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Tuesday, May 28, 2024

Anarchism in the United Kingdom

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
British anarchists in Manchester in September 2008

Anarchism in the United Kingdom initially developed within the religious dissent movement that began after the Protestant Reformation. Anarchism was first seen among the radical republican elements of the English Civil War and following the Stuart Restoration grew within the fringes of radical Whiggery. The Whig politician Edmund Burke was the first to expound anarchist ideas, which developed as a tendency that influenced the political philosophy of William Godwin, who became the first modern proponent of anarchism with the release of his 1793 book Enquiry Concerning Political Justice.

The development of socialism from radicalism started in the 1860s with the establishment of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), and saw the foundation of a number of workers' societies demanding radical reform and civil liberties. By the 1870s, anarchism had been introduced to the country from Europe and America and the establishment of the Labour Emancipation League (LEL) in 1881 marked the beginning of the organized anarchist movement in the United Kingdom. The LEL was instrumental in the foundation of the Socialist League, which in 1888 came under the control of the anarchist Frank Kitz.

The Socialist League's newspaper Commonweal and Peter Kropotkin's newspaper Freedom saw anarchism through the turn of the 20th century. Anarcho-communism became a major tendency during the Revolutions of 1917–1923, when the Glasgow anarchist Guy Aldred established the Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation and later the United Socialist Movement. The rise of anarcho-syndicalism after the Spanish Civil War eventually resulted in the foundation of the Solidarity Federation in 1950, followed by resurgence of anarcho-communism during the 1980s, when the Class War and Anarchist Federation were founded.

History

The historian Peter Marshall traced the roots of British anarchism back to the Peasants' Revolt of 1381, during which yeomans rose up against the Bad Parliament's poll tax, fearing it to be an attempt by the nobility to force the yeomanry into serfdom. The peasants were further agitated by the preaching of the radical priest John Ball, who conceived of the Garden of Eden as a state of nature where class stratification did not yet exist, attacked the institutions of private property and social inequality, and called for everything to be brought under common ownership and the creation of a classless society. With Wat Tyler elected as their captain, 100,000 peasant rebels marched from Essex to London, where they were joined by the local population. Although Richard II had promised them that he would free the villeins, the rebels demolished the Savoy Palace, released all the local prisoners and executed Simon Sudbury, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Now that the rebels had captured the capital, they issued their demands, which included the introduction of wage labour, the cessation of feudal duties and the establishment of a free market. The King agreed to most of their demands in his meetings with the rebel leaders, during which Tyler called for the total abolition of serfdom and the expansion of liberty and social equality, while his more radical lieutenant Jack Straw allegedly declared that the noble and clerical classes would need to be exterminated. However, the rebel's demands would never be met as William Walworth, the Lord Mayor of London, assassinated Tyler and Straw. The King then revoked his promises and the revolt was definitively crushed. But John Ball's radical egalitarian philosophy lived on through the centuries, most notably being re-invoked in 1888 by William Morris, in his novel A Dream of John Ball.

The English Revolution

Throughout the Middle Ages, the institution of feudalism had constructed a rigidly hierarchical society, where the interests of the individual were subordinated to the divine right of kings. But following the Renaissance and Reformation, the individual first began to be considered as an autonomous entity with rights of their own. It was during the English Revolution that individual rights took their place alongside the old demands for liberty and social equality, leading to the development of recognizable anarchist tendencies. By the 16th century, the word "anarchy" was primarily associated with disorder and lawlessness, while the label of "anarchist" was pejoratively applied to anyone that upset the established order or refused to recognize the ruling power.

The Declaration and Standard of the Levellers of England.

In the lead up to the English Civil War, radical republican and democratic ideas were first starting to circulate, advocating the abolition of existing institutions such as the monarchy, church and feudalism. In December 1640, 15,000 Londoners presented Parliament with the "Root and Branch petition", advocating for the abolition of the episcopacy, a proposition which was denounced as "absolute Anarchism" by the royalist MP Edward Dering. When the Bill itself failed to pass, anti-clerical riots erupted in London, eventually forcing Charles I to flee the capital, along with royalist MPs and bishops, which allowed parliament the means to pass anti-clerical bills into law.

The tensions exacerbated by this situation eventually erupted into the First English Civil War, in which Parliamentarians and Covenanters were victorious over the royalist forces. Following the conflict, a radical group known as the Levellers released a series of manifestos regarding the creation of a new constitution, which became subject to debate among the parliamentary forces, as the Levellers advocated for a number of issues including progressive taxation, universal manhood suffrage and equality before the law. The radical democratic theses of the Levellers was rejected by Oliver Cromwell, who accused them of advocating the cantonalist practices of the Swiss Confederacy and declared that such policies would inevitably lead to "anarchy". But the Levellers denied the charge, as they still believed in a form of "good government".

Following the Parliamentarian victory in the Second English Civil War, the removal of dissenting voices from the House of Commons and the execution of Charles I, power lay entirely in the hands of the Grandees of the New Model Army. Unwilling to implement the radical policies advanced by the Levellers, the Grandees instead turned towards mysticism and the implementation of a Puritan religious order. But this new environment of Christian mysticism branched out into a variety of anti-authoritarian strains, with a number of English Dissenters separating entirely from the Church of England. These religious dissenters included the Quakers, Ranters, Anabaptists, Familists and Diggers. Notably, the Ranters and Diggers have been labelled as "anarchists" by historians, due to their radical egalitarian philosophies and communist practices. The Diggers believed in creating an egalitarian society of small agrarian communities and put this into practice by occupying a number of tracts of common land for the purposes of farming it, but these settlements were eventually suppressed by the authorities of the Commonwealth.

