The Communist Manifesto, originally the Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), is an 1848 pamphlet by German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and originally published in London just as the Revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto was later recognised as one of the world's most influential political documents. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and then-present) and the conflicts of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms.
The Communist Manifesto summarises Marx and Engels'
theories concerning the nature of society and politics, namely that in
their own words "[t]he history of all hitherto existing society is the
history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for
how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism. In the last paragraph of the Manifesto,
the authors call for a "forcible overthrow of all existing social
conditions", which served as a call for communist revolutions around the
world.
The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four
sections, the last of these a short conclusion. The introduction begins:
"A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism.
All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to
exorcise this spectre." Pointing out that parties everywhere—including
those in government and those in the opposition—have flung the "branding
reproach of communism" at each other, the authors infer from this that
the powers-that-be acknowledge communism to be a power in itself.
Subsequently, the introduction exhorts Communists to openly publish
their views and aims, to "meet this nursery tale of the spectre of
communism with a manifesto of the party itself".
The first section of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", elucidates the materialist conception of history, that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". Societies have always taken the form of an oppressed majority exploited under the yoke of an oppressive minority. In capitalism, the industrial working class, or proletariat, engage in class struggle against the owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie. As before, this struggle will end in a revolution that restructures society, or the "common ruin of the contending classes". The bourgeoisie, through the "constant revolutionising of production [and] uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions" have emerged as the supreme class in society, displacing all the old powers of feudalism. The bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its labour power,
creating profit for themselves and accumulating capital. However, in
doing so the bourgeoisie serves as "its own grave-diggers"; the
proletariat inevitably will become conscious of their own potential and
rise to power through revolution, overthrowing the bourgeoisie.
"Proletarians and Communists", the second section, starts by
stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the
working class. The communists' party will not oppose other working-class
parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will
and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole,
independent of all nationalities. The section goes on to defend
communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates
communal prostitution or disincentivises people from working. The
section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands—among them a progressive income tax; abolition of inheritances and private property; abolition of child labour; free public education;
nationalisation of the means of transport and communication;
centralisation of credit via a national bank; expansion of publicly
owned land, etc.—the implementation of which would result in the
precursor to a stateless and classless society.
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature",
distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the
time—these being broadly categorised as Reactionary Socialism;
Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism; and Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism. While the degree of reproach toward rival perspectives varies, all are dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognise the pre-eminent revolutionary role of the working class.
"Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition Parties", the concluding section of the Manifesto,
briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific
countries in the mid-nineteenth century such as France, Switzerland,
Poland and Germany, this last being "on the eve of a bourgeois
revolution" and predicts that a world revolution will soon follow. It ends by declaring an alliance with the democratic socialists, boldly supporting other communist revolutions and calling for united international proletarian action—"Working Men of All Countries, Unite!".
Writing
Only surviving page from the first draft of the Manifesto, handwritten by Karl Marx
In spring 1847, Marx and Engels joined the League of the Just,
who were quickly convinced by the duo's ideas of "critical communism".
At its First Congress in 2–9 June, the League tasked Engels with
drafting a "profession of faith", but such a document was later deemed
inappropriate for an open, non-confrontational organisation. Engels
nevertheless wrote the "Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith",
detailing the League's programme. A few months later, in October, Engels
arrived at the League's Paris branch to find that Moses Hess
had written an inadequate manifesto for the group, now called the
League of Communists. In Hess's absence, Engels severely criticised this
manifesto, and convinced the rest of the League to entrust him with
drafting a new one. This became the draft Principles of Communism, described as "less of a credo and more of an exam paper".
On 23 November, just before the Communist League's Second
Congress (29 November – 8 December 1847), Engels wrote to Marx,
expressing his desire to eschew the catechism format in favour of the manifesto, because he felt it "must contain some history." On the 28th, Marx and Engels met at Ostend in Belgium, and a few days later, gathered at the Soho,
London headquarters of the German Workers' Education Association to
attend the Congress. Over the next ten days, intense debate raged
between League functionaries; Marx eventually dominated the others and,
overcoming "stiff and prolonged opposition", in Harold Laski's
words, secured a majority for his programme. The League thus
unanimously adopted a far more combative resolution than that at the
First Congress in June. Marx (especially) and Engels were subsequently
commissioned to draw up a manifesto for the League.
Upon returning to Brussels, Marx engaged in "ceaseless procrastination", according to his biographer Francis Wheen. Working only intermittently on the Manifesto, he spent much of his time delivering lectures on political economy at the German Workers' Education Association, writing articles for the Deutsche-Brüsseler-Zeitung, and giving a long speech on free trade.
Following this, he even spent a week (17–26 January 1848) in Ghent to
establish a branch of the Democratic Association there. Subsequently,
having not heard from Marx for nearly two months, the Central Committee
of the Communist League sent him an ultimatum on 24 or 26 January,
demanding he submit the completed manuscript by 1 February. This
imposition spurred Marx on, who struggled to work without a deadline,
and he seems to have rushed to finish the job in time. For evidence of
this, historian Eric Hobsbawm points to the absence of rough drafts, only one page of which survives.
In all, the Manifesto was written over 6–7 weeks. Although
Engels is credited as co-writer, the final draft was penned exclusively
by Marx. From the 26 January letter, Laski infers that even the
Communist League considered Marx to be the sole draftsman and that he
was merely their agent, imminently replaceable. Further, Engels himself
wrote in 1883: "The basic thought running through the Manifesto
[...] belongs solely and exclusively to Marx". Although Laski does not
disagree, he suggests that Engels underplays his own contribution with
characteristic modesty and points out the "close resemblance between its
substance and that of the [Principles of Communism]". Laski argues that while writing the Manifesto,
Marx drew from the "joint stock of ideas" he developed with Engels "a
kind of intellectual bank account upon which either could draw freely".
In late February 1848, the Manifesto was anonymously published by the Workers' Educational Association (Kommunistischer Arbeiterbildungsverein) at Bishopsgate in the City of London. Written in German, the 23-page pamphlet was titled Manifest der kommunistischen Partei and had a dark-green cover. It was reprinted three times and serialised in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a newspaper for German émigrés. On 4 March, one day after the serialisation in the Zeitung began, Marx was expelled by Belgian police. Two weeks later, around 20 March, a thousand copies of the Manifesto
reached Paris, and from there to Germany in early April. In April–May
the text was corrected for printing and punctuation mistakes; Marx and
Engels would use this 30-page version as the basis for future editions
of the Manifesto.
Although the Manifesto's
prelude announced that it was "to be published in the English, French,
German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages", the initial printings
were only in German. Polish and Danish translations soon followed the
German original in London, and by the end of 1848, a Swedish translation
was published with a new title—The Voice of Communism: Declaration of the Communist Party. In June–November 1850 the Manifesto of the Communist Party was published in English for the first time when George Julian Harney serialised Helen Macfarlane's translation in his Chartist magazine The Red Republican. Her version begins: "A frightful hobgoblin stalks throughout Europe. We are haunted by a ghost, the ghost of Communism".
For her translation, the Lancashire-based Macfarlane probably consulted
Engels, who had abandoned his own English translation half way.
Harney's introduction revealed the Manifesto's hitherto-anonymous authors' identities for the first time.
Soon after the Manifesto was published, Paris erupted in revolution to overthrow King Louis Philippe. The Manifesto played no role in this; a French translation was not published in Paris until just before the working-class June Days Uprising was crushed. Its influence in the Europe-wide Revolutions of 1848 was restricted to Germany, where the Cologne-based Communist League and its newspaper Neue Rheinische Zeitung, edited by Marx, played an important role. Within a year of its establishment, in May 1849, the Zeitung
was suppressed; Marx was expelled from Germany and had to seek lifelong
refuge in London. In 1851, members of the Communist League's central
board were arrested by the Prussian police. At their trial in Cologne
18 months later in late 1852 they were sentenced to 3–6 years'
imprisonment. For Engels, the revolution was "forced into the background
by the reaction that began with the defeat of the Paris workers in June
1848, and was finally excommunicated 'by law' in the conviction of the
Cologne Communists in November 1852".
After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions the Manifesto fell into obscurity, where it remained throughout the 1850s and 1860s. Hobsbawm says that by November 1850 the Manifesto
"had become sufficiently scarce for Marx to think it worth reprinting
section III [...] in the last issue of his [short-lived] London
magazine". Over the next two decades only a few new editions were
published; these include an (unauthorised and occasionally inaccurate)
1869 Russian translation by Mikhail Bakunin in Geneva and an 1866 edition in Berlin—the first time the Manifesto
was published in Germany. According to Hobsbawm: "By the middle 1860s
virtually nothing that Marx had written in the past was any longer in
print". However, John Cowell-Stepney did publish an abridged version in the Social Economist in August/September 1869, in time for the Basle Congress.
