-war Belgium. In
1999, the party's support collapsed, and it became the country's
fifth-largest party. Currently, the N-VA (nieuw-vlaamse alliantie/New Flemish Alliance) is the largest party in Belgium.
Canada
Canada's conservatives had their roots in the Tory loyalists who left
America after the American Revolution. They developed in the
socio-economic and political cleavages that existed during the first
three decades of the 19th century and had the support of the business,
professional and established Church (Anglican) elites in Ontario and to a
lesser extent in Quebec. Holding a monopoly over administrative and
judicial offices, they were called the "Family Compact" in Ontario and the "Chateau Clique" in Quebec. John A. Macdonald's
successful leadership of the movement to confederate the provinces and
his subsequent tenure as prime minister for most of the late 19th
century rested on his ability to bring together the English-speaking
Protestant oligarchy and the ultramontane Catholic hierarchy of Quebec and to keep them united in a conservative coalition.
The conservatives combined pro-market liberalism and Toryism. They generally supported an activist government and state intervention in the marketplace and their policies were marked by noblesse oblige, a paternalistic responsibility of the elites for the less well-off. From 1942, the party was known as the Progressive Conservatives until 2003, when the national party merged with the Canadian Alliance to form the Conservative Party of Canada.
The conservative and autonomist Union Nationale, led by Maurice Duplessis,
governed the province of Quebec in periods from 1936 to 1960 and in a
close alliance with the Catholic Church, small rural elites, farmers and
business elites. This period, known by liberals as the Great Darkness, ended with the Quiet Revolution and the party went into terminal decline. By the end of the 1960s, the political debate in Quebec centered around the question of independence, opposing the social democratic and sovereignist Parti Québécois and the centrist and federalist Quebec Liberal Party, therefore marginalizing the conservative movement. Most French Canadian conservatives rallied either the Quebec Liberal Party or the Parti Québécois, while some of them still tried to offer an autonomist third-way with what was left of the Union Nationale or the more populists Ralliement créditiste du Québec and Parti national populaire, but by the 1981 provincial election politically organized conservatism had been obliterated in Quebec. It slowly started to revive at the 1994 provincial election with the Action démocratique du Québec, who served as Official opposition in the National Assembly from 2007 to 2008, before its merger with François Legault's Coalition Avenir Québec in 2012, that took power in 2018.
The modern Conservative Party of Canada has rebranded conservatism and under the leadership of Stephen Harper, the Conservative Party added more conservative policies.
Colombia
The Colombian Conservative Party, founded in 1849, traces its origins to opponents of General Francisco de Paula Santander's
1833–1837 administration. While the term "liberal" had been used to
describe all political forces in Colombia, the conservatives began
describing themselves as "conservative liberals" and their opponents as
"red liberals". From the 1860s until the present, the party has
supported strong central government; supported the Catholic Church,
especially its role as protector of the sanctity of the family; and
opposed separation of church and state. Its policies include the legal
equality of all men, the citizen's right to own property and opposition
to dictatorship. It has usually been Colombia's second largest party,
with the Colombian Liberal Party being the largest.
Denmark
Founded in 1915, the Conservative People's Party of Denmark. was the successor of Højre (literally "Right"). The conservative party led the government coalition from 1982 to 1993. The party was a junior partner in coalition with the Liberals from 2001 to 2011. The party is preceded by 11 years by the Young Conservatives (KU),
today the youth movement of the party. The party suffered a major
defeat in the parliamentary elections of September 2011 in which the
party lost more than half of its seat and also lost governmental power. A
liberal cultural policy dominated during the post-war period. However,
by the 1990s, disagreements regarding immigrants from entirely different
cultures ignited a conservative backlash.
Finland
The conservative party in Finland is the National Coalition Party (in Finnish Kansallinen Kokoomus, Kok).
The party was founded in 1918 when several monarchist parties united.
Although in the past the party was right-wing, today it is a moderate
liberal conservative party. While the party advocates economic liberalism, it is committed to the social market economy.
France
Conservatism in France focused on the rejection of the secularism of
the French Revolution, support for the role of the Catholic Church and
the restoration of the monarchy.
