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Friday, November 3, 2023

Skinhead

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The British skinhead band The 4-Skins in 1980
Skinhead women with straight-cut fringes
Dr. Martens boots with Levi's jeans

A skinhead or skin is a member of a subculture that originated among working-class youths in London, England, in the 1960s. It soon spread to other parts of the United Kingdom, with a second working-class skinhead movement emerging worldwide in the late 1970s. Motivated by social alienation and working-class solidarity, skinheads are defined by their close-cropped or shaven heads and working-class clothing such as Dr. Martens and steel toe work boots, braces, high rise and varying length straight-leg jeans, and button-down collar shirts, usually slim fitting in check or plain. The movement reached a peak at the end of the 1960s, experienced a revival in the 1980s, and, since then, has endured in multiple contexts worldwide.

The rise to prominence of skinheads came in two waves, with the first wave taking place in the late 1960s in the UK. The first skinheads were working class youths motivated by an expression of alternative values and working class pride, rejecting both the austerity and conservatism of the 1950s-early 1960s and the more middle class or bourgeois hippie movement and peace and love ethos of the mid to late 1960s. Skinheads were instead drawn towards more working class outsider subcultures, incorporating elements of early working class mod fashion and Jamaican music and fashion, especially from Jamaican rude boys. In the earlier stages of the movement, a considerable overlap existed between early skinhead subculture, mod subculture, and the rude boy subculture found among Jamaican British and Jamaican immigrant youth, as these three groups interacted and fraternized with each other within the same working class and poor neighbourhoods in Britain. As skinheads adopted elements of mod subculture and Jamaican British and Jamaican immigrant rude boy subculture, both first and second generation skins were influenced by the rhythms of Jamaican music genres such as ska, rocksteady, and reggae, as well as sometimes African-American soul and rhythm and blues.

The late 1970s and early 1980s saw a revival or second wave of the skinhead subculture, with increasing interaction between its adherents and the emerging punk movement. Oi!, a working class offshoot of punk rock, soon became a vital component of skinhead culture, while the Jamaican genres beloved by first generation skinheads were filtered through punk and new wave in a style known as 2 Tone. Within these new musical movements, the skinhead subculture diversified, and contemporary skinhead fashions ranged from the original clean-cut 1960s mod- and rude boy-influenced styles to less-strict punk-influenced styles.

During the early 1980s, political affiliations grew in significance and split the subculture, demarcating the far-right and far-left strands, although many skins described themselves as apolitical. In Great Britain, the skinhead subculture became associated in the public eye with membership of groups such as the far-right National Front and British Movement. By the 1990s, neo-Nazi skinhead movements existed across all of Europe and North America, but were counterbalanced by the presence of groups such as Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice which sprung up in response. To this day, the skinhead subculture reflects a broad spectrum of political beliefs, even as many continue to embrace it as a largely apolitical working class movement.

History

Origins and first wave

In the late 1950s the post-war economic boom led to an increase in disposable income among many young people. Some of those youths spent that income on new fashions; they wore ripped clothes and would use pieces of material to patch them up as popularised by American soul groups, British R&B bands, certain film actors, and Carnaby Street clothing merchants. These youths became known as mods, a youth subculture noted for its consumerism and devotion to fashion, music, and scooters.

Working class mods chose practical clothing styles that suited their lifestyle and employment circumstances: work boots or army boots, straight-leg jeans or Sta-Prest trousers, button-down shirts and braces. When possible, these working class mods spent their money on suits and other sharp outfits to wear at dancehalls, where they enjoyed soul, ska, and rocksteady music.

Around 1966, a schism developed between the peacock mods (also known as smooth mods), who were less violent and always wore the latest expensive clothes, and the hard mods (also known as gang mods, lemonheads or peanuts), who were identified by their shorter hair and more working class image. Hard mods became commonly known as skinheads by about 1968. Their short hair may have come about for practical reasons, since long hair could be a liability in industrial jobs and streetfights. Skinheads may also have cut their hair short in defiance of the more middle class hippie culture.

In addition to retaining many mod influences, early skinheads were very interested in Jamaican rude boy styles and culture, especially the music: ska, rocksteady, and early reggae (before the tempo slowed down and lyrics became focused on topics like black nationalism and the Rastafari movement).

Skinhead culture became so popular by 1969 that even the rock band Slade temporarily adopted the look as a marketing strategy. The subculture gained wider notice because of a series of violent and sexually explicit novels by Richard Allen, notably Skinhead and Skinhead Escapes. Due to largescale British migration to Perth, Western Australia, many British youths in that city joined skinhead/sharpies gangs in the late 1960s and developed their own Australian style.

By the early 1970s, the skinhead subculture started to fade from popular culture, and some of the original skins dropped into new categories, such as the suedeheads (defined by the ability to manipulate one's hair with a comb), smoothies (often with shoulder-length hairstyles), and bootboys (with mod-length hair; associated with gangs and football hooliganism). Some fashion trends returned to the mod roots, with brogues, loafers, suits, and the slacks-and-sweater look making a comeback.

Second wave

Hoxton Tom McCourt, a revival skinhead pictured in 1977

In the late 1970s, the skinhead subculture was revived to a notable extent after the introduction of punk rock. Most of these revivalist skinheads reacted to the commercialism of punk by adopting a look that was in line with the original 1969 skinhead style. This revival included Gary Hodges and Hoxton Tom McCourt (both later of the band the 4-Skins) and Suggs, later of the band Madness. Around this time, some skinheads became affiliated with far right groups such as the National Front and the British Movement. From 1979 onwards, punk-influenced skinheads with shorter hair, higher boots and less emphasis on traditional styles grew in numbers and grabbed media attention, mostly due to football hooliganism. There still remained, however, skinheads who preferred the original mod-inspired styles.