Rise, 1872–1917
In the early 1870s, the Manifesto and its authors experienced a
revival in fortunes. Hobsbawm identifies three reasons for this. The
first is the leadership role Marx played in the International Workingmen's Association
(aka the First International). Secondly, Marx also came into much
prominence among socialists—and equal notoriety among the
authorities—for his support of the Paris Commune of 1871, elucidated in The Civil War in France. Lastly, and perhaps most significantly in the popularisation of the Manifesto, was the treason trial of German Social Democratic Party (SPD) leaders. During the trial prosecutors read the Manifesto
out loud as evidence; this meant that the pamphlet could legally be
published in Germany. Thus in 1872 Marx and Engels rushed out a new
German-language edition, writing a preface that identified that several
portions that became outdated in the quarter century since its original
publication. This edition was also the first time the title was
shortened to The Communist Manifesto (Das Kommunistische Manifest), and it became the bedrock the authors based future editions upon. Between 1871 and 1873, the Manifesto
was published in over nine editions in six languages; on December 30,
1871 it was published in the United States for the first time in Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly of New York City. However, by the mid 1870s the Communist Manifesto remained Marx and Engels' only work to be even moderately well-known.
Over the next forty years, as social-democratic parties rose across Europe and parts of the world, so did the publication of the Manifesto
alongside them, in hundreds of editions in thirty languages. Marx and
Engels wrote a new preface for the 1882 Russian edition, translated by Georgi Plekhanov in Geneva. In it they wondered if Russia could directly become a communist society,
or if she would become capitalist first like other European countries.
After Marx's death in 1883, Engels alone provided the prefaces for five
editions between 1888 and 1893. Among these is the 1888 English edition,
translated by Samuel Moore
and approved by Engels, who also provided notes throughout the text. It
has been the standard English-language edition ever since.
The principal region of its influence, in terms of editions
published, was in the "central belt of Europe", from Russia in the east
to France in the west. In comparison, the pamphlet had little impact on
politics in southwest and southeast Europe, and moderate presence in the
north. Outside Europe, Chinese and Japanese translations were
published, as were Spanish editions in Latin America. This uneven
geographical spread in the Manifesto's
popularity reflected the development of socialist movements in a
particular region as well as the popularity of Marxist variety of
socialism there. There was not always a strong correlation between a
social-democratic party's strength and the Manifesto's popularity in that country. For instance, the German SPD printed only a few thousand copies of the Communist Manifesto every year, but a few hundred thousand copies of the Erfurt Programme. Further, the mass-based social-democratic parties of the Second International did not require their rank and file to be well-versed in theory; Marxist works such as the Manifesto or Das Kapital
were read primarily by party theoreticians. On the other hand, small,
dedicated militant parties and Marxist sects in the West took pride in
knowing the theory; Hobsbawm says: "This was the milieu in which 'the
clearness of a comrade could be gauged invariably from the number of
earmarks on his Manifesto'".
Ubiquity, 1917–present
Following the 1917 Bolshevik takeover of Russia, Marx and Engels' classics like The Communist Manifesto were distributed far and wide.
Therefore the widespread dissemination of Marx and Engels' works
became an important policy objective; backed by a sovereign state, the
CPSU had relatively inexhaustible resources for this purpose. Works by
Marx, Engels, and Lenin were published on a very large scale, and cheap
editions of their works were available in several languages across the
world. These publications were either shorter writings or they were
compendia such as the various editions of Marx and Engels' Selected Works, or their Collected Works. This affected the destiny of the Manifesto in several ways. Firstly, in terms of circulation; in 1932 the American and British Communist Parties
printed several hundred thousand copies of a cheap edition for
"probably the largest mass edition ever issued in English". Secondly the
work entered political-science syllabuses in universities, which would
only expand after the Second World War. For its centenary in 1948, its
publication was no longer the exclusive domain of Marxists and
academicians; general publishers too printed the Manifesto in
large numbers. "In short, it was no longer only a classic Marxist
document", Hobsbawm noted, "it had become a political classic tout
court".
Even after the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in the 1990s, the Communist Manifesto
remains ubiquitous; Hobsbawm says that "In states without censorship,
almost certainly anyone within reach of a good bookshop, and certainly
anyone within reach of a good library, not to mention the internet, can
have access to it". The 150th anniversary once again brought a deluge of
attention in the press and the academia, as well as new editions of the
book fronted by introductions to the text by academics. One of these, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition by Verso, was touted by a critic in the London Review of Books
as being a "stylish red-ribboned edition of the work. It is designed as
a sweet keepsake, an exquisite collector's item. In Manhattan, a
prominent Fifth Avenue
store put copies of this choice new edition in the hands of shop-window
mannequins, displayed in come-hither poses and fashionable décolletage".
Legacy
"With the clarity and brilliance of genius, this work outlines a new
world-conception, consistent materialism, which also embraces the realm
of social life; dialectics, as the most comprehensive and profound
doctrine of development; the theory of the class struggle and of the
world-historic revolutionary role of the proletariat—the creator of a
new, communist society."
A number of late-20th- and 21st-century writers have commented on the Communist Manifesto's continuing relevance. In a special issue of the Socialist Register commemorating the Manifesto's 150th anniversary, Peter Osborne argued that it was "the single most influential text written in the nineteenth century".
Academic John Raines in 2002 noted: "In our day this Capitalist
Revolution has reached the farthest corners of the earth. The tool of
money has produced the miracle of the new global market and the
ubiquitous shopping mall. Read The Communist Manifesto, written more than one hundred and fifty years ago, and you will discover that Marx foresaw it all". In 2003, English Marxist Chris Harman
stated: "There is still a compulsive quality to its prose as it
provides insight after insight into the society in which we live, where
it comes from and where it's going to. It is still able to explain, as
mainstream economists and sociologists cannot, today's world of
recurrent wars and repeated economic crisis, of hunger for hundreds of
millions on the one hand and 'overproduction' on the other. There are passages that could have come from the most recent writings on globalisation". Alex Callinicos, editor of International Socialism, stated in 2010: "This is indeed a manifesto for the 21st century". Writing in The London Evening Standard , Andrew Neather cited Verso Books' 2012 re-edition of The Communist Manifesto with an introduction by Eric Hobsbawm as part of a resurgence of left-wing-themed ideas which includes the publication of Owen Jones' best-selling Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class and Jason Barker's documentary Marx Reloaded.
In contrast, critics such as revisionist Marxist and reformist socialist Eduard Bernstein distinguished between "immature" early Marxism—as exemplified by The Communist Manifesto written by Marx and Engels in their youth—that he opposed for its violent Blanquist tendencies and later "mature" Marxism that he supported.
This latter form refers to Marx in his later life acknowledging that
socialism could be achieved through peaceful means through legislative
reform in democratic societies. Bernstein declared that the massive and homogeneous working-class claimed in the Communist Manifesto
did not exist, and that contrary to claims of a proletarian majority
emerging, the middle-class was growing under capitalism and not
disappearing as Marx had claimed. Bernstein noted that the working-class
was not homogeneous but heterogeneous, with divisions and factions
within it, including socialist and non-socialist trade unions. Marx
himself, later in his life, acknowledged that the middle-class was not
disappearing in his work Theories of Surplus Value (1863). The obscurity of the later work means that Marx's acknowledgement of this error is not well known. George Boyer described the Manifesto as "very much a period piece, a document of what was called the 'hungry' 1840s".
Many have drawn attention to the passage in the Manifesto that
seems to sneer at the stupidity of the rustic: "The bourgeoisie [...]
draws all nations [...] into civilisation[.] [...] It has created
enormous cities [...] and thus rescued a considerable part of the
population from the idiocy [sic] of rural life". However, as Eric Hobsbawm noted:
[W]hile
there is no doubt that Marx at this time shared the usual townsman's
contempt for, as well as ignorance of, the peasant milieu, the actual
and analytically more interesting German phrase ("dem Idiotismus des
Landlebens entrissen") referred not to "stupidity" but to "the narrow
horizons", or "the isolation from the wider society" in which people in
the countryside lived. It echoed the original meaning of the Greek term idiotes
from which the current meaning of "idiot" or "idiocy" is derived,
namely "a person concerned only with his own private affairs and not
with those of the wider community". In the course of the decades since
the 1840s, and in movements whose members, unlike Marx, were not
classically educated, the original sense was lost and was misread.
Influences
Marx and Engels' political influences
were wide-ranging, reacting to and taking inspiration from German
idealist philosophy, French socialism, and English and Scottish
political economy. The Communist Manifesto also takes influence from literature. In Jacques Derrida’s work, Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International, he uses William Shakespeare’s Hamlet
to frame a discussion of the history of the International, showing in
the process the influence that Shakespeare's work had on Marx and
Engels’ writing.
In his essay, "Big Leagues: Specters of Milton and Republican
International Justice between Shakespeare and Marx", Christopher N.
Warren makes the case that English poet John Milton also had a substantial influence on Marx and Engels' work.
