Posterior cingulate cortex

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Posterior cingulate cortex
Medial surface of left cerebral hemisphere.
Medial surface. (Areas 23 and 31 at center right. The image is reversed from image above.)
Details
Part of	Cingulate gyrus
Identifiers
Latin	Cortex cingularis posterior
NeuroNames	162
NeuroLex ID	birnlex_950
FMA	61924

Sagittal MRI slice with highlighting indicating location of the posterior cingulate.

 

The posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) is the caudal part of the cingulate cortex, located posterior to the anterior cingulate cortex. This is the upper part of the "limbic lobe". The cingulate cortex is made up of an area around the midline of the brain. Surrounding areas include the retrosplenial cortex and the precuneus.

Cytoarchitectonically the posterior cingulate cortex is associated with Brodmann areas 23 and 31.

The PCC forms a central node in the default mode network of the brain. It has been shown to communicate with various brain networks simultaneously and is involved in diverse functions. Along with the precuneus, the PCC has been implicated as a neural substrate for human awareness in numerous studies of both the anesthesized and vegetative (coma) states. Imaging studies indicate a prominent role for the PCC in pain and episodic memory retrieval. Increased size of the ventral PCC is related to a decline in working memory performance. The PCC has also been strongly implicated as a key part of several intrinsic control networks.

Anatomy

Location and boundaries

The posterior cingulate cortex lies behind the anterior cingulate cortex, forming a part of the posteromedial cortex, along with the retrosplenial cortex (Brodmann areas 29 and 30) and precuneus (located posterior and superior to the PCC). The PCC, together with the retrosplenial cortex, forms the retrosplenial gyrus. The posterior cingulate cortex is bordered by the following brain regions: the marginal ramus of the cingulate sulcus (superiorly), the corpus callosum (inferiorly), the parieto-occipital sulcus (posteriorly), and Brodmann area 24 (anteriorly).

Cytoarchitectural organization

The posterior cingulate cortex is considered a paralimbic cortical structure, consisting of Brodmann areas 23 and 31. As part of the paralimbic cortex, it has fewer than six layers, placing its cell architecture in between the six-layered neocortex and the more primitive allocortex of core limbic structures. It has also been associated with the hippocampocentric subdivision of the paralimbic zone. The cytoarchitecture of the PCC is not entirely uniform, instead it contains distinct anterior and dorsal subregions, which are increasingly understood as distinct in function, as well as cytoarchitectural structure.

Structural connections

Nonhuman structure

In non-human primates the following structural connections of the posterior cingulate cortex are well documented:

• Reciprocal connection with other regions of the posteromedial cortex.
• High connectivity to other paralimbic and limbic structures.
• Reciprocal connections to the medial temporal lobe.
• Dense connections to the hippocampal formation, the parahippocampal cortex, the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, and subgenual parts of the anterior cingulate cortex.
• Prominent connections to the areas of heteromodal association in the front, temporal and parietal lobes.
• Strong reciprocal connections to the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (roughly Brodmann area 46) and the frontal poles (Brodmann areas 10 and 11).
• Less prominent connections to Brodmann areas 9/46, 8 and 9.
• Connections to the dorsal parts of the anterior cingulate cortex.
• Dense connections to the thalamus in the form of a continuous strip that crosses numerous pulvinar nuclei and the striatum.

As is true in other areas of the posteromedial cortex, the posterior cingulate cortex has no apparent connections to primary sensory or motor areas. Thus, it is unlikely to be involved in low-level sensory or motor processing.

Human structure

While many of the connections in non-human primates may be present in humans, they are less well documented. Studies have shown strong reciprocal connections to medial temporal lobe memory structures, such as the entorhinal cortex and the parahippocampal gyrus, the latter being involved in associative learning and episodic memory. In humans, the PCC is also connected to areas involved in emotion and social behavior, attention (the lateral intraparietal cortex and precuneus), learning and motivation (the anterior and lateral thalamic nucleus, caudate nucleus, orbitofrontal cortex and anterior cingulate cortex).