Eventually different interpretations of the skinhead subculture expanded beyond Britain and continental Europe. In the United States, certain segments of the hardcore punk scene embraced skinhead styles and developed their own version of the subculture.

Bill Osgerby has argued that skinhead culture more broadly grows strength from specific economic circumstances. In a BBC interview, he remarked "In the late 70s and early 80s, working class culture was disintegrating through unemployment and inner city decay and there was an attempt to recapture a sense of working class solidarity and identity in the face of a tide of social change."

Germany

By the 1980s street fights regularly broke out in West Germany between skinheads and members of the anti-fascist, and left wing youth movements. German neo-nazis, led among others by Michael Kühnen, sought to expand their ranks with new young members from the burgeoning skinhead scene. On the other side of the Berlin Wall, in East Germany, the skinhead youth movement had developed two different styles: one was more focused on rebellious youth fashion styles while the other camp often dressed in regular clothes and focused more heavily on political activity. These groups were infiltrated by agents of the Stasi and did not last long in East Germany. After a group of skinheads attacked a punk concert at Zion's Church (East Berlin) in 1987, many skinhead leaders fled to West Germany to avoid arrest.

Style

Hair

Late 2000s female skinhead with 1960s-style extensions

Most first wave skinheads used a No. 2 or No. 3 grade clip guard cut (short, but not bald). From the late 1970s, male skinheads typically shaved their heads with a No. 2 grade clip or shorter. During that period, side partings were sometimes shaved into the hair. Since the 1980s, some skinheads have clipped their hair with no guard, or even shaved it with a razor. Some skinheads sport sideburns of various styles, usually neatly trimmed.

By the 1970s, most female skins had mod-style haircuts. During the 1980s skinhead revival, many female skinheads had feathercuts (The Chelsea, a fringed bob from the front yet from the back it is an undercut). A feathercut is short on the crown, with fringes at the front, back and sides.

Clothing

Male skinhead from the UK

Skinheads wore long-sleeve or short-sleeve button-down shirts or polo shirts by brands such as Ben Sherman, Fred Perry, Brutus, Warrior or Jaytex; Lonsdale or Everlast shirts or sweatshirts; Grandfather shirts; V-neck sweaters; sleeveless sweaters (known in the UK as a tank top); cardigan sweaters or T-shirts (plain or with text or designs related to the skinhead subculture). They might wear fitted blazers, Harrington jackets, bomber jackets, denim jackets (usually blue, sometimes splattered with bleach), donkey jackets, Crombie-style overcoats, sheepskin ¾-length coats, short macs, monkey jackets or parkas. Traditional ("hard mod") skinheads sometimes wore suits, often of two-tone ‘Tonik’ fabric (shiny mohair-like material that changes colour in different light and angles), or in a Prince of Wales or houndstooth check pattern.

Many skinheads wore Sta-Prest flat-fronted slacks or other dress trousers; jeans (normally Levi's, Lee or Wrangler); or combat trousers (plain or camouflage). Jeans and slacks were worn deliberately short (either hemmed, rolled or tucked) to show off boots, or to show off bright coloured socks when wearing loafers or brogues. Jeans were often blue, with a parallel leg design, hemmed or with clean and thin rolled cuffs (turn-ups), and were sometimes splattered with bleach to resemble camouflage trousers (a style popular among Oi! skinheads).

Many traditionalist skinheads wore braces (suspenders), in various colours, usually no more than 1" in width, clipped to the trouser waistband. In some areas, braces much wider than that may identify a skinhead as either unfashionable or as a white power skinhead. Traditionally, braces were worn up in an X shape at the back, but some Oi!-oriented skinheads wore their braces hanging down. Patterned braces – often black and white check, or vertical stripes – were sometimes worn by traditional skinheads. In a few cases, the colour of braces or flight jackets were used to signify affiliations. The particular colours chosen have varied regionally, and had totally different meanings in different areas and time periods. Only skinheads from the same area and time period are likely to interpret the colour significations accurately. The practice of using the colour clothing items to indicate affiliations became less common, particularly among traditionalist skinheads, who were more likely to choose their colours simply for fashion.

Hats common among skinheads include: Trilby hats; pork pie hats; flat caps (Scally caps or driver caps), winter woollen hats (without a bobble). Less common have been bowler hats (mostly among suedeheads and those influenced by the film A Clockwork Orange).

Traditionalist skinheads sometimes wore a silk handkerchief in the breast pocket of a Crombie-style overcoat or tonic suit jacket, in some cases fastened with an ornate stud. Some wore pocket flashes instead. These are pieces of silk in contrasting colours, mounted on a piece of cardboard and designed to look like an elaborately folded handkerchief. It was common to choose the colours based on one's favourite football club. Some skinheads wore button badges or sewn-on fabric patches with designs related to affiliations, interests or beliefs. Also popular were woollen or printed rayon scarves in football club colours, worn knotted at the neck, wrist, or hanging from a belt loop at the waist. Silk or faux-silk scarves (especially Tootal brand) with paisley patterns were also sometimes worn. Some suedeheads carried closed umbrellas with sharpened tips, or a handle with a pull-out blade. This led to the nickname brollie boys.

Female skinheads generally wore the same clothing items as men, with addition of skirts, stockings, or dress suits composed of a three-quarter-length jacket and matching short skirt. Some skingirls wore fishnet stockings and mini-skirts, a style introduced during the punk-influenced skinhead revival.

Footwear

Most skinheads wear boots; in the 1960s army surplus or generic workboots, later Dr. Martens boots and shoes. In 1960s Britain, steel-toe boots worn by skinheads and hooligans were called bovver boots; whence skinheads have themselves sometimes been called bovver boys. Skinheads have also been known to wear brogues, loafers or Dr. Martens (or similarly styled) low shoes.