By 1653, Parliament had been forcibly dissolved by the New Model Army and the republican Commonwealth was replaced by a military dictatorship known as The Protectorate, with Oliver Cromwell acting as Lord Protector. After Cromwell's death, Parliament was reconvened and held a Convention, which instituted the restoration of the monarchy. Within decades the Stuart-ruled kingdoms of England and Scotland were united into the Kingdom of Great Britain and the British Empire was formally established. The eventual spread of the Age of Enlightenment to Britain and the outbreak of the Industrial Revolution brought about a number of changes to the country, which allowed for the early conception of a formalized anarchist philosophy.

The British Enlightenment

In 1688, the Glorious Revolution definitively established a constitutional monarchy with parliamentary supremacy in Britain. The Revolution was most notably defended by John Locke, whose justifications for democratic governance laid the foundations for classical liberalism. According to Locke, while the "state of nature" represented a state of total liberty and social equality, competition between individuals had caused instability, which made the establishment of a government to protect "life, liberty and property" a necessity. This led Locke to propose the formation of a social contract between the British people and their government, which would have the power make laws and protect the institution of private property. The Lockean proviso soon came to represent a progression from the traditionalist conservatism of the established landed gentry (later known as Tories) to the propertarianism of the emerging middle classes (later known as Whigs). By the turn of the 18th-century, Lockean liberalism started to give way to libertarianism, which centered the individual freedom of citizens within the new constitutional monarchy.

Jonathan Swift, although a conservative and misanthrope, became an early champion of Enlightenment ideals and an opponent of British rule in Ireland. In his 1726 novel Gulliver's Travels, Swift satirised the prevailing social mores of his day, railing against social inequality and the Protestant work ethic, among other subjects. In Book IV, Swift writes of the Houyhnhnms, an intelligent race of horses that believed society could govern itself sufficiently through reason and lived in a kind of primitive communism. Their only form of central government was a representative body, which met once every four years to coordinate resource distribution and existed only in an advisory capacity, having no authority to compel obedience. Swift's vision of a stateless society later inspired William Godwin's anarchist philosophy, although it would also later be criticized as "totalitarian" by George Orwell, who referred to Swift as a "Tory anarchist".

Edmund Burke, a Radical Whig politician that wrote A Vindication of Natural Society, an early literary expression of philosophical anarchism. Following the French Revolution, his political perspective shifted and he became a leading proponent of traditionalist conservatism.
 
Thomas Paine, whose revolutionary works Common Sense and Rights of Man laid the groundwork for the development of modern libertarian socialism.

In 1756, Edmund Burke espoused a defense of the "state of nature" in A Vindication of Natural Society, painting a picture of human society being governed by reason until the invention of the state and the episcopacy, in what the historian Peter Marshall described as "one of the most powerful arguments for anarchist society made in the eighteenth century." Burke denounced the state as the sole reason for all social conflict and war, arguing that the division of humanity into different nationalities had created bigotry and that the social stratification of society had concentrated wealth in the hands of those that didn't work for it. When looking at the dominant forms of government, Burke found democracy to be more preferable to despotism and aristocracy, but still considered it lacking, calling for a complete rejection of church and state, and the reclamation of "perfect liberty". Burke would later turn towards conservatism and disown his Vindication, claiming it to be a satire of the parliamentary opposition leader Henry St John, but the text still went on to inspire the anarchist philosophy of William Godwin and the libertarian socialism of George Holyoake.

With the outbreak of the American Revolution, one thinker that rose to prominence was the radical Thomas Paine, who issued calls for women's rights, the abolition of slavery and the prevention of cruelty to animals. In 1776, Paine's pamphlet Common Sense drew considerable attention, with its calls for independence of the Thirteen Colonies and a people's war against the British Empire, in the hope that America could inspire future revolutions abroad. Inspired by the spontaneous order that had emerged following the colonial government's dissolution, Paine clearly elaborated a distinction between society and the state, declaring that "society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worse state an intolerable one." Nevertheless, Paine still believed in the establishment of a limited government through a social contract, with a written constitution guaranteeing the rights to "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness". The end of the American Revolutionary War was followed soon after by the beginning of the French Revolution, with Paine transplanting his revolutionary politics to Europe.

The publication of Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France ignited a fierce pamphlet war in Britain, which became known as the "Revolution Controversy". In this work, Burke espoused a traditionalist conservative view of government, cautioning against radical changes to its functioning, which he believed would transfer power from the clergy and nobility to the "swinish multitude." The Radicals, many of whom had themselves been inspired by Burke's earlier writings, quickly took to the debate. One of the first responses came from the feminist Mary Wollstonecraft, whose Vindication of the Rights of Men and subsequent Vindication of the Rights of Woman attacked class stratification, economic inequality and gender inequality, calling for a reformed government to protect natural rights. Thomas Paine himself followed up on Wollstonecraft's treatises with his own Rights of Man, which according to Peter Marshall displayed a "libertarian sensibility [that] took him to the borders of anarchism."

Paine took the side of the "swinish multitude" and criticised Burke for subordinating individual rights to the "authority of the dead", adapting Lockean liberalism in the direction of libertarianism and direct democracy. To protect people's natural rights, he again recommended the establishment of a limited government, which would itself have no authority and would be entirely subjected to the people's authority, in order to ensure "the good of all". In Part II of his pamphlet, Paine approached anarchism with his declaration that societal order would prevail even if all government were abolished, claiming that civil society "performs for itself almost everything which is ascribed to government." He asserted that all order stemmed from human nature, itself fundamentally good but corrupted by established governments, and that individuals were chiefly regulated by their own common interest, rather than by legal codes. Drawing from British history, Paine concluded by calling for the establishment of a self-governing society, declaring that "the instant formal government is abolished, society begins to act. A general association takes place, and common interest produces common security." He therefore considered the ideal form of government to be a limited one, solely in place to secure the natural rights of individual people, looking to the nascent federal government of the United States as an example. Despite his libertarian inclinations, it was his advocacy of constitutionalism, republicanism and propertarianism that would ultimately separate Paine from modern anarchism.