Historians of 19th-century reading habits have confirmed that Marx and
Engels would have read these authors and it is known that Marx loved
Shakespeare in particular. Milton, Warren argues, also shows a notable influence on The Communist Manifesto,
saying: "Looking back on Milton’s era, Marx saw a historical dialectic
founded on inspiration in which freedom of the press, republicanism, and
revolution were closely joined". Milton’s republicanism,
Warren continues, served as "a useful, if unlikely, bridge" as Marx and
Engels sought to forge a revolutionary international coalition.
While the Constitution of Vietnam
officially provides for freedom of religion, in practice the government
imposes a range of legislation restricting religious practice, such as
registration requirements, control boards, and surveillance.
All religious groups must seek approval and register with the
government. The government requires all Buddhist monks to be approved by
and work under the officially recognized Buddhist organization, the
Vietnam Buddhist Sangha (VBS). The number of Buddhist student monks is
controlled and limited by the Committee on Religious Affairs. According
to a 2020 report by Human Rights Watch, prohibited religious activities
are those deemed to be contrary to arbitrary notions of the “national
interest,” “public order,” or “national unity”. Unrecognized religious
groups, including Cao Dai, Hoa Hao, and some Christian, and Buddhist
groups face "constant surveillance and harassment". Some religious
groups may be subject to "public criticism, forced renunciation of
faith, detention, interrogation, torture, and imprisonment."
Laws continue to be applied unevenly however, with some local
government areas taking a more relaxed and tolerant approach than
others.
Mahayana Buddhism is the largest religion in Vietnam. There is a significant minority of Catholic Christians. Other religions include Protestant Christianity, Theravada Buddhism, Islam, Hòa Hảo, and the syncreticCao Đài
religion. Many citizens consider themselves non-religious, although
they may practice traditional beliefs such as veneration of ancestors
and national heroes. Ethnic minorities historically practice different
traditional beliefs than those of the ethnic majority Kinh. Many ethnic minorities, particularly among the H'mong, Zao, and Jarai groups in the Northwest and Central Highlands, have converted to Protestantism.
Undeclared missionaries from several countries are active in the
country. Foreign missionaries legally are not permitted to proselytize
or perform religious activities.
There are no religious national holidays.
History
During the Vietnam War, the US backed a Catholic named Ngô Đình Diệm
for the leadership of their of South Vietnam. The US assumed that Diem
would protect freedom of religion in South Vietnam, due to his deep
faith, but instead he used his power to suppress Buddhism (which was the
majority religion of South Vietnam) and promote Catholicism. The South Vietnamese government banned the flying of the Buddhist flag, leading to shooting of nine Buddhist civilians 1963, culminating in the Buddhist crisis.
The Communists were influenced by anti-colonial and nationalist traditions in Vietnam, including the writings of Phan Bội Châu. During the First Indochina War (1946–1954), despite its doctrinal atheism, the Indochinese Communist Party
made efforts at recruiting religious believers to its side. The
Catholic minority, while being obviously linked to the French presence,
were seen as potential allies rather than ipso facto opponents, provided
they could be recruited to the anti-colonial side. Catholic
missionaries were condemned in party propaganda, but Vietnamese
Catholics were called upon as compatriots to embrace nationalism.
Anti-Catholic criticism was thereby focused on French Catholic clerics
as a foreign element and avoided doctrinal criticism of the beliefs of
the church. In an effort to reach out to Vietnamese Catholics, Ho Chi Minh attended Christmas Mass in 1945 and included Catholics in his cabinet.
The Communist Party in the North from 1954 and from the South
from 1975, attacked many traditional religious practices and folk
beliefs.
The spirit worship of common people was interpreted from the Marxist
perspective as being a survival from an earlier stage of social
evolution when people deified nature in their inability to overcome or
control it. These beliefs were considered illusory and that they made
people 'impotent' and fatalistic.
These beliefs were considered to undermine people's confidence and did
not encourage them to believe people could solve their own problems. The spirit worship was considered by the communists as a tool of 'feudal' elites to maintain their oppressive rule. Lady Liễu Hạnh, a goddess worshipped in Vietnamese folk religion was also considered an importation from Chinese taoism and therefore a legacy of Chinese colonialism.
After the Communists won the war and reunified Vietnam, the
government in Hanoi turned to suppress religion with great force. Many
Buddhists had been opposed to the war and when the Communists achieved
victory, the anti-war efforts by Vietnamese Buddhists were marginalized
by the government. The Buddhist peace activist Cao Ngoc Phuong (who had
been previously jailed by the Saigon government) was branded a ‘war
criminal’ by the Hanoi regime.
Buddhist self-immolations, like the kind that had occurred in South Vietnam against the government in Saigon,
soon occurred in the unified Vietnam in protest of the government's
treatment of Buddhism. In November 1975, 12 Buddhist monks and nuns
immolated themselves in Cần Thơ.
In 1977, Thich Nu Nhu Hien burned herself in Hanoi in order to be a
‘torch of wisdom’ that would bring the government to embrace religious
tolerance. Many of the Buddhists who burned themselves in protest of the
Communist government belonged to the United Buddhist Church of Vietnam, which was banned by Hanoi afterwards.
Many Vietnamese held greater respect for the Buddhist hierarchy than for the communist government,
and many people in opposition to the government saw Buddhism as an
alternative to Marxism. Government opposition has portrayed Marxism as
being a foreign western ideology, while Buddhism was linked to the
indigenous heritage of Vietnam.
The Doi Moi policy of 1986 changed the Vietnamese government's position on outside influence in the country.
Status of religious freedom
Legal and policy framework
The Constitution, legal code, and a 2003 Communist Party Central Committee resolution on religion provide for freedom of belief and worship, as well as nonbelief;
however, the government required the registration of all activities by
religious groups and used this requirement to restrict activities in
certain cases. The government continued to significantly limit the
organized activities of independent religious groups and those
individuals who were regarded as a threat to party authority.
The New Ordinance on Religion and Belief, which came into effect
in November 2004, serves as the primary document governing religious
practice. It reiterates citizens' rights to freedom of belief, freedom
of religion, and freedom not to follow a religion, and it states that
violations of these freedoms are prohibited. However, it advises that
"abuse" of freedom of belief or religion "to undermine the country's
peace, independence, and unity" is illegal and warns that religious
activities must be suspended if they negatively affect the cultural
traditions of the nation.
The Ordinance continues the practice of government control and
oversight of religious organizations. Under its provisions, religious
denominations must be officially recognized or registered, and the
activities and leadership of individual religious congregations must be
approved by the appropriate lower-level authorities. The establishment
of seminaries and the organization of and enrollment in classes must
also be approved by appropriate authorities. The naming of priests or
other religious officials requires the approval of authorities only when
a "foreign element", such as the Vatican,
is involved. The ordinance also relaxes government oversight of
religion to some extent. For example, religious organizations are
required only to inform appropriate authorities of their annual
activities or the investiture and transfer of clerics, while in the past
this required explicit official approval. The ordinance encourages
religious groups to carry out charitable activities in health care and
education, which were limited in the past.
In February 2005 the Prime Minister issued the "Instruction on
Some Tasks Regarding Protestantism", which calls on authorities to
facilitate the requests of recognized Protestant denominations to
construct churches and to train and appoint pastors. The instruction
directs authorities to help unrecognized denominations register their
congregations so that they can worship openly and move towards
fulfilling the criteria required for full recognition. It directs
authorities in the Central and Northwest Highlands to help groups of
Protestant believers register their religious activities and practice in
homes or "suitable locations", even if they do not meet the criteria to
establish an official congregation. The instruction also directs local
officials to allow unregistered "house churches" to operate so long as
they are "committed to follow regulations" and are not affiliated with
separatist political movements.
In March 2005 the government issued an implementing decree
(Decree 22) that provided further guidance on the Ordinance on Religion
and Belief. Like the ordinance, the decree explicitly bans forced
renunciations of faith. It also delineates specific procedures by which
an unrecognized religious organization can register its places of
worship, its clerics, and its activities and thus operate openly. It
further provides procedures for these groups to apply for official
recognition from the government to gain additional rights. The decree
specifies that a religious organization must have 20 years of "stable
religious operation" in the country in order to be recognized by the
government. It also states that past operation in the country can be
counted toward this requirement. The decree further sets out specific
time periods for the government to consider requests from religious
organizations and requires officials to give organizations an
explanation in writing for any application that is rejected.
Implementing Decree 22 also clarifies the procedures through
which religious organizations and individual religious congregations can
seek official recognition. Recognized religious denominations, in
principle, are allowed to open, operate, and refurbish places of
worship, train religious leaders, and obtain permission for the
publication of materials. To obtain official recognition, a denomination
must first receive national-level registration. According to the legal
framework, a religious organization must pass through three legal stages
to receive national-level registration. First, it must apply for and
receive registration in each local administrative area in which it
operates. Registration requires a congregation to file information with
relevant provincial authorities about its structure, leadership, and
activities. Authorities then have 45 days to raise questions or
concerns. National-level registrations have a 60-day consideration
period. The CRA must issue a license before an organization is
considered registered. Once a congregation is registered at the local
level, it can apply for provincial and then national-level registration.