In recent years, other brands of boots, such as Solovair, Tredair Grinders, and gripfast have become popular among skinheads, partly because most Dr. Martens are no longer made in England. Football-style athletic shoes, by brands such as Adidas or Gola, have become popular with many skinheads. Female or child skinheads generally wear the same footwear as men, with the addition of monkey boots. The traditional brand for monkey boots was Grafters, but nowadays they are also made by Dr. Martens and Solovair.

In the early days of the skinhead subculture, some skinheads chose boot lace colours based on the football team they supported. Later, some skinheads (particularly highly political ones) began to use lace colour to indicate beliefs or affiliations. The particular colours chosen have varied regionally, and have had totally different meanings in different areas and time periods. Only skinheads from the same area and time period are likely to interpret the colour significations accurately. This practice has become less common, particularly among traditionalist skinheads, who are more likely to choose their colours simply for fashion purposes.

Suedeheads sometimes wore coloured socks (for example, red or blue rather than black or white).

Music

Canadian black metal band Blasphemy, described as "black metal skinheads"

The skinhead subculture was originally associated with black music genres such as soul, ska, R&B, rocksteady, and early reggae. The link between skinheads and Jamaican music led to the UK popularity of groups such as Desmond Dekker, Derrick Morgan, Laurel Aitken, Symarip and The Pioneers. In the early 1970s, some reggae songs began to feature themes of black nationalism, which many white skinheads could not relate to. This shift in reggae's lyrical themes created some tension between black and white skinheads, who otherwise got along fairly well. Around this time, some suedeheads (an offshoot of the skinhead subculture) started listening to British glam rock bands such as Sweet, Slade and Mott the Hoople.

The most popular music style for late-1970s skinheads was 2 Tone, a fusion of ska, rocksteady, reggae, pop and punk rock. The 2 Tone genre was named after 2 Tone Records, a Coventry record label that featured bands such as The Specials, Madness and The Selecter. Some late-1970s skinheads also liked certain punk rock bands, such as Sham 69 and Menace.

In the late 1970s, after the first wave of punk rock, many skinheads embraced Oi!, a working class punk subgenre. Musically, Oi! combines standard punk with elements of football chants, pub rock and British glam rock. The Oi! scene was partly a response to a sense that many participants in the early punk scene were, in the words of The Business guitarist Steve Kent, "trendy university people using long words, trying to be artistic ... and losing touch". The term Oi! as a musical genre is said to come from the band Cockney Rejects and journalist Garry Bushell, who championed the genre in Sounds magazine. Not exclusively a skinhead genre, many Oi! bands included skins, punks and people who fit into neither category. Notable Oi! bands of the late 1970s and early 1980s include Angelic Upstarts, Blitz, the Business, Last Resort, The Burial, Combat 84 and the 4-Skins.

American Oi! began in the 1980s, with bands such as U.S. Chaos, The Press, Iron Cross, The Bruisers and Anti-Heros. American skinheads created a link between their subculture and hardcore punk music, with bands such as Warzone, Agnostic Front, and Cro-Mags. The Oi! style has also spread to other parts of the world, and remains popular with many skinheads. Many later Oi! bands have combined influences from early American hardcore and 1970s British streetpunk.

Among some skinheads, heavy metal is popular. Bands such as the Canadian act Blasphemy, whose guitarist is black, has been known to popularise and merchandise the phrase "black metal skinheads". As the group's vocalist recounts, "a lot of black metal skinheads from the other side of Canada" would join in on the British Columbian black metal underground. "I remember one guy... who had 'Black Metal Skins' tattooed on his forehead. We didn't hang out with white power skinheads, but there were some Oi skinheads who wanted to hang out with us." National Socialist black metal has an audience among white power skinheads. There was a record label called "Satanic Skinhead Propaganda" that was known to specialize in neo-Nazi black metal and death metal bands. Black metal pioneer and right-wing extremist Varg Vikernes was known to adopt a skinhead look and wear a belt with the SS insignia while serving time in prison for the arson of several stave churches and the murder of Øystein Aarseth.

Although many white power skinheads listened to Oi! music, they developed a separate genre more in line with their politics: Rock Against Communism (RAC). The most notable RAC band was Skrewdriver, which started out as a non-political punk band but evolved into a neo-Nazi band after the first lineup broke up and a new lineup was formed. RAC started out musically similar to Oi! and punk, but has since adopted elements from other genres. White power music that draws inspiration from hardcore punk is sometimes called hatecore.

Racism, anti-racism, and politics

Anarchist, anti-fascist and anti-racist skinheads in Hannover, Germany

The early skinheads were not necessarily part of any political movement, but as the 1970s progressed, many skinheads became more politically active and acts of racially-motivated skinhead violence began to occur in the United Kingdom. As a result of this change within the skinheads, far right groups such as the National Front and the British Movement saw a rise in the number of white power skinheads among their ranks. By the late 1970s, the mass media, and subsequently the general public, had largely come to view the skinhead subculture as one that promotes racism and neo-Nazism. The white power and neo-Nazi skinhead subculture eventually spread to North America, Europe and other areas of the world. The mainstream media started using the term skinhead in reports of racist violence (regardless of whether the perpetrator was actually a skinhead); this has played a large role in skewing public perceptions about the subculture. Three notable groups that formed in the 1980s and which later became associated with white power skinheads are White Aryan Resistance, Blood and Honour and Hammerskins.

An image of a crucified skinhead, a symbol used to convey a sense of societal alienation or persecution against the skinhead subculture. According to the Anti-Defamation League, it is used by both racist skinheads as well as anti-racist skinheads, and it can be considered a hate symbol in certain contexts.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, however, many skinheads and suedeheads in the United Kingdom rejected both the far left and the far right. This attitude was musically typified by Oi! bands such as Cockney Rejects, The 4-Skins, Toy Dolls, and The Business. Two notable groups of skinheads that spoke out against neo-Nazism and political extremism—and instead spoke out in support of traditional skinhead culture—were the Glasgow Spy Kids in Scotland (who coined the phrase Spirit of '69), and the publishers of the Hard As Nails zine in England.