William Godwin, the first modern exponent of philosophical anarchism in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793).

It was during the Revolution Controversy that William Godwin published his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, which became the first clear expression of philosophical anarchism, with his declaration that all government ought to be abolished. Although the book was rather expensive on release, with the prime minister William Pitt even deciding against banning the book due to its high price, many British workers threw their money together to purchase a copy by subscription, pirated copies were distributed throughout Ireland and Scotland, and Godwin ended up reducing the price. When Pitt's government began to carry out the political persecutions against the British radical movement, Godwin was among those that came to the defense of the Radicals on trial, eventually securing their release. Although alienated by the defeat of the French Revolution, Godwin's influence extended on to the next generation of Radicals. His son-in-law Percy Bysshe Shelley became a widely-renowned poet, putting much of Godwin's anarchist philosophy into verse, while his disciple Robert Owen went on to become the founding father of British socialism. Following his death, Political Justice continued to inspire the Chartists and Owenites, who published new editions of the book, as well as the Ricardian socialism of Thomas Hodgskin and William Thompson, which in turn influenced the Marxist theory of the "withering away of the state".

But by the turn of the 19th century, British radicals still had not adopted the term "anarchist" as their own. Even Godwin associated the word "anarchy" with disorder, although he still considered it preferable to despotism, due to its resemblance to "true liberty". Nevertheless, followers of Godwin's political philosophy found themselves being labelled as "anarchists", most notably by the Tory statesman George Canning, who denounced William Godwin, Thomas Paine and the reformer John Thelwall as anarchists in the Anti-Jacobin Review.

19th century to World War II

The labour movement first began to take form in Britain during the early 19th century. Spearheaded by the utopian socialist Robert Owen, himself a disciple of William Godwin, the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union contributed to the early development of syndicalism in the country, while the noncomformist priest William Benbow popularized the idea of the general strike as a means for social revolution. However, the rise of the Chartists instilled the British labour movement with a largely reformist character, concerning itself mostly with parliamentary politics.

It was the arrival of migrant workers and asylum seekers in London that introduced classical anarchism to Britain, in the wake of the Revolutions of 1848. Over the decades, isolated individuals slowly began to cluster together in political clubs, such as the Rose Street Club in Soho. This process was accelerated when Johann Most moved to London and began printing his newspaper Freiheit, which before long was shut down and forced to move its operations to the United States, after friends of Most signalled their approval of the Phoenix Park Murders.

By 1881, the movement of British revolutionary socialists towards anarchism culminated with the establishment of the Labour Emancipation League (LEL). The LEL quickly gained support for its libertarian socialist platform from the workers of London's East End, declaring themselves against all forms of government, before they merged into the Social Democratic Federation (SDF). But the authoritarianism of the SDF's leader Henry Hyndman caused a split within the organization, resulting in the formation of the Socialist League (SL) by a number of libertarian socialists around William Morris. Though himself a staunch anti-parliamentarian, Morris would end up leaving the SL following the rise of its anarchist faction in 1887, leading to a marked radicalization of the League's publications under H. B. Samuels.

Poster advertising a meeting in support of the Walsall Anarchists

Other anarchist tendencies also began to emerge around this time, including: individualist anarchism, which was developed by Henry Seymour in his publication The Anarchist; anarcho-communism, which was propagated by Peter Kropotkin through his newspaper Freedom; and Jewish anarchism, which congregated around the Yiddish language journal Arbeter Fraynd. Anarchist tendencies also worked their way into the popular literature of the time, with William Morris' News from Nowhere depicting a utopian society and Oscar Wilde's The Soul of Man Under Socialism espousing the importance of individualism, while libertarian ideas were likewise defended by authors such as George Bernard Shaw, Edward Carpenter and Henry Stephens Salt.

But anarchism was unable to win over the more reform-minded labour movement, with anarcho-syndicalism only developing at the turn of the 20th century. In the 1910s, Tom Mann's Industrial Syndicalist Education League attempted to encourage the establishment of industrial unions in Britain, advocating for direct class conflict with the goal of workers' control. But the influence of anarcho-syndicalism waned in the wake of World War I, which caused a split within the anarchist movement. Although anarcho-communists like Guy Aldred attempted to keep the movement alive, by the mid-1920s, the British anarchist movement had almost dissolved, with only a few anarchist groups remaining in urban centers. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War brought with it a revival of the British anarchist movement, which cultivated a new generation of anarchists by the subsequent outbreak of World War II

Post-war era

When Vernon Richards and three other editors were arrested at the beginning of 1945 for attempting "to undermine the affections of members of His Majesty's Forces.", Benjamin Britten, E. M. Forster, Augustus John, George Orwell, Herbert Read (chairman), Osbert Sitwell and George Woodcock set up the Freedom Defence Committee to "uphold the essential liberty of individuals and organizations, and to defend those who are persecuted for exercising their rights to freedom of speech, writing and action." The Syndicalist Workers' Federation was a syndicalist group active in post-war Britain, and one of the Solidarity Federation's earliest predecessors. It was formed in 1950 by members of the dissolved Anarchist Federation of Britain (AFB). Unlike the AFB, which was influenced by anarcho-syndicalist ideas but ultimately not syndicalist itself, the SWF decided to pursue a more definitely syndicalist, worker-centred strategy from the outset. The group joined the International Workers' Association and during the Franco era gave particular support to the Spanish resistance and the underground CNT anarcho-syndicalist union, previously involved in the 1936 Spanish Revolution and subsequent Civil War against a right-wing military coup backed by both Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. The SWF initially had some success, but when Tom Brown, a long-term and very active member was forced out of activity, it declined until by 1979 it had only one lone branch in Manchester. The SWF then dissolved itself into the group founded as the Direct Action Movement. Its archives are held by the International Institute of Social History, and a selection of the SWFs publications have been digitally published at libcom.org.