Following a minimum 1-year waiting period, the eligible organization
can apply for recognition and must receive Government approval of its
leadership, its structure, and the overall scope of its activities.
Decree 22 further specifies that the appropriate authorities
provide a written response to requests for official recognition within
30, 45, 60, or 90 days, depending on the scope of the request.
Government officials rarely adhered to these response times, however. In
the case of a refusal, a specific reason must be included in the
written response, although this requirement also did not appear to be
applied systematically. Moreover, there is no specific mechanism for
appeal in the ordinance, nor are the reasons for denying a request
restricted in any way.
The national-level Committee for Religious Affairs is charged
with disseminating information about the new legal framework to
authorities at the provincial, district, commune, and village levels and
assuring uniform compliance. Implementation of the new legal framework
at lower levels of the government continued to be mixed. During the
reporting period, national and provincial authorities held a number of
training courses for lower-level officials about the new laws to ensure
their understanding and compliance with the legal framework. Authorities
in some areas actively engaged religious leaders in efforts to
implement the changes, particularly the registration of Protestant
groups and the reopening of closed churches in the Central Highlands
region. Some authorities in other areas, particularly in some parts of
the Central Highlands and the Mekong Delta, as well as the northern
border area and Northwest Highlands provinces, were less active in
enforcing the legal changes mandated by the central Government, although
conditions for Protestants generally improved throughout the country
during the reporting period.
National security and national solidarity provisions in the
Constitution override laws and regulations providing for religious
freedom, and these provisions reportedly have been used to impede
religious gatherings and the spread of religion to certain ethnic
groups. The Penal Code, as amended in 1997, established penalties for
offenses that are defined only vaguely, including "attempting to
undermine national unity" by promoting "division between religious
believers and nonbelievers." In the past authorities used Article 258 of
the Penal code to charge persons with practicing religion illegally.
This article allows for prison terms of up to 3 years for "abus[ing] the
rights to freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom of belief,
religion, assembly, association, and other democratic freedoms to
infringe upon the interests of the State." Article 258 was not used to
hinder religious practice during the reporting period.
The government does not officially favor a particular religion,
and virtually all senior government and CPV officials, as well as the
vast majority of National Assembly delegates, are formally "without
religion." However, many party and government officials openly practice
traditional ancestor worship, and some visit Buddhist pagodas.
The prominent traditional position of Buddhism does not affect
religious freedom for others adversely, including those who do not
practice a religion.
The government officially recognizes Buddhist, Catholic, Protestant, Hòa Hảo, Cao Đài, and Muslim religious organizations. The Baháʼí Faith
was registered nationally in 2007 and would be eligible to apply for
national recognition in 2008. Individual congregations within each of
these religious groups must be registered as well. Some leaders and
believers of alternative Buddhist, Protestant, Hòa Hảo, and Cao Đài
organizations of these religions do not participate in the
government-approved religious associations.
The government's "White Book" reported that, as of the end of
2006, the government registered 718 SECV places of worship and
officially recognized 67 SECV congregations and 71 SECV pastors.
During the reporting period, the government processed pilot
registrations for approximately 40 ECVN congregations in 9 northern
provinces. The CRA asserted that the pilot program was "a necessary step
to avoid possible contradictions and complications in families and
clans that might negatively affect the stable life of ordinary people."
Furthermore, "the results secured in the provinces...of northern Vietnam
have guided and would continue to guide religious persons and groups to
register their religious activities in accordance with the Prime
Minister's Instruction." As of the end of 2006, the government claimed
it had recognized 16 religious organizations affiliated with 6 religions
under implementation of the new framework.
Implementation of 2004 legislation
The
government deepened implementation of its 2004 Ordinance on Religion
and Belief and supplemental decrees on religious policy issued in 2005.
New congregations were registered throughout the country's 64 provinces;
a number of religious denominations were registered at the national
level; and citizens were generally allowed to practice religion more
freely. Improving economic conditions in the country also allowed for
greater access to religious practice and resources. In recognition of
its "significant improvements towards advancing religious freedom", the United States Department of State lifted the country's designation as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for Religious Freedom in November 2006.
Despite progress during the reporting period, problems remained
in the implementation of the country's legal framework on religion.
These included slowness, and in some cases inaction, in the registration
of Protestant
congregations in northern Vietnam and the Northwest Highlands;
inconsistent application of procedures for congregation registration and
other legal requirements; ongoing restrictions on religious
recruitment; difficulties in the establishment of Catholic
seminaries and Protestant pastor training courses; and unresolved land
expropriation claims involving a number of religious denominations. Some
provincial authorities were more active, while others appeared not to
consider positive and consistent implementation of the legal framework
on religion as a priority. The Government rejected the appointment of
two Catholic bishops endorsed by the Vatican. However, the Catholic
Church reported that the government generally continued to ease
restrictions on church assignment of new clergy, and the Church
indicated that it had begun exploring with government authorities the
establishment of additional Catholic seminaries.
The government continued to remain concerned that some ethnic
minority groups active in the Central Highlands were operating a
self-styled "Dega Church", which reportedly mixes religious practice
with political activism and calls for ethnic minority separatism. The Government also actively restricted the leadership of the unrecognized Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam
(UBCV) and maintained that it would not recognize this organization
under its current leadership. The Government maintained a prominent role
overseeing recognized religions. Religious groups encountered the
greatest restrictions when they engaged in activities that the
government perceived as political activism or a challenge to its rule.
The Government continued to ban and actively discourage participation in
one unrecognized faction of the Hòa Hảo Buddhists. Government authorities imprisoned and disrobed a number of ethnic Khmer Buddhists for their involvement in antigovernment protests in the Mekong Delta
in early 2007. Some religious figures, including Catholic priest Nguyen
Van Ly and Protestant pastor Nguyen Van Dai, were sentenced to prison
terms for their political activism.
Nevertheless, overall respect for religious freedom improved
during the period covered by this report. Participation in religious
activities throughout the country continued to grow, and Protestant
believers in the Central Highlands continued to report significant
improvements in their situation. Approximately 40 Protestant house churches
were registered in northern Vietnam and hundreds in southern Vietnam
during the reporting period. However, hundreds of other applications
remained pending, especially in the Northwest Highlands. For the first
time since 1975, the government authorized the printing of Bibles in
three ethnic minority languages in the Central Highlands. During the
reporting period, Protestantism remained the country's fastest growing religion among its six recognized faiths – Buddhism, Hòa Hảo Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, Caodaism, and Islam.
The government registered several new religious denominations
during the reporting period, including the Vietnam Seventh-Day Adventist
Church, the Grace Baptist Church, the United World Mission Church, one
faction of the Mennonite church, the Baháʼí Faith, and two smaller
Buddhist groups—the Tu An Hieu Nghia group and the Pure Land Buddhist
Home Practice Association.
During the reporting period, the national and some provincial
Committees on Religious Affairs (CRA) were active in resolving
religion-related problems and concerns. The national CRA organized a
number of programs to offer training to members of religious
denominations on legal registration procedures and to local authorities
on how to implement the national legal framework on religion. On the
occasion of the Asian Pacific Economic Conference (APEC) Summit and the
visit of President George W. Bush to Hanoi in November 2006, the
country's first-ever ecumenical religious service was held, led by the
Catholic archdiocese of Hanoi and the Evangelical Church of Vietnam
North (ECVN). In January 2007 the Prime Minister Nguyễn Tấn Dũng visited
the Vatican and met with Pope Benedict XVI, and in March 2007, an official delegation from the Vatican reciprocated by visiting the country.
Protestants and Catholics across the north reported improvement
in most officials' attitude towards their religion, and in general
Protestants and Catholics were allowed to gather for worship without
harassment, despite some isolated incidents. Christmas and Easter
holidays passed generally without incident in the country. In the fall
of 2006, the Southern Evangelical Church of Vietnam (SECV) reported its
first-ever graduating class of 219 ordained pastors since the
organization was officially recognized in 2001. During the reporting
period, the government welcomed the return of Buddhist Zen Master Thich Nhat Hanh for a series of "reconciliation prayer events" in Ho Chi Minh City, Huế, and Hanoi.
There were no known instances of societal discrimination or violence based on religion during the reporting period.
In September 2004 then-Secretary of State Colin Powell
designated the country a "Country of Particular Concern" (CPC) under
the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe
violations of religious freedom. In November 2006 Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice lifted the country's CPC designation, noting that the
country could "no longer be identified as a severe violator of religious
freedom" as defined by the Act.
Although the international media highlighted arrests and
detentions of several political dissidents in early 2007, all
individuals raised by the United States as prisoners of concern for
reasons connected to their faith have been freed by the government. Some
religious sources have cited diplomatic intervention, primarily from
the United States, as a reason why the government is seeking to legalize
more religious groups.