In the late 1960s, some skinheads in the United Kingdom (including black skinheads) engaged in violence against South Asian immigrants (an act known as Paki bashing in common slang). There had, however, also been anti-racist skinheads since the beginning of the subculture, especially in Scotland and Northern England.

On the far left of the skinhead subculture, redskins and anarchist skinheads take a militant anti-fascist and pro-working class stance. The phrase "all cops are bastards" was popularized among some skinheads by The 4-Skins's 1982 song "A.C.A.B." In the United Kingdom, two groups with significant numbers of leftist skinhead members were Red Action, which started in 1981, and Anti-Fascist Action, which started in 1985. Internationally, the most notable skinhead organization is Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice, which formed in the New York City area in 1987 and then spread to other countries.

Far-right subcultures

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Far-right subcultures refers to the symbolism, ideology and traits that hold relevance to various politically extreme right-wing groups and organisations. There are three kinds of subcultures within far-right movements to distinguish: subcultural parasitism, subcultural creation around ideology and subcultures that are networking with far-right movements, as some football hooligans did with neo-nazis.

Subcultures created around or related to Nazi ideology

Subcultural parasitism

A neo-Nazi skinhead from Germany

Far-right ideologists try to infiltrate subcultures in order to spread their ideas among them. These attempts are defined as subcultural parasitism. The most well-known subculture that has been taken over by the far-right and neo-nazis is the Skinhead scene, which originally started in Great Britain. Some examples of subculture parasitism: the Nipster, infiltration of the Hipster (contemporary subculture) by neo-nazis (Nazi Hipster), Nazi punk, infiltration of the Heavy metal subculture, known as National Socialist black metal (NSBM/NSCH). Subcultures as the Goth subculture and the Hip Hop subculture have also been infiltrated by far-right movements and ideologists. Some other examples for far-right or neo-Nazi subcultures: Esoteric Nazism and Nazi Satanism.

Cultural counter-subversion

There is another strategy which is resorted to by neo-nazis and far right movements, and it is called cultural subversion. This strategy uses already existing forms of expression and organization and gives them a far right meaning. Some examples:

  • Music: use of already existing songs and the changing of their lyrics into lyrics which are nationalist or racist
  • Slogans: the changing of the left-wing slogan 'Long live the international solidarity' into the nationalist slogan 'Long live the national solidarity'
  • Forms of Organization: democratic forms of organization are copied and accommodated to far-right ideologies

Modern forms of far-right subcultures and lifestyles in specific countries

Italy

During its rule of Italy, the National Fascist Party heavily influenced fashion in its pursuit of autarky and this pursuit of autarky was exemplified by the National Fascist Party's belief in the importance of aesthetics and symbolism: clothes had to be produced in Italy and they also had to reflect the values of the Italian people. Pieces of clothing such as black shirts became associated with the dreaded Volunteer Militia for the Safety of the Nation and they even became associated with the regime itself. Nowadays, neo-fascists still care a great deal about clothing, but they express their care about clothing with different approaches. Symbols and clothes like the Celtic Cross and black clothing are still present and they are also associated with new filo-fascist political parties and movements, but similarly to the neo-Nazi case, there has also been a growing interest in "trendiness" and fashion, with new clothing brands that offer casual and formal clothing which is more in line with today's consumerist culture. This trend has led to the use of three different types of brands by neo-fascist subcultures that still cares a big deal about clothing as a way to show their political affiliations, while caring about what is trendy as well:

  • The use of brands that are not openly displaying symbols of fascism but are thought to be targeting neo-fascist consumers in light of their choices in advertising and partnership, with the choice of testimonials, models, settings and even copy material that recalls the neo-fascist archetypical man. For example, Pivert.
  • The use of brands that while denying any political involvement (the apology of fascism in Italy is a felony officially) heavily rely on the fascist's regime icons, using symbols, mottos and images without using the name of the party while still making clear what is their political affiliation. An example is the decimaofficialstore.
  • The use of brands that are arbitrarily given a power of identification with their political values by the members of the subculture itself.
Celtic cross on a Neo-Fascist flag

The arbitrary appropriation of modern devices of today's consumer culture in addition to the ones which were typical of its "ancestor" in Neo-fascism is not just limited to fashion, examples of modern culture products that were not born with this political affiliation but were used by neo-fascists in order to frame their values and express their adherence to their affiliates are Tolkien's novels, which led to the "Campi Hobbit" (Hobbit Camps) experience: real political camps where space was given to topics which were frequently overlooked by typical political institutions, such as the production of music by right wing music groups, the production of works by visual artists, the performance of radio podcasts and discussions about social issues and topics such as young people's unemployment together with the performance of paramilitary activities. Another very famous example is the politicization of football, with the Ultras groups often affiliated with certain ideologies. The majority of ultras groups in fact present small "bands" within them that are openly neo-fascist or at least far-right extremists, with groups such as Hellas Verona's "Brigate Gialloblu" or Juventus' "Vikings", which has an infamous record of committing acts of violence, which are not related to either the sport or their supported teams' ideals.