Colin Ward was an editor of the British anarchist newspaper Freedom from 1947 to 1960, and founder/editor of the monthly anarchist journal Anarchy from 1961 until it ceased publication in 1970. There were 118 issues. It is not to be confused with the subsequent, shorter-lived magazine of the same name, sometimes referred to as Anarchy (Second Series), which was edited/published by a quite separate group.

Anarchists in London

Over the years the Freedom editorial group included Jack Robinson, Pete Turner, Colin Ward, Nicolas Walter, Alan Albon, John Rety, Nino Staffa, Dave Mansell, Gillian Fleming, Mary Canipa, Philip Sansom, Arthur Moyse and numerous others. Clifford Harper maintained a loose association for 30 years.

The leading anarcho-pacifist writer and gerontologist Alex Comfort characterised himself as an "aggressive anti-militarist". He held that pacifism rested "solely upon the historical theory of anarchism". An active member of the Peace Pledge Union (PPU) and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, he had been a conscientious objector in World War II. In 1951 Comfort was a signatory of the Authors’ World Peace Appeal. He later resigned from its committee, asserting that Soviet sympathisers now dominated the AWPA. He later in the decade actively supported the Direct Action Committee against Nuclear War. A prominent member of the Committee of 100, he was imprisoned for a month, together with Bertrand Russell and others. They had refused to be bound over, not to take part in a Trafalgar Square mass protest in September 1961. Comfort is Peace and Disobedience (1946), one of many pamphlets he wrote for Peace News and PPU, and Authority and Delinquency in the Modern State (1950). He exchanged public correspondence with George Orwell defending pacifism in the open letter/poem, "Letter to an American Visitor", under the pseudonym "Obadiah Hornbrooke". Comfort's 1972 book The Joy of Sex earned him worldwide fame and $3 million. He regretted that he as a consequence became known as "Dr. Sex" and that his numerous other works received so little attention.

Anarchists in London

On the last day of July 1964 an 18-year-old Stuart Christie departed London for Paris, where he picked up plastic explosives from the anarchist organisation Defensa Interior, and then Madrid on a mission to kill General Francisco Franco. This was to be one of at least 30 attempts on the dictator's life. After his release he continued his activism in the anarchist movement in the United Kingdom, re-formed the Anarchist Black Cross and Black Flag with Albert Meltzer, was acquitted of involvement with the Angry Brigade, and started the publishing house Cienfuegos Press (later Refract Publications), which for a number of years he operated from the remote island of Sanday, Orkney, where he also edited and published a local Orcadian newspaper, The Free-Winged Eagle. Christie wrote with Meltzer, The Floodgates of Anarchy and later We, the Anarchists! A study of the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) 1927-1937 (2000).

Around the turn of the century, Movement Against the Monarchy demonstrated against Britain's monarchy in 1998 and 2000. The anarchists planned a campaign for mid 2002. Demonstrators arrested during the 2002 Golden Jubilee of Elizabeth II were later compensated for unlawful arrest.

Anarchists were involved in late-20th-century war opposition, with campaigns like No War but the Class War during the early 1990s First Gulf War.

Voluntary childlessness

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Voluntary childlessness or childfreeness describes the active choice not to have children. The word childfree first appeared sometime before 1901 and entered common usage among feminists during the 1970s. The suffix -free refers to the freedom and personal choice of those to pick this lifestyle. The meaning of the term childfree extends to encompass the children of others (in addition to one's own children), and this distinguishes it further from the more usual term childless, which is traditionally used to express the idea of having no children, whether by choice or by circumstance. In the research literature, the term child-free or childfree has also been used to refer to parents currently not living with their children, for example because they have already grown up and moved out. In common usage, childfree might be used in the context of venues or activities wherein (young) children are excluded even if the people involved may be parents, such as a childfree flight or a childfree restaurant.

In most societies and for most of human history, choosing not to have children was both difficult and socially undesirable, except for celibate individuals. The availability of reliable birth control (which has severed the link between sexuality and reproduction), more opportunities for financial security (especially for women), better healthcare (which has extended human life expectancy), and elderly care financed by the government or by one's own savings rather than one's family has made childlessness a viable option, even if this choice might still be frowned upon by society at large. Nevertheless, in some modern societies, being childfree has become not just more tolerated but also more common.

Reasons cited for being voluntarily childless

Supporters of this lifestyle cite various reasons for their view. These reasons can be personal, social, philosophical, moral, economic, or a complex, nuanced combination of such reasons.

Early twentieth-century postcard of a woman fighting a stork bringing her a child. As women's opportunities increase, they become less interested in having children.

Many suffered abuse by the hands of their own parents and as such have little interest in parenthood, or the duplication of their family's genes. They also fear the continuation of the cycle of abuse or other defects in their styles of parenting. Indeed, fear is in general a major motivation for voluntary childlessness, and some are also concerned with disabilities, rendering childcare even more challenging; or that the children might grow up to be immoral people. However, childfree individuals are unlikely to have the fear of missing out on the alleged benefits of parenthood because there are parents who regret having children, leaving the childfree to deem the decision to "just try" to have children irresponsible. And parents can become less empathetic towards non-family members. Some people simply do not feel the "biological clock" ticking and have no parental drives. On the other hand, some meet the right partners at too advanced an age to safely bear children. Among some women, there is a fear or revulsion towards the physical condition of pregnancy (tokophobia), and the childbirth experience. Some are worried that an existing (and strained) romantic relationship or marriage might be damaged (beyond repair) with the arrival of children, and this could be the case if one partner does not want children. Among women, the mental health of those of reproductive years declines among mothers relative to those with no children, whose psychological well-being remains more or less stable during this period. In general, couples experience a drop in the level of happiness after having a baby, though the level depends on a variety of factors, including sex, age, and nationality. But in the long run, there is a gap in happiness between parents and the childfree in favor of the latter, even in places with generous programs to support (working) parents.