Restrictions on religious freedom
The
constitutional right of freedom of belief and religion continued to be
interpreted and enforced unevenly. In some areas local officials allowed
relatively wide latitude to believers; in other provinces members of
unrecognized religious groups were sometimes subject to harassment
from local officials. Government practices and bureaucratic impediments
placed some restrictions on religious freedom and growth, although in
many areas Buddhists, Catholics, Protestants, Hòa Hảo, Cao Đài, as well
as the government itself, reported an increase in religious activity and
observance. Officially recognized religious groups faced limitations in
obtaining teaching materials, expanding training facilities, building
new houses of worship, publishing religious materials, and expanding the
number of clergy in religious training in response to increased demand
from congregations. However, the government continued to ease
limitations compared to previous years.
Because of the lack of due process in the legal system and
inconsistent high-level oversight, the actions of religious adherents
can be subject to the discretion of local officials in their respective
jurisdictions. In some cases, local officials reportedly told religious
leaders that national-level laws do not apply to their jurisdictions. In
other cases, different provinces applied the same laws differently. For
example, the Central Highlands province of Gia Lai closely followed
government policy and registered all of the SECV "meeting points" in the
province pending their future recognition. However, in neighboring Đắk
Lắk and Bình Phước provinces, many SECV "meeting points" remained
unregistered. In certain cases recognized and unrecognized Protestant
groups were able to overcome local harassment or overturn negative local
decisions when they have appealed to higher-level authorities.
During the reporting period, obstacles to religious growth and
training remained. These included impediments to registration for
Protestant congregations in northern Vietnam, an unresolved ECVN
property claim that has prevented the establishment of a pastors
training facility, failure by Dien Bien provincial authorities to
register their local Catholic diocese, failure of Hà Giang authorities
to grant legal residency to a parish priest, restrictions by the
authorities in Thừa Thiên–Huế Province on Catholic seminary recruitment
and Baptist Church property claims, and legal restrictions on
proselytizing. In some provinces house churches were required to submit
lists of all worshipers as part of the registration process in
contravention of the legal framework on religion. This phenomenon
appeared to be widespread in the Mekong Delta but has been noted
elsewhere in the country, including in north-central Thanh Hóa Province.
In some cases the authorities removed this requirement following the
protests of the registering groups; in other cases the requirement was
maintained, impeding the registration process.
The Government continued to ban and actively discourage
participation in certain unrecognized religious groups, including the
outlawed UBCV and some Protestant, Hòa Hảo, and Cao Đài groups.
The government requires all Buddhist monks to be approved by and
work under the officially recognized Buddhist organization, the Vietnam
Buddhist Sangha (VBS). The number of Buddhist student monks is
controlled and limited by the Committee on Religious Affairs, although
the number of Buddhist academies at the local and provincial levels has
increased in recent years in addition to several university-equivalent
academies.
In the Mekong Delta, reliable information indicated that at least
10 ethnic Khmer monks were derobed and subjected to disciplinary
action, including detention and pagoda arrest, for participation in a
protest or protests against the authorities in early 2007.
The government continued to oppose efforts by the outlawed UBCV
to operate and continued to restrict the movement of UBCV leaders. In
August 2006 the government allowed Thích Huyền Quang to travel to Ho Chi
Minh City for 2 months for medical treatment but discouraged him from
returning to Ho Chi Minh City in 2007. However, Thích Quảng Độ and Thích
Huyền Quang were able to receive visits from foreign diplomats. Thích
Quảng Độ was on occasion able to see other UBCV members during the
period covered by this report. Thích Quảng Độ and some other UBCV
leaders also were able to maintain contact with associates overseas.
However, provincial leaders of the UBCV throughout southern Vietnam came
under pressure. In one case a nun on the representative board of the
UBCV in Khánh Hòa Province faced severe harassment beginning in March
2006 and reportedly was forced out of the pagoda she founded. UBCV
chapters in central Vietnam were able to gather to celebrate Buddha's
birthday in May 2006 and May 2007, but its leaders in HCMC and in Bình
Định province were unable to organize similar celebrations.
The government technically maintains veto power over Vatican
appointments of bishops and exercised that veto authority over the
nomination of two bishops in early 2007. For the most part, however, the
government has in practice cooperated with the Catholic Church in
nominations for bishops' appointments. The Church operates 6 seminaries
in the country, with more than 1,000 students enrolled, as well as a new
special training program for "older" students. All students must be
approved by local authorities for enrolling in a seminary and again
prior to their ordination as priests. The Church believed that the
number of students being ordained remained insufficient to support the
growing Catholic population and indicated it would like to open
additional seminaries and enroll new classes more frequently; however,
it received no official response from the government.
The government continued to remain concerned that some ethnic
minority groups active in this region were operating a self-styled "Dega
Church", which reportedly mixes religious practice with political
activism and calls for ethnic minority separatism. This factor
complicated and slowed the registration and recognition process for
other churches in the Central Highlands.
Despite improved conditions over the reporting period, SECV and house churches in the Central Highlands provinces of Đắk Lắk, Gia Lai, Kon Tum, and Đắk Nông continue to be under close government scrutiny.
A number of Protestant house church organizations, including the Baptists, Presbyterians, and United World Mission Church, also operated in the Central Highlands. These groups reported substantially improved conditions for their congregations.
The Government continued its oversight and, with varying degrees
of success, exerted control over religious hierarchies, organized
religious activities, and other activities of religious groups through
Committees for Religious Affairs at the national and provincial levels.
Several hundred ECVN congregations applied to register during the
reporting period; however, most applications remained pending or were
rejected, at least initially. Reasons cited for registration rejections,
more often than not, included bureaucratic impediments, such as
incorrect application procedures or forms, or incomplete information.
Less frequently, local authorities cited vague security concerns, saying
either that their political authority could be threatened or that
confrontations could occur between traditional believers and recently
converted Christians in a certain geographic area. Despite some
registrations in the Northwest Highlands during the reporting period,
much work remained in processing both Protestant and Catholic
registrations there.
The Hòa Hảo have faced some restrictions on their religious and
political activities since 1975, in part because of lingering Communist
Party suspicions stemming from the Hòa Hảo's armed opposition to
communist forces dating back to French colonial rule. After 1975, all
administrative offices, places of worship, and social and cultural
institutions connected to the Hòa Hảo faith were closed. Believers
continued to practice their religion at home, but the lack of access to
public gathering places contributed to the Hòa Hảo community's isolation
and fragmentation. In 1999, a new official Hòa Hảo body, the Hòa Hảo
Administrative Council, was formed. In the spring of 2005, the Hòa Hảo
Administrative Council was expanded and renamed the Executive Committee
of Hòa Hảo Buddhism. Several leaders of the Hòa Hảo community, including
several pre-1975 leaders, openly criticized the Committee. They claimed
that the committee was subservient to the government and demanded
official recognition, instead, of their own Hòa Hảo body, the Hòa Hảo
Central Buddhist Church (HHCBC). Although still unregistered, on May 4,
2005, the HHCBC held an organizational meeting that was attended by 126
delegates from across the southern part of the country. However, its
members faced significant official repression.
Frictions between some Hòa Hảo activists and government officials in the Mekong Delta continued during the reporting period.
In May 2007 a court in the Mekong Delta province of Đồng Tháp
sentenced four Hòa Hảo followers to between 4 and 6 years in prison for
"creating public disorder" under article 245 of the 1999 Penal Code.
The four were arrested for their involvement in a June 2006 hunger
strike protesting the arrest and imprisonment of other Hòa Hảo sect
members in 2005 as well as more general allegations of government
suppression of the Hòa Hảo faith.
Eight Cao Đài believers were imprisoned in July 2005 for up to 13
years for "fleeing abroad to oppose the government" and "propagating
documents against the Vietnamese Government to incite demonstrations and
riots." The group had attempted to protest government control over the
Cao Đài church in September 2004 in Phnom Penh but were arrested and
expelled to Vietnam.
There are no formal prohibitions on changing one's religion.
However, formal conversions appear to be relatively rare, apart from
those that occur when non-Catholics marry Catholics. Many converts may
find the conversion procedures overly cumbersome or fear government
retribution. There were isolated reports that local officials in rural
communities continued to discourage conversion to Protestantism by
threatening converts that they would lose education and social welfare
allowances. A national CRA-produced training manual for local officials
being used in the north was found to contain language telling officials
to encourage recent religious converts to return to their traditional
beliefs. The government has pledged to diplomats and foreign
representatives that it would revise the problematic language,
acknowledging that it may not have been in compliance with regulations.
The government controls and monitors all forms of public
assembly, including assembly for religious activities; however, during
the reporting period, some large religious gatherings were allowed.
Article 35 of Decree 22 requires government approval for foreign
missionary groups to proselytize. Such activities should take place
under the sponsorship of a national or local religious organization. It
discourages public proselytizing outside of recognized worship centers,
including by citizens. Some missionaries visited the country despite
this official prohibition and carried on informal proselytizing
activities.