The monarchist cause was on the verge of victory in the 1870s, but then
collapsed because the proposed king refused to fly the tri-colored
flag. Religious tensions heightened in the 1890–1910 era, but moderated after the spirit of unity in fighting the First World War. An extreme form of conservatism characterized the Vichy regime
of 1940–1944 with heightened antisemitism, opposition to individualism,
emphasis on family life and national direction of the economy.
Following the Second World War, conservatives in France supported
Gaullist groups and have been nationalistic and emphasized tradition,
order and the regeneration of France.
Gaullists held divergent views on social issues. The number of
conservative groups, their lack of stability and their tendency to be
identified with local issues defy simple categorization. Conservatism
has been the major political force in France since the Second World War. Unusually, post-war French conservatism was formed around the personality of a leader, Charles de Gaulle; and did not draw on traditional French conservatism, but on the Bonapartism tradition. Gaullism in France continues under The Republicans (formerly Union for a Popular Movement), which was previously led by Nicolas Sarkozy, a conservative figure in France. The word "conservative" itself is a term of abuse in France.
Greece
The main inter-war conservative party was called the People's Party (PP), which supported constitutional monarchy and opposed the republican Liberal Party. Both it and the Liberal party were suppressed by the authoritarian, arch-conservative and royalist 4th of August Regime of Ioannis Metaxas
in 1936–1941. The PP was able to re-group after the Second World War as
part of a United Nationalist Front which achieved power campaigning on a
simple anticommunist, ultranationalist platform during the Greek Civil War
(1946–1949). However, the vote received by the PP declined during the
so-called "Centrist Interlude" in 1950–1952. In 1952, Marshal Alexandros Papagos created the Greek Rally
as an umbrella for the right-wing forces. The Greek Rally came to power
in 1952 and remained the leading party in Greece until 1963—after
Papagos' death in 1955 reformed as the National Radical Union under Konstantinos Karamanlis. Right-wing governments backed by the palace and the army overthrew the Centre Union government in 1965 and governed the country until the establishment of the far-right Greek junta (1967–1974). After the regime's collapse in August 1974, Karamanlis returned from exile to lead the government and founded the New Democracy party. The new conservative party had four objectives: to confront Turkish expansionism in Cyprus,
to reestablish and solidify democratic rule, to give the country a
strong government and to make a powerful moderate party a force in Greek
politics.
The Independent Greeks, a newly formed political party in Greece, has also supported conservatism, particularly national and religious conservatism. The Founding Declaration of the Independent Greeks strongly emphasises in the preservation of the Greek state and its sovereignty, the Greek people and the Greek Orthodox Church.
Iceland
Founded in 1924 as the Conservative Party, Iceland's Independence Party adopted its current name in 1929 after the merger with the Liberal Party.
From the beginning, they have been the largest vote-winning party,
averaging around 40%. They combined liberalism and conservatism,
supported nationalization of infrastructure and opposed class conflict.
While mostly in opposition during the 1930s, they embraced economic liberalism,
but accepted the welfare state after the war and participated in
governments supportive of state intervention and protectionism. Unlike
other Scandanivian conservative (and liberal) parties, it has always had
a large working-class following. After the financial crisis in 2008, the party has sunk to a lower support level around 20–25%.
Italy
After World War II, in Italy the conservative parties were mainly represented by the Christian Democracy
(DC) party, which government form the foundation of the Republic until
the party's dissolution in 1994. Officially, DC refused the ideology of
conservatism, but in many aspects, for example family values, it was a typical social conservative party.
In 1994, the media tycoon and entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi founded the liberal conservative party Forza Italia (FI). Berlusconi won three elections in 1994, 2001 and 2008, governing the country for almost ten years as Prime Minister. Forza Italia formed a coalition with right-wing regional party Lega Nord while in government.
Besides FI, now the conservative ideas are mainly expressed by the New Centre-Right party led by Angelino Alfano, Berlusconi formed a new party, which is a rebirth of Forza Italia, thuds founding a new conservative movement. Alfano served as Minister of Foreign Affairs. After the 2018 election, Lega Nord and the Five Star Movement formed the current right-wing populist government.
Luxembourg
Luxembourg's major conservative party, the Christian Social People's Party
(CSV or PCS), was formed as the Party of the Right in 1914 and adopted
its present name in 1945. It was consistently the largest political
party in Luxembourg, and dominated politics throughout the 20th century.