Germany

Far right organisations in Germany

  • Far right parties: East-Germany: National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD); West-Germany: 'Die Rechte' and 'Dritter Weg'. All together there are around 6000 members of far right parties in Germany.
  • Extreme right-wing comradeships: Blood & Honour network (or 'White Power'). Both networks are primarily selling extreme right-wing music and organizing international concerts. Their offers play an important role regarding the far right Lifestyle and they have an integrating effect on the far right scene in general. The Autonome Nationalisten are a similar organization, for predominantly young far right. The ideology is the same but in terms of aesthetics, they are more orientated towards their political opponent on the left and copy their lifestyles and symbols for their own purposes. See also Cultural Subversion
  • Intellectuals of the 'Neue Rechte' (New Right): they function as the source of inspiration and keyword transmitter.
  • Far-right projects: An innovation of the last years are far right projects at the interface of virtual and real life. Examples are the 'Identitären' (Identitarian movement) and the 'Unsterblichen'. The 'Unsterblichen' was started by far rights in east Germany. They formulated the prosecution of the supposed 'Volkstods' (death of the nation). Which can be seen as relation to the demographic change in Germany and the fear of being swamped by foreign influences. The 'Unsterblichen' took over the flashmob idea and produced high quality choreographies for demonstrations which they filmed professionally and distributed them with music in social networks.

Identitarian movement

The Identitarian movement is one of the most renowned far-right youth cultures in Germany and it is also a part of the New Right. Within the New Right, it has four unique position features: youthfulness, an excessive desire for action, pop culture and Corporate Identity. The German Identitarian movement uses Facebook as its main platform, where it spreads quotations of famous thinkers of the Conservative Revolutionary movement such as Ernst Jünger and Carl Schmitt, articles of the far-right journal Sezession and videos of various campaigns.

United States

The American alt-right movement

Also referred to as the alternative right, the alt-right is a recently formed political movement which holds extreme views on a wide array of political, cultural, racial and religious issues, with their central themes being white supremacy and white nationalism. It has gained significant prominence since the run-up to the Presidential election of 2016, in which Donald Trump was elected. The typical alt-right supporter is a white non-naturalized US citizen, most likely a person whose family lineage is without recent immigration to the US. While there are numerous recorded cases of anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim behavior by alt-right supporters, most of whom have a predominantly Christian background, personal religious disposition does not prove to be of great importance beyond the religious beliefs of those who are discriminated against.

Adoption of Neo-Fascist/Nazi symbolism

Richard B. Spencer speaking at an Alt-Right Rally, 2016

Since Donald Trump's victory in November 2016, the exposure and symbolism which is associated with the alt-right has become more distinct. In mid-November 2016, an alt-right conference with approximately 200 people was held in Washington, D.C. One of the speakers at this event was president of the National Policy Institute and white supremacist; Richard Spencer. Audience members cheered and gave the Nazi salute when he said, "Hail Trump, hail our people, hail victory!" The parallel theme of cultural purity combined with the totalitarian and ominous connotations which are associated with Nazi history provide an aesthetic appeal to the themes and ideas of the alt-right. Due to the highly superficial nature of the group, the understanding of the key concepts which are behind these other far-right political movements is secondary to the imagery and the visual culture which are both associated with them.

Far-right subcultures and fashion labels

Fashion label abuse

Fashion label abuse means in this case, far-right movements, use specific labels and connect their ideology. Some prominent examples are Lonsdale, Fred Perry and New Balance. The British sport label Lonsdale became popular in the German neo-nazi movement because of the letters 'NSDA' in the name, which refers to the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP, Nazi Party), that was active between 1920 and 1945. The popularity of Fred Perry can be explained through the demand in the skinhead scene. On top of that the brand offers polo shirts with a collar in the colors black-white-red, which was the flag color used by the nazi regime and is therefore as well prominent in German neo-nazi movements. Both brands distance themselves from any association. In November 2016 Matthew LeBretton, New Balance's vice president of public affairs, criticized the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, that the Obama administration led and Donald Trump opposes. After New Balance defended its opposition to TTP, Andrew Anglin, publisher of the American neo-nazi news and commentary website The Daily Stormer, declared New Balance the “Official Shoes of White People”.

Fashion label creation around far-right ideology

There are also fashion labels that were created for neo-nazis, by neo-nazis. Some examples for nazi fashion labels: Ansgar Aryan, Consdaple, Eric and Sons, Masterrace Europe, Outlaw, Reconquista, Rizist, Thor Steinar, Troublemaker, Dryve by Suizhyde, Greifvogel Wear, Hate-Hate, Hermannsland, Sport Frei, Pro Violence.

Hate group

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hate_group

Flags commonly used by hate groups include (clockwise from top-left): The Celtic cross, the Nazi flag, the SS flag, and the Confederate battle flag
 
Examples of hate group symbols:
  1. the white nationalist Celtic cross
  2. the Odal rune
  3. the white power raised fist
  4. the Iron Cross with the Nazi swastika
  5. the SS Sig runes
  6. the SS Totenkopf

A hate group is a social group that advocates and practices hatred, hostility, or violence towards members of a race, ethnicity, nation, religion, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, or any other designated sector of society. According to the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), a hate group's "primary purpose is to promote animosity, hostility, and malice against persons belonging to a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, or ethnicity/national origin which differs from that of the members of the organization."

Monitoring

In the US, the FBI does not publish a list of hate groups, and it also says that "investigations are only conducted when a threat or advocacy of force is made; when the group has the apparent ability to carry out the proclaimed act; and when the act would constitute a potential violation of federal law". The FBI maintains statistics on hate crimes.

Two private American non-profit organizations that monitor intolerance and hate groups are the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). They maintain lists of what they deem to be hate groups, supremacist groups and antisemitic, anti-government or extremist groups that have committed hate crimes. The SPLC's definition of a "hate group" includes any group with beliefs or practices that attack or malign an entire class of people—particularly when the characteristics being maligned are immutable. However, at least for the SPLC, inclusion of a group in the list "does not imply a group advocates or engages in violence or other criminal activity." According to USA Today, their list ranges from "white supremacists to black nationalists, neo-Nazis to neo-Confederates."

The Canadian Anti-Hate Network is a nonprofit organization that monitors hate groups in Canada.