In April 2006 the Ho Chi Minh City-based New Life Fellowship
(NLF) was able to hold its first large prayer meeting for foreigners
since August 2005 on the grounds of a Ho Chi Minh City hotel. The NLF,
which catered to both foreigners and citizens and is headed by a foreign
missionary, was prevented from gathering in Ho Chi Minh City hotels in
August 2005 after it launched and advertised services for local citizens
in contravention to the law. Since then, foreigners in the NLF were
able to gather in smaller groups at home. The NLF remained in discussion
with city- and national-level officials to find a permanent, legal
solution to its status. Other expatriate-only groups did not face any
government harassment. At least one expatriate church group received a
formal operating license from the HCMC government in mid-2007.
Government policy does not permit persons who belong to
unofficial religious groups to speak publicly about their beliefs, but
some continued to conduct religious training and services without
harassment. Members of registered religious organizations are permitted
to speak about their beliefs and attempt to persuade others to adopt
their religions in recognized places of worship but are discouraged from
doing so elsewhere.
The government requires all religious publishing to be done by
the Religious Publishing House, which is a part of the Office of
Religious Affairs, or by other government-approved publishing houses
after the Government first approves the proposed items. The Religious
Publishing House printed 130 new religious titles during the reporting
period, including Bibles in two Central Highlands ethnic languages. A
range of Bibles, Buddhist sacred scriptures, and other religious texts
and publications are printed by these organizations and are distributed
openly. The Religious Publishing House has printed 250,000 copies of
parts of the Hòa Hảo sacred scriptures, along with 100,000 volumes
featuring the founder's teachings and prophesies; however, Hòa Hảo
believers reported that the government continued to restrict the
distribution of the full scriptures, specifically the poetry of the
founder. The official Hòa Hảo Representative Committee cited a lack of
funds, not government restrictions, as the reason why the Hòa Hảo
scriptures had not been published in full. The Bible is printed in
Vietnamese, Chinese, Ede,
Jarai, and English. However, in January 2007 authorities seized Bibles
and other religious materials that were printed abroad, belonging to a
Protestant house church group in HCMC, on the grounds that any "foreign
language" material that has not been explicitly authorized by the
government is illegal. The group later purchased government-approved
bibles for distribution.
The government allows travel for religious purposes, but the
approval of authorities is required for participation in religious
conferences and training courses abroad. Muslims are able to undertake
the Hajj,
and Buddhist, Catholic, and Protestant officials have generally been
able to travel abroad for study and for conferences. Other unofficial
leaders travel internationally on a regular basis. Religious persons who
traveled abroad in the past were sometimes questioned about their
activities upon their return and required to surrender their passports;
however, this practice appeared to be becoming more infrequent.
Religious affiliation is indicated on citizens' national
identification cards and in "family books", which are household
identification documents. In practice, many citizens who consider
themselves religious do not indicate this on their identification cards,
and government statistics list them as nonreligious. While it is
possible to change the entry for religion on national identification
cards, many converts may find the procedures overly cumbersome or fear
government retribution. The Government does not designate persons'
religions on passports.
The government allows, and in some cases encourages, links
between officially recognized religious bodies and coreligionists in
other countries; however, the government actively discourages contacts
between the UBCV and its foreign Buddhist supporters.
Contacts between some unregistered Protestant organizations and
their foreign supporters are discouraged but occur regularly, including
training and the provision of financial support and religious materials.
The Government remained concerned about contact between separatist
"Dega" Protestants in the Central Highlands and overseas supporters. The
Government regards Dega Protestants as a group that uses religion as a
rallying point to encourage ethnic minority separatism, political
unrest, and the establishment of an independent ethnic minority state.
Adherence to a religious faith generally does not disadvantage
persons in nongovernment civil, economic, and secular life, although it
likely would prevent advancement to higher CPV, government, and military
ranks. The military does not have a chaplaincy. Avowed religious
practice was formerly a bar to membership in the CPV, but now the CPV
claims that tens of thousands of the more than three million Communist
Party members are religious believers. Clergy and believers of various
faiths serve in local and provincial government positions and are
represented on the National Assembly. CPV and government officials
routinely visit pagodas, temples, and churches, making a special point
to visit Protestant churches over Christmas.
The 2005 Implementing Decree for the Ordinance on Religion and
Belief stipulates that provincial People's Committees must approve the
construction of new religious facilities. The renovation or upgrade of
religious facilities also requires notification of authorities, although
not necessarily a permit, depending on the extent of the renovation.
The Decree stipulates that authorities must respond to a construction
permit application within 20 days.
The government does not permit religious instruction in public
schools; however, it permits clergy to teach at universities in subjects
in which they are qualified. Buddhist monks have lectured at the Ho Chi
Minh Political Academy, the main Communist Party school. Several
Catholic nuns and at least one Catholic priest teach at Ho Chi Minh City
universities. They are not allowed to wear religious dress when they
teach or to identify themselves as clergy. Catholic, Protestant, Muslim,
and Buddhist groups are allowed to provide religious education to
children. Catholic religious education, on weekends or evenings, is
permitted in most areas and has increased in recent years in churches
throughout the country. Khmer Theravada Buddhists and Cham Muslims
regularly hold religious and language classes outside of normal
classroom hours in their respective pagodas and mosques. Religious
groups are not permitted to operate independent schools beyond preschool
and kindergarten.
Provincial authorities have returned a limited number of church
properties confiscated following the reunification of the country in
1975 and remained in protracted discussions on other properties. One of
the vice chairmen of the government-recognized VBS stated that
approximately 30 percent of Buddhist properties confiscated in Ho Chi
Minh City were returned, and from 5 to 10 percent of all Buddhist
properties confiscated in the south have been returned. Catholic and
recognized Protestant organizations obtained a small number of
previously confiscated properties, but continued to have ongoing
disputes with officials over others. The SECV estimated more than 250
properties for which it seeks restitution; other Protestant
denominations active in southern Vietnam pre-1975 also had property
claims. Some properties were returned to the Hòa Hảo Administrative
Council, but few Cao Đài properties were returned, according to church
leaders. Many of the properties seized in the past were religious
schools and hospitals that were incorporated into the state system.
Although the Ordinance on Religion and Belief encourages
religious organizations to conduct charitable activities in education
and healthcare, the degree of government oversight of these activities
varied greatly among localities. In some areas, especially in the south,
Catholic priests and nuns operated kindergartens, orphanages,
vocational training centers, and clinics and engaged in a variety of
other humanitarian projects. In Ho Chi Minh City and Huế, the Catholic Church was involved in supporting HIV/AIDS
hospices and treatment centers and providing counseling to young
persons. Buddhist groups also were involved in HIV/AIDS and other
charitable work across the country. The Ho Chi Minh City archdiocese ran
the HIV/AIDS clinic at the Trong Diệm drug rehabilitation center on
behalf of the city government. The city government and the Catholic
Church remained in discussion about how to officially approve new
initiatives, such as a walk-in clinic for possible HIV/AIDS victims, but
it allowed the Church to pursue these initiatives quietly. Charitable
activities by the Catholic Church were much more restricted in northern
Vietnam, but during the reporting period, a number of northern provinces
were reported to have become more permissive. Thái Bình Province, for
example, actively encouraged the Catholic Church's work in HIV/AIDS and
the treatment of the sick and disabled. Haiphong authorities also began
working with the Catholic Church in areas related to drug addiction
treatment and HIV/AIDS during the reporting period. Thanh Hóa Province
has engaged its Catholic Diocese on religious infrastructure and general
reconstruction programs. The Province of Hanoi allowed a number of
VBS-run temples to run orphanages for abandoned and disabled children,
as well as treatment programs for those that suffer from HIV/AIDS.
The VBS engaged in humanitarian activities, including antidrug
and child welfare programs, in many parts of the country. The officially
recognized Hòa Hảo organization also reported that it engaged in
numerous charitable activities and local development projects during the
reporting period.
Abuses of religious freedom
Reports
of abuses of religious freedom continued to diminish during the period
covered by this report; however, some religious believers continued to
experience harassment or repression because they operated without legal
sanction. In a number of isolated instances, local officials repressed
Protestant believers in some parts of the Central and Northwest
Highlands and other areas by forcing church gatherings to cease, closing
house churches, and pressuring individuals to renounce their religious
beliefs, often unsuccessfully.
Some ethnic minority worshipers in the Central
Highlands—particularly in areas suspected to be affiliated with the
"Dega Church"—continue to be prevented from gathering to worship.
However, the number of credible reports of incidents was significantly
lower compared with previous years and appeared to reflect individual
bias at the local level rather than official central government policy.
In a number of instances, the local officials involved were reprimanded
or fired.
Restrictions on UBCV leaders remained in place, with much of the
leadership's freedom of movement, expression, and assembly limited.
There were fewer credible reports that officials arbitrarily detained,
physically intimidated, and harassed persons based, at least in part, on
their religious beliefs and practice, particularly in mountainous
ethnic minority areas.