Norway
The Conservative Party of Norway (Norwegian: Høyre, literally "right") was formed by the old upper class of state officials and wealthy merchants to fight the populist democracy of the Liberal Party,
but lost power in 1884, when parliamentarian government was first
practised. It formed its first government under parliamentarism in 1889
and continued to alternate in power with the Liberals until the 1930s,
when Labour became the dominant political party. It has elements both of
paternalism, stressing the responsibilities of the state, and of
economic liberalism. It first returned to power in the 1960s. During Kåre Willoch's premiership in the 1980s, much emphasis was laid on liberalizing the credit and housing market, and abolishing the NRK TV and radio monopoly, while supporting law and order in criminal justice and traditional norms in education.
Sweden
Sweden's conservative party, the Moderate Party, was formed in 1904, two years after the founding of the Liberal Party.
The party emphasizes tax reductions, deregulation of private enterprise
and privatization of schools, hospitals, and kindergartens.
Switzerland
There are a number of conservative parties in Switzerland's parliament, the Federal Assembly. These include the largest, the Swiss People's Party (SVP), the Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP) and the Conservative Democratic Party of Switzerland (BDP), which is a splinter of the SVP created in the aftermath to the election of Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf as Federal Council. The right-wing parties have a majority in the Federal Assembly.
The Swiss People's Party (SVP or UDC) was formed from the 1971 merger of the Party of Farmers, Traders and Citizens,
formed in 1917 and the smaller Swiss Democratic Party, formed in 1942.
The SVP emphasized agricultural policy and was strong among farmers in
German-speaking Protestant areas. As Switzerland considered closer
relations with the European Union in the 1990s, the SVP adopted a more
militant protectionist and isolationist stance. This stance has allowed
it to expand into German-speaking Catholic mountainous areas. The Anti-Defamation League,
a non-Swiss lobby group based in the United States has accused them of
manipulating issues such as immigration, Swiss neutrality and welfare
benefits, awakening antisemitism and racism. The Council of Europe
has called the SVP "extreme right", although some scholars dispute this
classification. For instance, Hans-Georg Betz describes it as "populist
radical right". The SVP is the largest party since 2003.
United Kingdom
According to historian James Sack, English conservatives celebrate Edmund Burke as their intellectual father. Burke was affiliated with the Whig Party which eventually became the Liberal Party, but the modern Conservative Party is generally thought to derive from the Tory party and the MPs of the modern conservative party are still frequently referred to as Tories.
Shortly after Burke's death in 1797, conservatism revived as a
mainstream political force as the Whigs suffered a series of internal
divisions. This new generation of conservatives derived their politics
not from Burke, but from his predecessor, the Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751), who was a Jacobite and traditional Tory, lacking Burke's sympathies for Whiggish policies such as Catholic emancipation and American independence (famously attacked by Samuel Johnson
in "Taxation No Tyranny"). In the first half of the 19th century, many
newspapers, magazines, and journals promoted loyalist or right-wing
attitudes in religion, politics and international affairs. Burke was
seldom mentioned, but William Pitt the Younger (1759–1806) became a conspicuous hero. The most prominent journals included The Quarterly Review, founded in 1809 as a counterweight to the Whigs' Edinburgh Review and the even more conservative Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine. Sack finds that the Quarterly Review
promoted a balanced Canningite toryism as it was neutral on Catholic
emancipation and only mildly critical of Nonconformist Dissent; it
opposed slavery and supported the current poor laws; and it was
"aggressively imperialist". The high-church clergy of the Church of England read the Orthodox Churchman's Magazine which was equally hostile to Jewish, Catholic, Jacobin, Methodist and Unitarian spokesmen. Anchoring the ultra Tories, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine stood firmly against Catholic emancipation and favoured slavery, cheap money, mercantilism, the Navigation Acts and the Holy Alliance.
Conservatism evolved after 1820, embracing free trade in 1846 and
a commitment to democracy, especially under Disraeli. The effect was to
significantly strengthen conservatism as a grassroots political force.
Conservatism no longer was the philosophical defense of the landed
aristocracy, but had been refreshed into redefining its commitment to
the ideals of order, both secular and religious, expanding imperialism,
strengthened monarchy and a more generous vision of the welfare state as
opposed to the punitive vision of the Whigs and liberals.