For some, it is sufficient to spend time with their nephews, nieces or stepchildren, or to provide childcare and babysitting services as part of an extended family or godparent, and to nourish (existing) friendships, which might falter if they were to become parents. Some are also taking care of elderly parents. Some childfree individuals consider themselves to be already working for the benefit of the next generation or of humanity as a whole by making charitable donations, or working as schoolteachers or pediatricians. In addition, one's partner might already have children from a previous relationship and is unable or unwilling to have more. On the other hand, some people simply dislike children's behavior, language, and/or biological processes.

Medical concerns constitute an entire class of reasons why some people do not want to have children. Some people carry genetic disorders, are mentally ill, or are otherwise too sick for parenthood, and children are vectors of numerous infectious diseases. But even among healthy couples, new parents are often sleep deprived. Pregnancy and childbirth might come with complications for the woman's body and lasting effects on her health, including, but not limited to, weight gain, hemorrhoids, urinary incontinence, accelerated cellular aging, and even death. Substantial neurological changes during and following pregnancy could lead to sentiments of insecurity and inadequacy, postpartum depression, something men might also face. This information is traditionally not provided to parents in advance to avoid frightening them.

Woman jogging with a dog at Carcavelos beach, Portugal. Some people prefer pets to children. Many single childfree women are quite happy.

In an agrarian society, children are a source of labor and thus income for the family. But as society shifts towards industries other than agriculture and as more people relocate to the cities, children become a net sink of parental resources. For this reason, people tend to have fewer children, or none at all. This change is known as the first demographic transition. The second demographic transition occurs when the cultural attitude towards children changes. In particular, this is when society shifts from traditional and communal values towards individualism, whereupon support for traditional gender roles declines and fewer people believe that they need to have children in order to be complete, successful, or happy. Whereas in the past, a woman typically had to get married and bear children in order to ensure her own survival, in a modern society, people—including women—have more choices, and they are increasing aware that reproduction is an option, and not an obligation. Consequently, people who choose to have children tend to have fewer of them, and an increasing number prefer to be childfree. Moreover, contemporary young people, especially women, tend to be more ambitious and career-minded than their counterparts in the past, and for them, children count as a distraction, an unwanted expenditure, or an undesirable commitment. Childfree people could take advantage of other opportunities in life, such as pursuing a career, retiring early, making charitable donations, having more leisure, and being more active in the community. Some find themselves exhausted with work and are therefore in no position to be parents. Furthermore, the cost of raising a child tends to be quite high as a society industrializes and urbanizes. Simply reviewing the full financial expense of having a child can shift a person's opinion on whether or not he or she should have one. But the cost of raising a child is, for most, not as important as the desire for personal growth and fulfillment. As parenthood loses its appeal, pets gain in popularity, at least among those who wish to have something or someone to care for. In South Korea, young couples of the 2010s are more likely to have pets, which are cheaper than children. In the English language, the phrase "fur baby" was first introduced in the 1990s and steadily became more commonplace afterwards as Millennials came of age. In the West, members of the countercultural or feminist movements in the 1960s and 1970s typically had no children. They disapproved of the how women were treated differently from men. Some feminists recall how their own mothers were treated when they were young. Among radical feminists, the traditional family is viewed "a decadent, energy-absorbing, destructive, wasteful institution." Similarly, in China, a socially conservative and patriarchal country, women have become much less interested in marriage and children, viewing these as burdens.

Reduction of one's carbon footprint for various actions

The next group of reasons why people prefer to not have children is economic in nature. Childfree people reject the claim that their national economies are at risk just because they have no children. For many, existing burdens of taxes and debts are already great, and yet they are facing stagnant or falling wages and a high cost of living. But even among those who are not facing dire financial circumstances, not having a child means more savings and possibly early retirement. They realize that having children is not a guaranteed safety net for parent-child relations might be strained. For women, the lack of adequate support for working mothers is a major concern.

Some people face general existential angst due to the state of the world (pestilence, war, famine, economic recession, the breakdown of civilization, among other issues) or the politics of their countries, and therefore question whether having children really is such a positive contribution. The human population has grown significantly since the start of the Industrial Revolution, leading many to believe that overpopulation has become a serious problem and some to question the fairness of what in their view amounts to subsidies for having children—such as tax credits for parents (such as the Earned Income Tax Credit in the United States), paid parental leave, and public education—as well as social welfare programs that require more people to be born to ensure said programs can be funded by taxes. To this end, concerns over the impact of human activities on the environment—overpopulation, climate change, pollution, resource scarcity, and the ongoing Holocene Extinction—are a major reason behind voluntary childlessness.

Having fewer children or no children at all drastically reduces one's carbon emissions compared to, for instance, owning a car with improved fuel efficiency, replacing incandescent light bulbs with more energy-efficient models (such as LEDs), or avoiding air travel. Among a subset of environmentalists, there is opposition to anthropocentrism, and support for deep ecology, or putting non-human lives first. Some even call for the gradual and voluntary extinction of Homo sapiens, viewing it as not entirely a tragedy but rather an act of empathy and nobility. In their opinion, human existence inflicts harm not just upon humans themselves but also other species via predatory practices.

Antinatalists such as philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer argued that having children is inherently wrong because life is full of suffering.