In early 2007 local authorities in Bến Tre Province refused to
register a Protestant house church; police subsequently sought to
prevent the church group from gathering. According to religious leaders,
a house church in Trà Vinh Province in the Mekong Delta was prevented
from holding Easter services in 2006. Bibles and other religious
materials were confiscated. In Kiên Giang
in January 2006 police banned the gathering of a house church
affiliated with the Methodist community and confiscated identification
documents of a visiting pastor. In December 2005 police interrupted
Christmas services of some house churches in Cần Thơ, Long An, and Vĩnh
Long provinces, also in the Mekong Delta. In May 2005 Protestant House
Church preacher Nguyen Van Cam told a reporter that local authorities in
Dong Lam Commune of Tiền Hải District, Thái Bình Province, had tried on several occasions to convince him to sign documents committing him to stop holding house church services.
In June 2006, in Thanh Hóa Province,
two Protestant worshippers were beaten by local police. In December
2006 local police reportedly beat Evangelist believers at a house church
gathering in Quảng Ninh Province. Also, in December 2006 local
authorities aggressively broke up a meeting with students at an ECVN
congregation house church in Thừa Thiên–Huế Province.
Baptist pastor Than Van Truong was released in September 2005
after spending one year involuntarily committed to a mental asylum by
authorities in Đồng Nai Province as punishment for his religious and
political beliefs. He was reportedly released on the condition that he
sign a document certifying his mental illness, making him subject to
readmission to a mental institution should he "relapse". Pastor Truong
continued to be closely monitored by local officials. There were
confirmed reports that he continued to be harassed and his religious
activities curtailed in Đồng Nai and in his home village in Bắc Giang
Province in northern Vietnam where he has helped organize a small
church. In June 2006 diplomats were permitted by the government to visit
the Bắc Giang church and to investigate allegations of harassment with
local officials.
Protestant pastor and house church leader Nguyen Hong Quang was
imprisoned in 2004 and released in September 2005 in an official
amnesty. In May 2006 Pastor Quang and some followers were detained for
nearly 24 hours following a confrontation with local police over new
construction at Pastor Quang's house, which also served as a local house
church. However, the government's claim that Pastor Quang willfully
ignored zoning regulations and local officials' orders to comply with
zoning regulations was supported by evidence.
In August 2005 there were credible reports that local officials
attempted to force an SECV lay preacher to renounce his faith and stop
his ministry in the ethnic minority H're village in Quảng Ngãi Province.
Unidentified parties reportedly burned his house down in retaliation.
The small Protestant community continued to face harassment through May
2006. However, following central Government intervention, the harassment
appeared to cease and one of the two preachers involved in the dispute
was allowed to attend an SECV pastoral training course.
During this reporting period, there were few credible reports of
leaders of nonregistered churches in the Central and Northwest Highlands
being harassed or detained and pressured to renounce their faith.
The dissemination of the legal framework on religion has remained
a slow process, especially in northern Vietnam and the Northwest
Highlands, and through the end of the period covered by this report,
many leaders of places of worship reported that police and other
authorities had not implemented fully these legal codes. During the
reporting period, some Protestants in the northern and Northwest
Highlands provinces reported that local officials often used legal
pretexts to prevent religious registration.
In early June 2007, local ECVN congregants in Bát Xát District in Lào Cai Province
reported that local government authorities, including members of a
Border Protection special task force, came to the district to conduct
training on the Legal Framework laws. According to the congregants,
local authorities imposed fines of up to approximately $100 (1.7 million
Dong VND) on eight "illegal Protestants" and imposed material fines
(apparently confiscating chickens) on nine others. The "illegal
Protestants" were accused of following Protestantism without seeking
permission from provincial authorities.
In March 2006 in Vị Xuyên District of Hà Giang,
local authorities fined a house church pastor $32 (VND 500,000), or
more than half of his monthly salary, for traveling to Hanoi to pick up
registration forms from the ECVN. In addition, lay deacons of the church
were fined $6 (VND 100,000) each for "being Protestant" and for signing
documents requesting registration for their group.
In January 2006 in Xín Mần District
of Hà Giang Province, district-level authorities told an unregistered
Protestant congregation, "If five or more of your members gather
together, we will prosecute you." The group submitted an application to
register but had not received any official response to their request.
Despite significant improvements in the Central Highlands, SECV
congregations in some districts of Đắk Lắk Province faced some
restrictions on operations. Conditions appeared even more restrictive in
Sa Thầy District
in Kon Tum Province, where senior district-level officials in early
2006 argued that there was "no religion" in the area, although more
recent reports from Kon Tum indicate that the situation there is
improving. There were indications that, at least in some cases, more
senior government officials intervened and rebuked local authorities for
harassing house churches in contravention of the Prime Minister's
Instruction on Protestantism. In a few incidents in the Mekong Delta,
local authorities reportedly increased harassment of groups that
submitted applications to register.
Although stating that regular and systematic Government
interference of their religious services had stopped since 2004, members
of the United Gospel Outreach Church (UGOC) in southern Long An
Province still claimed harassment from local level officials in a
meeting with the Ambassador in August 2006. In June 2006, the owners of
four UGOC house churches were briefly detained on the grounds that it
was illegal for an unregistered church to hold services. The UGOC in
Long An is unable to hold regular overnight religious retreats, to get
permission to hold gatherings for 50 or more persons, or to hold regular
bible training classes. UGOC members claim they can publish and
disseminate religious materials "if done quietly."
In June 2007 a group of 150 pastors of the Inter-Evangelistic
Movement Bible Church (IEM) were detained on buses for several hours by
southern Bình Phước Province
authorities after a prayer gathering of 2,000 followers. Local
authorities complained to and questioned leaders about their
"evangelizing and organization of a large crowd without a permit." The
group was later allowed to return to HCMC, and the head of the
Provincial CRA offered to assist in IEM's provincial registration
applications.
It has been even more difficult for IEM followers in several
locations in northwest Điện Biên Province, where police actively broke
up meetings of worshippers, and authorities refused to register IEM
meeting points. Followers there submitted credible reports that they
were forced to "meet secretly at night, in the fields" in order to pray.
Local authorities also actively pressured IEM followers there to
abandon their faith and return to traditional beliefs. This has
continued on and off for several years.
It was difficult to determine the exact number of religious
detainees and religious prisoners because there was little transparency
in the justice system, and it was very difficult to obtain confirmation
of when persons were detained, imprisoned, tried, or released. The
government claimed that it did not hold any religious prisoners; such
persons were usually convicted of violating national security laws or
general criminal laws. Some observers estimate a high number of
religious prisoners, generally as a result of including individuals
arrested for participation in "Dega" groups or in the clashes between
police and ethnic minority protestors in February 2001 and April 2004.
The Government, as well as many official and unofficial religious
leaders, depicted the protests as being motivated by disputes over land
or other socioeconomic grievances rather than religious concerns.
Determining the facts in these cases is extremely difficult.
At least 15 individuals, including UBCV monks Thích Huyền Quang
and Thích Quảng Độ and Catholic priest Pham Van Loi, were held in
conditions resembling house arrest for reasons related primarily to
their political beliefs or attempts to form nonauthorized organizations,
despite the apparent lack of any official charges against them. The
movement of a number of other UBCV, Cao Đài, Catholic, Hòa Hảo, and
Protestant dignitaries and believers was restricted or was watched and
followed by police. Two members of the HHCBC, Tran Van Thang and Tran
Van Hoang, were arrested on February 25, 2005, and sentenced to 6 and 9
months' imprisonment respectively "for producing and distributing
'illegal' recordings of the Hòa Hảo faith." In addition, they were fined
$1,640 (26 million VND) each.
With Ma Van Bay's release in September 2006, all individuals
raised by the United States as prisoners of concern for reasons
connected to their faith were freed by the government.
Forced religious conversion
The
Implementing Decree of the Ordinance on Religion and Belief states,
"Acts to force citizens to follow a religion or renounce their
faith...are not allowed." The Prime Minister's Instruction on
Protestantism contains a similarly worded statement. While Government
officials stated that forced conversions or renunciation of faith had
always been illegal, these were the first legal documents to state so
explicitly. Religious contacts from the Central and Northwest Highlands
reported that attempted forced renunciations continued to decrease. A
few incidents were reported during the period covered by this report.
Local officials in several northwestern villages continued to
attempt to convince or force H'mong Protestants to recant their faith.
Local authorities encouraged clan elders to pressure members of their
extended families to cease practicing Christianity and to return to
traditional practices. Similarly, in May 2006, authorities in Cha Cang
Commune, Mường Lay District, northern Điện Biên Province, reportedly
pressured believers from several Protestant house churches to construct
traditional altars in their homes and to sign documents renouncing
Protestantism.
In March 2007 credible reports cited that police in East Điện
Biên District of Điện Biên Province were involved in separate incidents:
hitting an IEM pastor, banning IEM worshippers from gathering,
confiscating religious materials, fining some followers and forcing
others to cut wood, and going to IEM followers' individual homes to
pressure them to abandon their faith. In one incident local police
reportedly told followers that "believing in Christ is to believe in the
United States."
In April 2007 other credible reports cite that police in Minh Hóa
District in northern Quảng Bình Province confiscated Bibles from IEM
followers and pressured followers to abandon their faith, telling them
reportedly that Protestantism "was a bad American religion".