Number of SPLC hate groups per million, as of 2013

According to the SPLC, from 2000 to 2008, hate group activity saw a 50 percent increase in the US, with a total of 926 active groups. In 2019, the organization's report showed a total of 1,020 hate groups, the highest number in 20 years, and a 7% increase from 2017 to 2018. The previous high was 1,018 in 2011, and the recent low point was 2014, when the list included 784 groups. A rise in white nationalist groups from 100 in 2017 to 148 in 2018 was the most significant increase in the 2019 report.

Since 2010 the term alt-right, short for "alternative right," has come into usage. This broad term includes a range of people who reject mainstream conservatism in favor of forms of conservatism that may embrace implicit or explicit racism or white supremacy. The alt-right is described as being "a weird mix of old-school neo-Nazis, conspiracy theorists, anti-globalists, and young right-wing internet trolls—all united in the belief that white male identity is under attack by multicultural, "politically correct" forces."

Violence and hate crimes

Four categories which are associated with hate groups' propensity for violence are: organizational capacity, organizational constituency, strategic connectivity, and structural arrangement. The larger an extremist group is and the longer it has existed, it is more prone to engage in violence. Regionally, hate groups which are based in the West and the Northeast are more likely to engage in violence than those hate groups which are based in the South. If a group has a charismatic leader, it is more likely to be violent. Groups that share conflict-based relationships with other groups are more likely to engage in extreme violence. The amount of ideological literature which a group publishes is linked to significant decreases in a group's violent behavior, with more literature linked to lower levels of violence.

The California Association for Human Relations Organizations (CAHRO) asserts that hate groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and White Aryan Resistance (WAR) preach violence against racial, religious, sexual and other minorities in the United States. Joseph E. Agne argues that hate-motivated violence is a result of the successes of the civil rights movement, and he asserts that the KKK has resurfaced and new hate groups have formed. Agne argues that it is a mistake to underestimate the strength of the hate-violence movement, its apologists and its silent partners.

In the US, crimes that "manifest evidence of prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity, including the crimes of murder and nonnegligent manslaughter; forcible rape; robbery; aggravated assault; burglary; larceny-theft; motor vehicle theft; arson; simple assault; intimidation; and destruction, damage or vandalism of property", directed at the government, an individual, a business, or institution, involving hate groups and hate crimes, may be investigated as acts of domestic terrorism.

Hate speech

After WWII, Germany found it necessary to criminalize Volksverhetzung ("incitement to hatred") to prevent resurgence of fascism.

Counter-terrorism expert Ehud Sprinzak argues that verbal violence is "the use of extreme language against an individual or a group that either implies a direct threat that physical force will be used against them, or is seen as an indirect call for others to use it." Sprinzak argues that verbal violence is often a substitute for real violence, and that the verbalization of hate has the potential to incite people who are incapable of distinguishing between real and verbal violence to engage in actual violence.

People tend to judge the offensiveness of hate speech on a gradient depending on how public the speech is and what group it targets. Although people's opinions of hate speech are complex, they typically consider public speech targeting ethnic minorities to be the most offensive.

Historian Daniel Goldhagen, discussing antisemitic hate groups, argues that we should view verbal violence as "an assault in its own right, having been intended to produce profound damage—emotional, psychological, and social—to the dignity and honor of the Jews. The wounds that people suffer by ... such vituperation ... can be as bad as ... [a] beating."

In the mid-1990s, the popularity of the Internet brought new international exposure to many organizations, including groups with beliefs such as white supremacy, neo-Nazism, homophobia, Holocaust denial and Islamophobia. Several white supremacist groups have founded websites dedicated to attacking their perceived enemies. In 1996, the Simon Wiesenthal Center of Los Angeles asked Internet access providers to adopt a code of ethics that would prevent extremists from publishing their ideas online. In 1996, the European Commission formed the Consultative Commission on Racism and Xenophobia (CRAX), a pan-European group which was tasked to "investigate and, using legal means, stamp out the current wave of racism on the Internet."

Religious hate groups

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) has designated several Christian groups as hate groups, including the American Family Association, the Family Research Council, Abiding Truth Ministries, American Vision, the Chalcedon Foundation, the Dove World Outreach Center, the Traditional Values Coalition and Westboro Baptist Church. Some conservatives have criticized the SPLC for its inclusion of certain Christian groups, such as the Family Research Council, on its list.

The SPLC classifies the Nation of Islam (NOI) as a hate group under the black separatist category and the Israelite School of Universal Practical Knowledge (ISUPK) as a hate group under the black supremacist category. Members of the NOI believe that a black scientist named Yakub created a race of White devils, who are considered the progenitors of White people, on the Greek island of Patmos. Historically a black-only group, White adherents now form a small part of the NOI membership. Alongside the ISUPK, numerous other sects and organizations within the Black Hebrew Israelite movement expound extremist, black supremacist, religious antisemitic, and anti-White racist beliefs, as well as homophobic, transphobic, and sexist beliefs.

The White supremacist religious group Creativity Movement (formerly the World Church of the Creator), led by Matthew F. Hale, is associated with violence and bigotry. Aryan Nations is another religiously-based White supremacist hate group.

The Westboro Baptist Church is considered a hate group by multiple sources and the WBC is monitored as such by the Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center. The church has been involved in actions against gay people since at least 1991, when it sought a crackdown on homosexual activity at Gage Park six blocks northwest of the church. In addition to conducting anti-gay protests at military funerals, the organization pickets celebrity funerals and public events. Protests have also been held against Jews and Roman Catholics, and some protests have included WBC members stomping on the American flag or flying the flag upside down on a flagpole. The church also has made statements such as "thank God for dead soldiers," "God blew up the troops," and "God hates America." The church has faced several accusations of brainwashing and has been criticized as a cult because of its provocative stance against homosexuality and the United States, and it has been condemned by many mainstream LGBT rights opponents as well as by LGBT rights supporters.