As early as 1835, Disraeli attacked the Whigs and utilitarians as
slavishly devoted to an industrial oligarchy, while he described his
fellow Tories as the only "really democratic party of England" and
devoted to the interests of the whole people.
Nevertheless, inside the party there was a tension between the growing
numbers of wealthy businessmen on the one side and the aristocracy and
rural gentry on the other. The aristocracy gained strength as businessmen discovered they could use their wealth to buy a peerage and a country estate.
Although conservatives opposed attempts to allow greater representation of the middle class in parliament, they conceded that electoral reform
could not be reversed and promised to support further reforms so long
as they did not erode the institutions of church and state. These new
principles were presented in the Tamworth Manifesto of 1834, which historians regard as the basic statement of the beliefs of the new Conservative Party.
Some conservatives lamented the passing of a pastoral world where the ethos of noblesse oblige had promoted respect from the lower classes. They saw the Anglican Church and the aristocracy as balances against commercial wealth. They worked toward legislation for improved working conditions and urban housing. This viewpoint would later be called Tory democracy.
However, since Burke, there has always been tension between traditional
aristocratic conservatism and the wealthy business class.
In 1834, Tory Prime Minister Robert Peel issued the Tamworth Manifesto
in which he pledged to endorse moderate political reform. This marked
the beginning of the transformation of British conservatism from High Tory reactionism towards a more modern form based on "conservation". The party became known as the Conservative Party
as a result, a name it has retained to this day. However, Peel would
also be the root of a split in the party between the traditional Tories
(led by the Earl of Derby and Benjamin Disraeli) and the "Peelites" (led first by Peel himself, then by the Earl of Aberdeen). The split occurred in 1846 over the issue of free trade, which Peel supported, versus protectionism, supported by Derby. The majority of the party sided with Derby whilst about a third split away, eventually merging with the Whigs and the radicals to form the Liberal Party. Despite the split, the mainstream Conservative Party accepted the doctrine of free trade in 1852.
In the second half of the 19th century, the Liberal Party faced political schisms, especially over Irish Home Rule. Leader William Gladstone
(himself a former Peelite) sought to give Ireland a degree of autonomy,
a move that elements in both the left and right-wings of his party
opposed. These split off to become the Liberal Unionists (led by Joseph Chamberlain),
forming a coalition with the Conservatives before merging with them in
1912. The Liberal Unionist influence dragged the Conservative Party
towards the left as Conservative governments passing a number of
progressive reforms at the turn of the 20th century. By the late 19th
century, the traditional business supporters of the Liberal Party had
joined the Conservatives, making them the party of business and commerce.
After a period of Liberal dominance before the First World War,
the Conservatives gradually became more influential in government,
regaining full control of the cabinet in 1922. In the inter-war period,
conservatism was the major ideology in Britain as the Liberal Party vied with the Labour Party for control of the left. After the Second World War, the first Labour government (1945–1951) under Clement Attlee
embarked on a program of nationalization of industry and the promotion
of social welfare. The Conservatives generally accepted those policies
until the 1980s.
Margaret Thatcher (1925–2013), under whose leadership the Conservative Party has shifted their economic policies to the right as well as
Thatcherism In the 1980s, the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, guided by neoliberal economics, reversed many of Labour's programmes. The Conservative Party also adopt soft eurosceptic politics, and oppose Federal Europe. Other conservative political parties, such as the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP, founded in 1993), Northern Ireland's Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP, founded in 1971), began to appear, although they have yet to make any significant impact at Westminster (as of 2014, the DUP comprises the largest political party in the ruling coalition in the Northern Ireland Assembly), and from 2017 to 2019 the DUP provided support for the Conservative minority government.
Modern conservatism in different countries
Many
sources refer to any political parties on the right of the political
spectrum as conservative despite having no connection with historical
conservatism. In most cases, these parties do not use the term
conservative in their name or self-identify as conservative. Below is a
partial list of such political parties.
Australia
to the principles of
social conservatism and
liberal conservatism. It is liberal in the sense of economics. Other conservative parties are the
National Party of Australia, a sister party of the Liberals,
Family First Party,
Democratic Labor Party,
Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party,
Australian Conservatives, and the
Katter's Australian Party.