But these (misanthropic) perspectives are not unique to environmentalists. A school of philosophy known as antinatalism asserts that it is inherently immoral to bring people into the world. Antinatalists argue in favor of the asymmetry of pleasure and pain, viewing the absence of pleasure is neutral whereas the absence of pain is positive. For them, refraining from reproduction can be thought of as a form of compassion for the unborn. Moreover, since parents can never secure the consent of their unborn child, the decision to procreate would be an imposition of life, a source of suffering, and a form of narcissism. However, some childfree people explicitly reject antinatalism; they may even like the children of others, but just do not want any themselves.

Modern societies often have high expectations of parents, which some people consider distasteful. In English, the (pejorative) term "soccer mom" is used to described women obsessed with being mothers. In general, as a society becomes better developed, it is generally true that parental investment per child goes up, causing fertility rates to go down. In countries where having children out of wedlock is either highly unusual or socially ostracized, such as China, having trouble getting married is a reason why most choose to not have children.

Proponents of childfreeness posit that choosing not to have children is no more or less selfish than choosing to have children. Choosing to have children may be the more selfish choice, especially when poor parenting risks creating many long-term problems for both the children themselves and society at large. As philosopher David Benatar explains, at the heart of the decision to bring a child into the world often lies the parents' own desires (to enjoy child-rearing or perpetuate one's legacy or genes), rather than the potential person's interests. At the very least, Benatar believes this illustrates why a childfree person may be just as altruistic as any parent. They will also have more time to focus on themselves, which will allow for greater creativity and the exploration of personal ambitions. In this way, they may benefit themselves and society more than if they had a child, and describe the joys and freedoms of childfree living, freedoms such as travel previously associated with males in Western culture.

But simply not wanting children is the most important reason for many. Compared to the 1970s, social attitudes towards voluntary childlessness have been slowly changing from condemnation and hostility to greater acceptance by the 2010s.

Challenges to remaining childfree

Childfree people face not only social discrimination but political discrimination as well. Most societies place a high value on parenthood in adult life, so that people who remain childfree are sometimes stereotyped selfish or self-absorbed unwilling to take on responsibility. Some are deemed too career-focused, although this is not necessarily true. In line with policies of family-friendliness, governments and employers typically offer support for parents, even though people without children might have to care for invalid, disabled, or elderly dependents, commitments that entail significant financial and emotional costs. The "life" aspect of the work-life balance is often taken to mean parenting. Non-parents, including the childfree, are thus assumed to be career-focused and willing to work extra time, which is not necessarily the case. What they do with their free time is not considered as important. Some parents argue that they deserve special treatment for raising future workers and taxpayers. During the summer, requests for vacation leave from parents are typically approved quickly while the childfree are generally expected to stay behind to cover the workload. To alleviate friction and to maintain goodwill, some employers have offered everyone paid leave at the same time. More broadly, some human-resources departments and managers have introduced paid time off (PTO) to replace of the traditional paid family leave, paid sick leave, or paid vacation leave.

It is traditionally held that womanhood must include motherhood and care giving. Even today, these responsibilities fall largely on women. Historically, it has been a social taboo to discuss the negative aspects of pregnancy and childbirth, or to express regret having children, making it more challenging for the childfree to defend their decision. A number of religions—notably Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—place a high value on children and their central place in marriage. There are, however, some debates within religious groups about whether a childfree lifestyle is acceptable. Another view, for example, is that the biblical verse "Be fruitful and multiply" in Genesis 1:28, is really not a command but an expression of blessing. Alternatively, some Christians believe that Genesis 1:28 is a moral command but nonetheless believe that voluntary childlessness is ethical if a higher ethical principle intervenes to make child bearing imprudent in comparison. Health concerns, a calling to serve orphans, serving as missionaries in a dangerous location, etc., are all examples that would make childbearing imprudent for a Christian. A small activist group, the Cyber-Church of Jesus Christ Childfree, defends this view, saying "Jesus loved children but chose to never have any, so that he could devote his life to telling the Good News."

Some have argued that the conscientiousness of childfree environmentalists is self-eliminating since they only aid in the deterioration of concern for the environment and future generations, though this argument assumes that attitudes are heritable.

People who express the fact that they have voluntarily chosen to remain childfree are frequently subjected to several forms of discrimination. The decision not to have children has been derided as "unnatural" or attributed to insanity, and frequently childfree people are subjected to unsolicited questioning by friends, family, colleagues, acquaintances and even strangers who attempt to force them to justify and change their decision, for example during holiday family gatherings. Some women have argued that revealing their decision to not have children was akin to coming out as gay in the mid-20th century whereas others who chosen to avoid such conversations to avoid social pressure to change their decision. They might be told to first have a child before deciding whether or not they do not want one, to "hurry up" and lower their standards for suitable men, that they would make good mothers, that they have not yet met the "right" man, or are assumed to be infertile rather than having made a conscious decision not to make use of their fertility. Many parents pressure their children into producing grandchildren and threaten to or actually disown them if they do not. Some childfree people are accused of hating all children instead of just not wanting any themselves even though these people might still be willing to help others rear their children.

While the idea of a childfree flight has become popular in the 2020s, with individuals even willing to pay extra, it is unlikely to be instituted by a major airline for reasons of public relations, regulations, and profit. On the other hand, this is not an issue for certain other venues, such as restaurants.

Organizations and political activism

Childfree individuals do not necessarily share a unified political or economic philosophy, and most prominent childfree organizations tend to be social in nature. Childfree social groups first emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, most notable among them the National Alliance for Optional Parenthood and No Kidding! in North America where numerous books have been written about childfree people and where a range of social positions related to childfree interests have developed along with political and social activism in support of these interests. The term "childfree" was used in a July 3, 1972 Time article on the creation of the National Organization for Non-Parents. It was revived in the 1990s when Leslie Lafayette formed a later childfree group, the Childfree Network.