Misogynistic hate groups

Misogynist hate groups which target women, particularly those groups whose members mostly consist of young men who include pickup artists, incels and hardline anti-woman groups, are sources of concern to some experts. Using recruitment techniques which are similar to those which are used by far-right extremist groups, they target teenagers and vulnerable young men, their recruitment tactics include the use of methods which are akin to grooming. UK author Laura Bates believes that some of these groups should be classified as misogynist terrorist groups. The Proud Boys, which, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center is known for its misogynistic rhetoric, has been designated as a domestic terrorist group in Canada.

Internet hate groups

Traditionally, hate groups recruited members and spread extremist messages by word of mouth, or through the distribution of flyers and pamphlets. In contrast, the Internet allows hate group members from all over the world to engage in real-time conversations. The Internet has been a boon for hate groups in terms of promotion, recruitment and expansion of their base to include younger audiences. An Internet hate group does not have to be part of a traditional faction such as the Ku Klux Klan.

While many hate sites are explicitly antagonistic or violent, others may appear patriotic or benign, and this façade may contribute to the appeal of the groups. Hate group websites work towards the following goals: to educate group members and the public, to encourage participation, to claim a divine calling and privilege, and to accuse out-groups (e.g. the government or the media). Groups that work effectively towards these goals via an online presence tend to strengthen their sense of identity, decrease the threat levels from out-groups, and recruit more new members.

The Simon Wiesenthal Center (SWC), in its 2009 iReport, identified more than 10,000 problematic hate and terrorist websites and other Internet postings. The report includes hate websites, social networks, blogs, newsgroups, YouTube and other video sites. The findings illustrate that as the Internet continues to grow, extremists find new ways to seek validation of their hateful agendas and recruit members.

Creators of hate pages and groups on Facebook choose their target, set up their page or group, and then recruit members. Anyone can create a Facebook group and invite followers to post comments, add pictures and participate in discussion boards. A Facebook page is similar, with the exception that one must "like" the page in order to become a member. Because of the ease of creating and joining such groups, many so-called hate groups exist only in cyberspace. United Patriots Front, an internet-based Australian far-right anti-immigration and neo-nazi organization formed in 2015 has been described as a hate group.

Psychology of hate groups

Hateful intergroup conflict may be motivated by "in-group love," a desire to positively contribute to the group to which one belongs, or "out-group hate," a desire to injure a foreign group. Both individuals and groups are more motivated by "in-group love" than "out-group hate," even though both motivations might advance a group's status. This preference is especially salient when a group is not situated in a competitive position against another. This partiality towards cooperative behavior suggests that intergroup conflict might decline if group members devoted more energy to positive in-group improvements than to out-group competition. Groups formed around a set of moral codes are more likely than non-morality-based groups to exhibit "out-group hate" as a response to their especially strong sense of "in-group love."

Intergroup threat occurs when one group's interests threaten another group's goals and well-being. Intergroup threat theories provide a framework for intergroup biases and aggression.

One type of intergroup threat theory, realistic group conflict theory, addresses competition between groups by positing that when two groups are competing for limited resources, one group's potential success is at odds with the other's interests, which leads to negative out-group attitudes. If groups have the same goal, their interactions will be positive, but opposing goals will worsen intergroup relations. Intergroup conflict may increase in-group unity, leading to a larger disparity and more conflict between groups.

Symbolic threat theory proposes that intergroup bias and conflict result from conflicting ideals, not from perceived competition or opposing goals. Biases based on symbolic threat tend to be stronger predictors of practical behavior towards out-groups than biases based on realistic threat.

Realistic group conflict theory and symbolic threat theory are, in some cases, compatible. Integrated-threat theory recognizes that conflict can arise from a combination of intergroup dynamics and classifies threats into four types: realistic threat, symbolic threat, intergroup anxiety, and negative stereotypes. Intergroup threat theories provide a framework for intergroup biases and aggression. Intergroup anxiety refers to a felt uneasiness around members of other groups, which is predictive of biased attitudes and behaviors. Negative stereotypes are also correlated with these behaviors, causing threat based on negative expectations about an out-group.

According to the 7-stage hate model, a hate group, if unimpeded, passes through seven successive stages. In the first four stages, hate groups vocalize their beliefs and in the last three stages, they act on their beliefs. Factors that contribute to a group's likelihood to act include the vulnerability of its members as well as its reliance on symbols and mythologies. This model points to a transition period that exists between verbal violence and acting out that violence, separating hardcore haters from rhetorical haters. Thus, hate speech is seen as a prerequisite of hate crimes, and as a condition of their possibility.

Hate group intervention is most possible if a group has not yet passed from the speech to the action stage, and interventions on immature hate groups are more effective than those that are firmly established. Intervention and rehabilitation is most effective when the one investigating a hate group can identify and deconstruct personal insecurities of group members, which in turn contribute to the weakness of the group. Perhaps most critical to combating group hate is to prevent the recruitment of new members by supporting those who are most susceptible, especially children and youth, in developing a positive self-esteem and a humanized understanding of out-groups.

Ethnic violence

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ethnic violence is a form of political violence which is expressly motivated by ethnic hatred and ethnic conflict. Forms of ethnic violence which can be argued to have the characteristics of terrorism may be known as ethnic terrorism or ethnically motivated terrorism. "Racist terrorism" is a form of ethnic violence which is dominated by overt racism and xenophobic reactionism.

Ethnic violence which is perpetrated in an organized, sustained form is known as ethnic conflict or ethnic warfare (race war), in contrast to class conflict, where the dividing line is social class rather than ethnic background.

Care must be taken to distinguish ethnic violence, which is violence motivated by an ethnic division, from violence that is motivated by other factors and just happens to break out between members of different ethnic groups (political or ideological).

Violent ethnic rivalry is the subject matter of Jewish sociologist Ludwig Gumplowicz's Der Rassenkampf ("Struggle of the Races", 1909); and more recently, it is the subject matter of Amy Chua's notable study, World On Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability. Some academicians would classify all "nationalist-based violence" as ethnic violence, a classification which would include the World Wars and all of the major conflicts between industrialised nations which occurred during the 19th century.