The second largest party in the country is the Australian Labor Party and its dominant faction is Labor Right, a socially conservative
element. Australia undertook significant economic reform under the
Labor Party in the mid-1980s. Consequently, issues like protectionism,
welfare reform, privatization and deregulation are no longer debated in
the political space as they are in Europe or North America. Moser and
Catley explain: "In America, 'liberal' means left-of-center, and it is a
pejorative term when used by conservatives in adversarial political
debate. In Australia, of course, the conservatives are in the Liberal
Party".
Jupp points out that, "[the] decline in English influences on
Australian reformism and radicalism, and appropriation of the symbols of
Empire by conservatives continued under the Liberal Party leadership of
Sir Robert Menzies, which lasted until 1966".
Brazil
Jair Bolsonaro, the incumbent President of Brazil, known for his conservative stances
Conservatism in Brazil originates from the cultural and historical
tradition of Brazil, whose cultural roots are Luso-Iberian and Roman Catholic. Brazilian conservatism from the 20th century on includes names such as Gerardo Melo Mourão and Otto Maria Carpeaux in literature; Oliveira Lima and Oliveira Torres in historiography; Sobral Pinto and Miguel Reale in law; Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira and Father Paulo Ricardo in the Catholic Church; Roberto Campos and Mario Henrique Simonsen in economics; Carlos Lacerda in the political arena; and Olavo de Carvalho in philosophy. Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, Patriota, Progressistas, Social Christian Party and Social Liberal Party are the conservative parties in Brazil.
Germany
Conservatism developed alongside nationalism in Germany, culminating in Germany's victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War, the creation of the unified German Empire in 1871 and the simultaneous rise of Otto von Bismarck
on the European political stage. Bismarck's "balance of power" model
maintained peace in Europe for decades at the end of the 19th century.
His "revolutionary conservatism" was a conservative state-building
strategy designed to make ordinary Germans—not just the Junker
elite—more loyal to state and emperor, he created the modern welfare
state in Germany in the 1880s. According to Kees van Kersbergen and Barbara Vis, his strategy was:
[G]ranting
social rights to enhance the integration of a hierarchical society, to
forge a bond between workers and the state so as to strengthen the
latter, to maintain traditional relations of authority between social
and status groups, and to provide a countervailing power against the
modernist forces of liberalism and socialism.
Bismarck also enacted universal male suffrage in the new German Empire in 1871. He became a great hero to German conservatives, who erected many monuments to his memory after he left office in 1890.
With the rise of Nazism in 1933, agrarian movements faded and was supplanted by a more command-based economy and forced social integration. Though Adolf Hitler
succeeded in garnering the support of many German industrialists,
prominent traditionalists openly and secretly opposed his policies of
euthanasia, genocide and attacks on organized religion, including Claus von Stauffenberg, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Henning von Tresckow, Bishop Clemens August Graf von Galen and the monarchist Carl Friedrich Goerdeler.
More recently, the work of conservative Christian Democratic Union leader and Chancellor Helmut Kohl helped bring about German reunification, along with the closer European integration in the form of the Maastricht Treaty.
Today, German conservatism is often associated with politicians such as Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose tenure has been marked by attempts to save the common European currency (Euro)
from demise. The German conservatives are divided under Merkel due to
the refugee crisis in Germany and many conservatives in the CDU/CSU oppose the refugee and migrant policies developed under Merkel.
India
In India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Narendra Modi,
represent conservative politics. The BJP is the largest right-wing
conservative party in the world. It promotes cultural nationalism, Hindu Nationalism, an aggressive foreign policy against Pakistan and a conservative social and fiscal policy.
Russia
Under Vladimir Putin,
the dominant leader since 1999, Russia has promoted explicitly
conservative policies in social, cultural and political matters, both at
home and abroad. Putin has attacked globalism and economic liberalism.
Russian conservatism is unique in some respects as it supports Economic intervention with a mixed economy, with a strong nationalist sentiment and social conservatism with its views being largely populist. Russian conservatism as a result opposes libertarian ideals such as the aforementioned concept of economic liberalism
found in other conservative movements around the world. Putin has as a
result promoted new think tanks that bring together like-minded
intellectuals and writers. For example, the Izborsky Club, founded in
2012 by Aleksandr Prokhanov, stresses Russian nationalism, the
restoration of Russia's historical greatness and systematic opposition
to liberal ideas and policies. Vladislav Surkov, a senior government official, has been one of the key ideologists during Putin's presidency.