The Voluntary Human Extinction Movement (VHEMT, pronounced 'vehement') is an environmental movement that calls for all people to abstain from reproduction to cause the gradual voluntary extinction of humankind. Despite its name, the movement also includes those who do not necessarily desire human extinction but do want to curb or reverse human population growth in the name of environmentalism. VHEMT was founded in 1991 by Les U. Knight, an American activist who became involved in the American environmental movement in the 1970s and thereafter concluded that human extinction was the best solution to the problems facing the Earth's biosphere and humanity. VHEMT supports human extinction primarily because, in the movement's view, it would prevent environmental degradation. The movement states that a decrease in the human population would prevent a significant amount of human-caused suffering. The extinctions of non-human species and the scarcity of resources required by humans are frequently cited by the movement as evidence of the harm caused by human overpopulation.

In some countries like Russia, the movement Childfree Russia has been equated with extremism. And individuals like its founder Edward Lisovskii, is persecuted by the government. 

Statistics and research

World

The childfree lifestyle had become a trend by 2014, and the Internet has enabled people who pursue this lifestyle to connect, thereby making it more visible. Worldwide, higher educated women are statistically more often choosing to remain childless. Research into both voluntary and involuntary childlessness and parenthood has long focused on women's experiences, and men's perspectives are often overlooked.

Asia

China

In China, the conflict between women's work and family is a contributing factor to the nation's low fertility rate. In the 1990s, the Chinese government reformed higher education in order to increase access, whereupon significantly more young people, a slight majority of whom being women, have received a university degree. Consequently, many young women are now more likely to be gainfully employed and financially secure. Traditional views on gender roles dictate that women be responsible for housework and childcare, regardless of their employment status. Workplace discrimination against women (with families) is commonplace; for example, an employer might be more skeptical towards a married woman with one child, fearing she might have another (as the one-child policy was rescinded in 2016) and take more maternity leave. Consequently, there no strong incentive for young women to marry and have children. Moreover, the cost of living, especially the cost of housing in the big cities, is a serious obstacle to marriage. In addition, Chinese Millennials are less keen on tying the knots than their predecessors as a result of cultural change; many are now skeptical of the institution of marriage. Because this is a country where having children out of wedlock is quite rare, this means that many young people are foregoing children.

The "lying flat" movement, popular among Chinese youths, also extends to the domain of marriage and child-rearing. Over half of Chinese youths aged 18 to 26 said they were uninterested in having children because of the high cost of child-rearing, according to a 2021 poll by the Communist Youth League. While the Chinese economy has improved steadily, an explosive bloom of the real-estate market post-2008 has triggered an increase in house prices disproportionate to income. This is the commonly cited reason for childlessness and "lying flat" among the Chinese youth. A normal apartment unit in Beijing (with an average area of 112 square meters), for instance, costs on average ¥7.31 million ($1.15 million), and one would need to work non-stop for at least 88.2 years at Beijing's average monthly income of ¥6906 ($1083.7) without any expenditures.

As of 2021, the national fertility rate is about 1.5 or even lower. In the more developed regions of the country, the fertility rate has been even lower for over a decade, only slightly higher than giving birth to one child per couple, which is comparable to the world's lowest fertility rate. This has been proven to be closely related to the aging population. China's population is rapidly aging, so much so that this demographic transition far exceeds the capacity of elderly care facilities. It is expected that by the mid-21st century, more than one-third of the population will be over 60 years of age. Of whom, more than 100 million will be over the age of 80. This means that there will be fewer than two working adults per senior citizen.

Taiwan

In Taiwan, it has become much more affordable for young couples to own pets instead of having children. In addition, those who want children face obstacles such as short maternity leaves and low wages. By 2020, Taiwan has become home to more pets than children.

South Korea

South Korea's low birth rate in recent years (2020s) is mostly due to people avoiding getting married and having children. That young people increasingly choose to remain single is influenced by a combination of not just economic factors but also cultural change. Among economic factors are the high cost of housing, the difficulty of find a job, and job insecurity. As for cultural change, South Korean youths no longer deem marriage to be necessary, while contemporary young South Korean women are increasingly unwilling to sacrifice their own needs and aspirations in order to help their husbands to succeed in the labor market. In addition, the heavy demands of Confucian family values have also led to a tense relationship between the rigid obligations of marital life and the socioeconomic reality of young people. Transitioning to a dual-income family means that young women will find it challenging to strike a balance between their responsibilities at work and at home. Married Korean women prefer to continue working and despite the new policies, there are still obstacles in achieving work-life balance. For this reason, working Korean women who choose to be mothers typically prefer to have very few children.

Vietnam

As Vietnam continues to industrialize and urbanize, many couples have chosen to have fewer children, or none at all, especially in better developed and more densely populated places, such as Ho Chi Minh City, where the fertility rate fell to 1.45 in 2015, well below replacement. Rising cost of living and tiredness from work are among the reasons why. By 2023, polls show that significant numbers of married Vietnamese are choosing to not have children in order to focus on their lives and careers, or because they are wary of the demands of parenthood.

Europe

In Europe, childlessness among women aged 40–44 is most common in Austria, Spain and the United Kingdom (in 2010–2011). Among surveyed countries, childlessness was least common across Eastern European countries.

Belgium

By March 2020, some 11% of Belgian women and 16% of Belgian men between the ages of 25 and 35 did not want children.

Netherlands




Children infringe on freedom
54%
Raising children takes too much time and energy
35%
Partner did not want children
28%
Hard to combine work and children
26%
No compelling need/unfit
23%
Health does not allow for children
18%
Children cost too much
7%
Hard to get child care
5%
Reasons why Dutch women chose not to have children, 2004

By 2004, 6 in 10 childless women are voluntarily childless. It showed a correlation between higher levels of education of women and the choice to be childfree, and the fact that women had been receiving better education in the preceding decades was a factor why an increasing number of women chose to be childfree. The two most important reasons for choosing not to have children were that it would infringe on their freedom and that raising children takes too much time and energy; many women who gave the second reason also gave the first. A 2016 report confirmed those numbers: 20% of Dutch women were childless, of whom 60% voluntarily, so that 12% of all Dutch women could be considered childfree.