Causality and characteristics

There are various potential causes of ethnic violence. Research which has been conducted by the New England Complex Systems Institute (NESCI) has shown that violence results when ethnic groups are partially mixed: neither clearly separated enough to reduce contact nor thoroughly mixed enough to build common bonds. According to Dr. May Lim, a researcher who is affiliated with NECSI, "Violence normally occurs when a group is large enough to impose cultural norms on public spaces, but not large enough to prevent those norms from being broken. Usually this occurs in places where boundaries between ethnic or cultural groups are unclear."

This theory also states that the minimum requirement for ethnic tensions to result in ethnic violence on a systemic level is a heterogeneous society and the lack of a power to prevent them from fighting. In the ethnic conflicts that erupted after the end of the Cold War, this lack of outer controls is seen as the cause; Since there was no longer a strong centralized power (in the form of the USSR) to control the various ethnic groups, they then had to provide defense for themselves. This implies that once ethnicity is established, there needs to be strong distinctions, otherwise violence is inevitable.

Another theory supports the belief that a general feeling that security is lacking can cause ethnic violence, particularly when different ethnic groups live in proximity to each other. This feeling can eventually cause different ethnic groups to distrust each other, which leads to their unwillingness to peacefully coexist with each other.

The emotions that tend to cause ethnic tensions, which can lead to ethnic violence, are fear, hate, resentment, and rage. Individual identities might change throughout the years, but strong emotional issues can lead to a desire to fulfill those needs above all other concerns. This strong desire to satisfy individual needs, without harming your own group, can have violent results.

Assuming that ethnic groups can be defined as groups of people which band together in order to protect material goods, while they are also satisfying the need to feel that they are a part of a group, violence which results from ethnicity can be a result of a violation which is committed against either ethnic group. However, violence occurs when the members of the opposing groups believe that there is no peaceful solution to the tensions which are plaguing them.

Another theory states that ethnic violence is the result of past tensions. Referring to the members of the other ethnic group based solely on their previous offences tends to increase the probability of future violence. This is referenced in the literature on ethnic violence that tends to focus on areas that have already had a history of ethnic violence, instead of comparing them with areas that have had peaceful ethnic relations.

Ethnic violence obviously does not exist in exactly the same conditions in every example. Whereas one case of ethnic violence might result in a drawn out genocide, another case might result in a race riot. Different issues lead to different levels of intensity of violence. The problem mainly comes down to issues of group security. In situations when offensive and defensive actions are indistinguishable to outsiders, and in situations when the offensive actions are more effective in insuring group survival, then violence is sure to be present and harsh. This view of ethnic violence placed risk in areas where members of ethnic groups feel insecure about their future, not as a result of emotional tensions.

Ethnic violence frequently occurs as a result of individual domestic disputes which spiral out of control and lead to large-scale conflicts. When individual disputes occur between two members of different ethnic groups, they can result in peace or they can result in more violence. Peace is more likely when offended persons feel that the offenders will be sufficiently punished by members of their own ethnic group. Or peace is simply achieved through the fear of greater ethnic violence. If the fear of retribution or the fear of violence is not present, ethnic violence may occur.

Because ethnic violence is particularly extreme, there are numerous theories on how it can be prevented, and once it starts, there are numerous theories on how it can be ended. At the New England Complex Systems Institute, Yaneer Bar-Yam suggests that "clear boundaries" or "thorough mixing" can reduce the possibility of violence, citing Switzerland as an example.

Unfortunately, poorly planned separations do not lead to peace between members of different ethnic groups. the religious separation which occurred between India and Pakistan left large heterogeneous populations in India and since the separation, violence has occurred.

The United States is often presented as the classic "melting pot" of ethnicities. "Ethnic" tensions in the United States are more typically viewed in terms of race.

Using the media to change perceptions of ethnicity might lead to a change in the probability of ethnic violence. The use of media that results in ethnic violence is usually a cyclical relationship; one group increases messages of group cohesion in response to a perceived threat, and a neighboring group responds with messages of their own group cohesion. Of course, this only happens when outside groups are already perceived as being potential threats. Using this logic, ethnic violence might be prevented by decreasing messages of group cohesion, while increasing messages of safety and solidarity with members of other ethnic groups.

Outside forces may also be effective in decreasing the likelihood of ethnic violence. However, not all interferences by outside forces may be helpful. If not handled delicately, the possibility might increase. Outside groups can help stabilize danger zones by imposing gentle economic sanctions, develop more representative political institutions that would allow for minority voices to be heard, and encourage the respect of ethnically diverse communities and minorities. However, if done incorrectly, outside interference can cause a nationalistic lash-back.

Types

The "Ancient Hatreds" type of ethnic violence associates modern ethnic conflicts with ancient (or even mythical) conflicts. The massacres of Bosnian Muslims perpetrated by the Serbs in the 1990s was seen as revenge for the genocide perpetrated by the Ustashe and hatred of the Ottoman Empire

Examples

Ethnic cleansing and genocide qualify as "ethnic violence" (of the most extreme sorts), because by definition, the victims of a genocide are usually killed based on their membership in a particular ethnic group.

Other examples of ethnic violence include:

Some of the world's ongoing conflicts are, however, fought along religious rather than ethnic lines; one such conflict is the Somali Civil War. The Guatemalan Civil War was fought along ideological lines (leftist rebel groups fought against the Guatemalan government) but it acquired ethnic characteristics because the rebels were primarily supported by the indigenous Mayan groups.

Terrorism against Copts in Egypt qualifies as both ethnic and religious violence but it isn't occurring during an ongoing conflict, instead, it reflects a history of sporadic and continuous attacks, over the years.

Politics of Europe

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