In cultural and social affairs, Putin has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church. Mark Woods provides specific examples of how the Church under Patriarch Kirill of Moscow has backed the expansion of Russian power into Crimea and eastern Ukraine. More broadly, The New York Times reports in September 2016 how that Church's policy prescriptions support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives:
"A fervent foe of homosexuality and
any attempt to put individual rights above those of family, community,
or nation, the Russian Orthodox Church helps project Russia as the
natural ally of all those who pine for a more secure, illiberal world
free from the tradition-crushing rush of globalization,
multiculturalism, and women's and gay rights."
—
Andrew Higgins (The New York Times: In Expanding Russian Influence, Faith Combines With Firepower)
South Korea
South Korea's major conservative party, the People Power Party (South Korea),
has changed its form throughout its history. First it was the
Democratic-Liberal Party(민주자유당, Minju Ja-yudang) and its first head was Roh Tae-woo who was the first President of the Sixth Republic of South Korea. Democratic-Liberal Party was founded by the merging of Roh Tae-woo's Democratic Justice Party, Kim Young Sam's Reunification Democratic Party and Kim Jong-pil's New Democratic Republican Party. And again through election its second leader, Kim Young-sam,
became the fourteenth President of Korea. When the conservative party
was beaten by the opposition party in the general election, it changed
its form again to follow the party members' demand for reforms. It
became the New Korean Party, but it changed again one year later since
the President Kim Young-sam was blamed by the citizen for the International Monetary Fund. It changed its name to Grand National Party (GNP). Since the late Kim Dae-jung assumed the presidency in 1998, GNP had been the opposition party until Lee Myung-bak won the presidential election of 2007.
United States
The meaning of "conservatism" in the United States has little in
common with the way the word is used elsewhere. As Ribuffo (2011) notes,
"what Americans now call conservatism much of the world calls
liberalism or neoliberalism". American conservatism is a broad system of political beliefs in the United States that is characterized by respect for American traditions, support for Judeo-Christian values, economic liberalism, anti-communism and a defense of Western culture. Liberty within the bounds of conformity to conservatism is a core value, with a particular emphasis on strengthening the free market,
limiting the size and scope of government and opposition to high taxes
and government or labor union encroachment on the entrepreneur.
In early American politics, it was the Democratic party
practicing 'conservatism' in its attempts to maintain the social and
economic institution of slavery. Democratic president Andrew Johnson, as
one commonly known example, was considered a Conservative.
"The Democrats were often called conservative and embraced that label.
Many of them were conservative in the sense that they wanted things to
be like they were in the past, especially as far as race was concerned." In 1892, Democrat Grover Cleveland
won the election on a conservative platform, that argued for
maintaining the gold standard, reducing tariffs, and supporting a laisse
faire approach to government intervention. Since the 1950s, conservatism in the United States has been chiefly associated with the Republican Party. However, during the era of segregation, many Southern Democrats were conservatives and they played a key role in the conservative coalition that largely controlled domestic policy in Congress from 1937 to 1963. The conservative Democrats continued to have influence in the US politics until 1994's Republican Revolution, when the American South shifted from solid Democrat to solid Republican, while maintaining its conservative values.
The major conservative party in the United States today is the Republican Party, also known as the GOP (Grand Old Party). Modern American conservatives consider individual liberty, as long as it conforms to conservative values, small government, deregulation of the government, economic liberalism, and free trade, as the fundamental trait of democracy, which contrasts with modern American liberals, who generally place a greater value on social equality and social justice. Other major priorities within American conservatism include support for the traditional family, law and order, the right to bear arms, Christian values, anti-communism and a defense of "Western civilization from the challenges of modernist culture and totalitarian governments". Economic conservatives and libertarians favor small government,
low taxes, limited regulation and free enterprise. Some social
conservatives see traditional social values threatened by secularism, so
they support school prayer and oppose abortion and homosexuality. Neoconservatives want to expand American ideals throughout the world and show a strong support for Israel. Paleoconservatives, in opposition to multiculturalism, press for restrictions on immigration.