By March 2017, reports showed that 22% of higher educated 45-year-old men were childless and 33% of lower educated 45-year-old men were childless. Childlessness amongst the latter was increasing, even though most of them were involuntarily childless. The number of voluntarily childless people amongst higher educated men had been increasing since the 1960s, whilst voluntary childlessness amongst lower educated men (who tended to have been raised more traditionally) did not become a rising trend until the 2010s.

By March 2020, 10% of 30-year-old Dutch women questioned had not had children out of her own choice, and did not expect to have any children anymore either; furthermore, 8.5% of 45-year-old women questioned and 5.5% of 60-year-old women questioned stated that they had consciously remained childless.

Raising a child cost an average of €120,000 from birth to age 18, or about 17% of one's disposable income as of 2019.

Russia

By October 2020, some 7% of population between the ages of 18 and 45 did not want children, and this figure reached 20% within Moscow population. Most often, educated, wealthy and ambitious people refuse to have children. They are unwilling to sacrifice their comfort and career for the sake of their children. 

Sweden

According to a 2019 study amongst 191 Swedish men aged 20 to 50, 39 were not fathers and did not want to have children in the future either (20.4%). Desire to have (more) children was not related to level of education, country of birth, sexual orientation or relationship status.

Some Swedish men 'passively' choose not to have children as they feel their life is already good as it is, adding children is not necessary, and they do not have to counter the same amount of social pressure to have children as childfree women do.

United Kingdom

A poll released in January 2020 revealed that among Britons who were not already parents, 37% told pollsters they did not want any children ever. 19% said they did not want children but might change their minds in the future and 26% were interested in having children. Those who did not want to be parents included 13% of people aged 18 to 24, 20% of those aged 25 to 34, and 51% aged 35 to 44. Besides age (23%), the most popular reasons for not having children were the potential impact on lifestyles (10%), high costs of living and raising children (10%), human overpopulation (9%), dislike of children (8%), and lack of parental instincts (6%).

North America

Canada

In 2010, around half of Canadian women without children in their 40s had decided to not have any from an early age. Among Canadian women aged 50 and over, about 17.2% had no biological children, as of 2022. A 2023 report states that over a third of Canadians aged 18 to 49 do not want to have children. Many are also delaying having children or want to have fewer children than their predecessors.

Pursuit of higher education, unaffordable housing, economic precariousness, and the rising cost of living are among the reasons why. These trends have accelerated in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. Like the case in other countries, there is a generational gap in attitudes towards reproduction. Baby Boomers are more likely to consider raising (grand) children to be a source of fulfillment or the glue that holds a marriage together. But not that many young Canadians share this view. Moreover, while Canadians today are more tolerant towards the idea of not having children, many seniors still struggle with this decision coming from their own family members.

In Canada, childfree venues are growing in popularity, including among parents who, despite loving their children, would like to spend some time away from them on occasions.

United States

Being a childfree American adult was considered unusual in the 1950s. However, the proportion of childfree adults in the population has increased significantly since then. A 2006 study found that American women aged 35 to 44 who were voluntarily childless constituted 5% of all U.S. women in 1982, 8% in 1988, 9% in 1995 and 7% in 2002. These women had the highest income, prior work experience and the lowest religiosity compared to other women. Research revealed that childfree people tended to be better educated, to be professionals, to live in urban areas, to be less religious, and to have less conventional life choices.

From 2007 to 2011 the fertility rate in the U.S. declined 9%, and in 2010 that the birth rate was the lowest in U.S. history and that childlessness rose across all racial and ethnic groups to about 1 in 5 versus 1 in 10 in the 1970s; although some of this may be involuntary. However, despite persisting discrimination against especially women who chose to remain childless, acceptance of being childfree was gradually increasing.

A growing share of American adults does not want to have children.

Overall, the importance of having children has declined across all age groups in the United States, especially the young. A cross-generational study comparing Millennials (graduating class of 2012) to Generation X (graduating class of 1992) revealed that among both genders the proportion of undergraduates who reported they eventually planned to have children had dropped in half over the course of a generation. In 1992, 78% of women planned to eventually have children. But by 2021, that number fell to 42%. The results were similar for male students. However, voluntary childlessness in the United States was more common among higher educated women, but not higher educated men. A 2021 survey found that the number of non-parents aged 18 to 49 who said they were not too likely or not at all likely to have children was 44%, up seven points compared to 2018. Among these people, 56% said they simply did not want to have children. A 2023 poll found that about 23% of people adults below the age of 30 thought that having children was important, 9 percentage points below those aged 65 and above.

Student debts, a serious problem among Millennials and Generation Z in the United States, discourage many from having children.

Women who never married or have children are among the happiest subgroup in the United States.[52] And by 2019 single people, women without children made more money than men without children or men and women with children.

In the U.S., although being voluntarily childless or childfree is not without its disadvantages, such as higher taxes, less affordable housing options, and concern of old age, parenthood continues to lose its appeal. After the Supreme Court decision Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022), which returned the right to regulate aspects of abortion not covered by federal law to the individual states, the number of young and childfree adults seeking sterilization went up. Previously, it was usually middle-aged fathers who obtained vasectomies.

Oceania

New Zealand

It is estimated that that the share of childfree women grew from under 10% in 1996 to around 15% in 2013. Professional women were the most likely to be without children, at 16%, compared with 12% for manual workers. At least 5% of women were childfree by choice.

In popular culture

The novel Olive (2020) by Emma Gannon includes several voluntarily childless characters.

One character from the television series True Detective (2014–19) upholds the anti-natalist philosophy.

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