There were no reports of forced religious conversion of minor
U.S. citizens who had been abducted or illegally removed from the United
States or of the refusal to allow such citizens to be returned to the
United States.
Improvements and positive developments in respect for religious freedom
The
status of respect for religious freedom improved significantly during
the period covered by this report. Compared to previous years, the
government continued to ease limitations on restrictions placed upon
Buddhists, Catholics, Protestants, Hòa Hảo, Baháʼí, and Caodaists. The
government nationally registered the Baháʼí Faith
in March 2007, and the organization would be eligible for national
recognition in 2008. Much of the change came from stronger
implementation of significant revisions to the legal framework governing
religion instituted in 2004 and 2005 and a more positive government
attitude toward Protestant groups. Many recognized and unrecognized
religious groups, especially Protestant groups in the Central and
Northwest Highlands regions, reported that the situation for their
practitioners continued to improve overall. In addition, the central
Government continued to actively train, inform, and encourage provincial
and local authorities to comply with regulations under the legal
framework on religion.
During the period covered by this report, SECV-affiliated
churches and house churches generally reported improved conditions in
the Central Highlands provinces of Đắk Lắk, Gia Lai, Kon Tum, and Đắk
Nông. At least 45 new Protestant SECV congregations "meeting points" in
the Central Highlands and Bình Phước Province were registered or
recognized in the period covered by this report.
Most SECV congregations and meeting places in the Central
Highlands were able to register their activities with local officials
and allowed to operate without significant harassment. For example,
hundreds of places of worship were allowed to operate in Gia Lai,
effectively legalizing operations for tens of thousands of believers in
the province. The SECV also opened a number of new churches in Gia Lai,
Đắk Lắk, and Đắk Nông Provinces. In addition, the SECV continued to
conduct Bible classes in these provinces to provide training to
preachers in the region, allowing them to receive formal recognition as
pastors. Ordination of new pastors is a key step in the formal
recognition of additional SECV churches. Gia Lai authorities also
facilitated the construction of a new SECV church in Chư Sê District. In
May 2006, 266 leaders attended a session in Huế conducted by the CRA
that explained the registration process, and another 300 attended a
similar conference in Ho Chi Minh City.
By early 2007 there were more than 800 SECV "meeting points"
registered in the Central Highlands and another approximately 150
registered places of worship affiliated with other religious
organizations in the region. Seventy-one SECV pastors and newly
appointed pastors were recognized. In August 2006 a new Protestant
training center was approved and opened in Ho Chi Minh City.
Officials in most of the northern provinces acknowledged the
presence of Protestants and stated that, in keeping with the
government's instructions, they planned to expedite registration of some
congregations. Of approximately 1,000 Protestant congregations that
have submitted applications to register, only 40 have been approved;
however, ECVN contacts in the Northwest Highlands confirmed that most
unregistered congregations were allowed to worship in their homes and to
meet openly during the daytime, with the full knowledge of
authorities—a marked improvement from the past.
Police and other government officials in the Northwest Highlands
worked with house church leaders in some areas to inform them of the new
regulations. The CRA conducted training sessions across the north to
educate provincial and district officials about the new religious
regulations so that they would "implement these policies in an orderly
fashion." The CRA also conducted training seminars for religious
leaders. In April 2006, 247 clergy participants from various religious
groups attended a seminar in Hanoi conducted by the CRA that explained
the registration process.
Many pastors of Protestant denominations such as the Seventh-day Adventists, Mennonites, Baptists, United Gospel Outreach Church, and Assemblies of God
preferred not to join the SECV or ECVN because of doctrinal
differences. In many parts of the country, particularly in urban areas,
these and other unrecognized Protestant organizations reported that they
were able to practice openly and with the knowledge of local officials.
While there were exceptions, the level of official harassment of
unrecognized house churches from non-SECV and ECVN denominations
continued to decline across the country. The Government held discussions
about registration and recognition with leaders of a number of
Protestant denominations, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the Jehovah's Witnesses.
Attendance at religious services continued to increase during the
period covered by this report. The number of Buddhist monks, Protestant
pastors, and Catholic priests also continued to increase, and
restrictions on church services for Protestants continued to diminish.
Catholics across the country were allowed to celebrate Christmas and
Easter without interference. A handful of Protestant congregations in
the Central Highlands and in the north had difficulty celebrating during
the Christmas season but reported that they were allowed to celebrate
Easter without problems. In early 2007, IEM leaders claimed that
authorities prevented their Christmas 2006 celebrations in central Quảng
Ngãi Province. However, IEM stated that overall their operations in
Southern and Central Vietnam were more stable and followers were allowed
to worship regularly at 11 meeting points.
The Catholic Church reported continued easing of government
control over Church assignment of new clergy, and, many new priests were
ordained. Contact between Vatican authorities and the country's
Catholics was enhanced with reciprocal official visits between the
Vatican and the government. The Government maintained its regular,
active dialogue with the Vatican on a range of concerns, such as
diplomatic normalization, Church leadership, organizational activities,
and interfaith dialogue.
At least one expatriate church group received a formal operating license from the HCMC government in mid-2007.
France-based Buddhist leader Thich Nhat Hanh
was again permitted to return to the country in April 2007. He traveled
widely through the country, met with large groups of Buddhist
adherents, and spoke to intellectuals and political leaders, including
President Nguyễn Minh Triết.
During the reporting period, some religious groups were also
allowed to convene large religious gatherings, such as the Catholic
celebrations at the La Vang Catholic sanctuary, traditional pilgrimage
events such as the Hùng Kings' Festival,
Buddhist ceremonies in Huế, and the Hòa Hảo Founding Day and
commemoration of the founder's death, each with attendance estimated in
the tens of thousands or more. House church Protestants were able to
gather in large groups for special worship services in Ho Chi Minh City
and elsewhere. Ho Chi Minh City officials also facilitated large Christmas and Easter celebrations by a variety of Protestant denominations.
Catholic and Protestant groups reported that the government
continued to restore some previously owned properties, although progress
on outstanding claims was generally very slow.
In January 2006 an ECVN congregation was given title to a church
property in Thanh Hóa that had stood derelict for several decades. The
congregation was also given permission to remodel the church and build a
house for their pastor.
The Government continued to publicize its new policy of religious
tolerance through the organs of the state. The CRA continued to train
more provincial propaganda cadres from the Northwest Highlands to
disseminate information on religion to reduce societal tensions arising
between followers of traditional ethnic minority beliefs and Protestant
converts.
There are no known instances of societal discrimination or violence
based on religion, even during the period covered by this report. In Ho
Chi Minh City, Hanoi, Huế and other Vietnamese cities, it's common to
see ecumenical dialogues among leaders of disparate religious
communities. While the Communist Government of Vietnam has remained
hazard skepticism toward religions, and there are even varied
restriction
Vietnamese people in one hand has a long tolerance perception toward
religious groups and there has been only few cases of anti-religion
violences, mostly if this involved in Government's issues. In
particular, Christians, Buddhists, Hòa Hảo, Cao Đài, Muslims, Pagans and
Hindus often cooperate on social and charitable projects.
On November 19, 2006, the Catholic Archdiocese of Hanoi and the ECVN held an historic ecumenical service at Cua Bac Church in Hanoi on the occasion of the visit of President Bush. New cooperative efforts between the two groups resulted from this effort.
The growth of Protestantism in the Central Highlands is
complicated by the presence of "Degar" separatists, who advocate an
autonomous or independent homeland for the indigenous persons who live
in the area, particularly in Gia Lai, Đắk Nông, and Đắk Lắk provinces.
These separatists are reported to have links to political advocacy
groups residing in the United States and Canada belonged to Degar
minority. The relationship between the Degar movement and Protestant
believers belonging to the SECV is tense in some parts of the Central
Highlands. Dega activists reportedly have threatened that SECV pastors
would not be allowed to serve in a "Degar State" unless they abandon the
SECV. Other Protestant pastors have accused the Degar movement of
manipulating religion for political purposes.
In a widely publicized case during the reporting period, vandals,
who turned out to be local Party officials and policemen, destroyed a Pietà
statue in Dong Dinh Parish, Nho Quan District, in Ninh Bình Province.
This was largely related to a local political dispute. Provincial
authorities responded quickly to the vandalism, and 10 local Party
officials were arrested, relieved of duty, and ordered to pay
restitution to the Catholic Phat Diệm Diocese.
The local Bishop refused the financial restitution, but the statue was
later restored in May 2007 with donations from local Catholics. Such
anti-Catholic incidents are relatively rare and uncommon in the country.
Vietnam is also the home of the largest Christian statue in Asian continent, the Christ of Vũng Tàu depicting Jesus in the city of Vũng Tàu.
It is seen as another symbol of religious tolerance in the country. The
largest Islamic mosque in the country, the Kahramanlar Rahmet Mosque,
funded by Turkey, was opened in 2017 is also perceived as a sign of
religious tolerance in the country.