Most US conservatives prefer Republicans over Democrats and most
factions favor a strong foreign policy and a strong military. The
conservative movement of the 1950s attempted to bring together these
divergent strands, stressing the need for unity to prevent the spread of
"godless communism", which Reagan later labeled an "evil empire". During the Reagan administration, conservatives also supported the so-called "Reagan Doctrine"
under which the US as part of a Cold War strategy provided military and
other support to guerrilla insurgencies that were fighting governments
identified as socialist or communist. The Reagan administration also
adopted neoliberalism and trickle-down economics, as well as Reaganomics, which made for economic growth in the 1980s, fueled by trillion-dollar deficits.
Other modern conservative positions include opposition to big government and opposition to environmentalism. On average, American conservatives desire tougher foreign policies than liberals do. Economic liberalism, deregulation and social conservatism are major principles of the Republican Party.
The Tea Party movement,
founded in 2009, has proven a large outlet for populist American
conservative ideas. Their stated goals include rigorous adherence to the
US constitution, lower taxes, and opposition to a growing role for the
federal government in health care. Electorally, it was considered a key
force in Republicans reclaiming control of the US House of
Representatives in 2010.
Psychology
Following the Second World War, psychologists conducted research into
the different motives and tendencies that account for ideological
differences between left and right. The early studies focused on
conservatives, beginning with Theodor W. Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality (1950) based on the F-scale personality test. This book has been heavily criticized on theoretical and methodological grounds, but some of its findings have been confirmed by further empirical research.
In 1973, British psychologist Glenn Wilson
published an influential book providing evidence that a general factor
underlying conservative beliefs is "fear of uncertainty." A meta-analysis of research literature by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway in 2003 found that many factors, such as intolerance of ambiguity and need for cognitive closure, contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism and its manifestations in decision-making.
A study by Kathleen Maclay stated these traits "might be associated
with such generally valued characteristics as personal commitment and
unwavering loyalty". The research also suggested that while most people
are resistant to change, liberals are more tolerant of it.
According to psychologist Bob Altemeyer, individuals who are politically conservative tend to rank high in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on his RWA scale.
This finding was echoed by Adorno. A study done on Israeli and
Palestinian students in Israel found that RWA scores of right-wing party
supporters were significantly higher than those of left-wing party
supporters.
However, a 2005 study by H. Michael Crowson and colleagues suggested a
moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions, stating that
their "results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA".
Psychologist Felicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the idea that a high social dominance orientation (SDO) is strongly correlated with conservative political views and opposition to social engineering to promote equality, though Pratto's findings have been highly controversial as Pratto and her colleagues found that high SDO scores were highly correlated with measures of prejudice. However, David J. Schneider
argued for a more complex relationships between the three factors,
writing that "correlations between prejudice and political conservative
are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted,
suggesting that the conservatism–prejudice link is caused by SDO". Conservative political theorist Kenneth Minogue
criticized Pratto's work, saying: "It is characteristic of the
conservative temperament to value established identities, to praise
habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational, but
because such things anchor the darting impulses of human beings in
solidities of custom which we do not often begin to value until we are
already losing them. Radicalism often generates youth movements, while
conservatism is a condition found among the mature, who have discovered
what it is in life they most value".
A 1996 study on the relationship between racism and conservatism
found that the correlation was stronger among more educated individuals,
though "anti-Black affect had essentially no relationship with
political conservatism at any level of educational or intellectual
sophistication". They also found that the correlation between racism and
conservatism could be entirely accounted for by their mutual
relationship with social dominance orientation.
In his 2008 book, Gross National Happiness, Arthur C. Brooks presents the finding that conservatives are roughly twice as happy as liberals.
A 2008 study demonstrates that conservatives tend to be happier than
liberals because of their tendency to justify the current state of
affairs and because they're less bothered by inequalities in society.
In fact, as income inequality increases, this difference in relative
happiness increases because conservatives, more so than liberals,
possess an ideological buffer against the negative hedonic effects of economic inequality.
A 2009 study found that conservatism and cognitive ability are
negatively correlated. It found that conservatism has a negative
correlation with SAT, Vocabulary, and Analogy test scores, measures of education (such as gross enrollment in primary, secondary, and tertiary levels), and performance on math and reading assignments from the PISA. It also found that conservatism correlates with components of the Failed States Index and "several other measures of economic and political development of nations." Nonetheless, in a Brazillian sample, the highest IQs were found among centre-rightists and centrists, even after correcting for gender, age, education and income.
-(cropped).jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