Function

The posterior cingulate cortex is highly connected and one of the most metabolically active regions in the brain, but there is no consensus as to its cognitive role. Cerebral blood flow and metabolic rate in the PCC are approximately 40% higher than average across the brain. The high functional connectivity of the PCC, signifies extensive intrinsic connectivity networks (networks of brain regions involved in a range of tasks that share common spatio-temporal patterns of activity).

Emotion and memory

The posterior cingulate cortex has been linked by lesion studies to spatial memory, configural learning, and maintenance of discriminative avoidance learning. More recently the PCC was shown to display intense activity when autobiographical memories (such as those concerning friends and family) are recalled successfully. In a study involving autobiographical recollection, the caudal part of the left PCC was the only brain structure highly active in all subjects. Furthermore, the PCC does not show this same activation during attempted but unsuccessful retrieval, implying an important role in successful memory retrieval.

The posterior cingulate cortex has also been firmly linked to emotional salience. Thus, it has been hypothesized that the emotional importance of autobiographical memories may contribute to the strength and consistency of activity in the PCC upon successful recollection of these memories. The posterior cingulate cortex is significantly bilaterally activated by emotional stimuli, independent of valence (positive or negative). This is in contrast to other structures in the limbic system, such as the amygdala, which are thought to respond disproportionately to negative stimuli, or the left frontal pole, which activated only in response to positive stimuli. These results support the hypothesis that the posterior cingulate cortex mediates interactions between emotion and memory.

Intrinsic control networks

The posterior cingulate cortex exhibits connectivity with a wide range of intrinsic control networks. Its most widely known role is as a central node in the default mode network (DMN). The default mode network (and the PCC) is highly reactive and quickly deactivates during tasks with externally directed, or presently centered, attention (such as working memory or meditation). Conversely, the DMN is active when attention is internally directed (during episodic memory retrieval, planning, and daydreaming). A failure of the DMN to deactivate at proper times is associated with poor cognitive function, thereby indicating its importance in attention.

In addition to the default mode network, the posterior cingulate cortex is also involved in the dorsal attention network (a top-down control of visual attention and eye movement) and the frontoparietal control network (involved in executive motor control). Furthermore, fMRI studies have shown that the posterior cingulate cortex activates during visual tasks when some form of monetary incentive is involved, essentially functioning as a neural interface between motivation-related areas and top-down control of visual attention.

The relationship between these networks within the PCC is not clearly understood. When activity increases in the dorsal attention network and the frontoparietal control network, it must simultaneously decrease in the DMN in a closely correlated way. This anti-correlated pattern is indicative of the various differences and importance of subregions in the posterior cingulate cortex.

Considering the relation of the PCC with the DMN, with suppressed posterior cingulate activity favoring low cognitive introspection and higher external attention and increased activity indicating memory retrieval and planning, it has been hypothesized that this brain region is heavily involved in noticing internal and external changes and in facilitating novel behavior or thought in response. High activity, then, would indicate continued operation with the current cognitive set, while lower activity would indicate exploration, flexibility and renewed learning.

An alternative hypothesis is focused more on the difference between the dorsal and ventral subregions and takes into consideration their functional separation. In this model, the PCC is hypothesized to take a chief regulatory role in focusing internal and external attention. Mounting evidence that the PCC is involved in both integrating memories of experiences and initiating a signal to change behavioral strategies supports this hypothesis. Under this model, the PCC plays a crucial role in controlling state of arousal, the breadth of focus and the internal or external focus of attention. This hypothesis emphasizes the PCC as a dynamic network, rather than a fixed and unchanging structure.

While both of the hypotheses are the result of scientific studies, the role of the PCC is still not well understood and there remains much work to be done to investigate the extent of their veracity.

Meditation

From neuroimaging studies and subjective descriptions, the PCC has been found to be activated during self-related thinking and deactivated during meditation. Using generative topographic mapping, it was further found that undistracted, effortless mind wandering corresponds with PCC deactivation, whereas distracted and controlled awareness corresponds with PCC activation. These results track closely with findings about the role of the PCC in the DMN.

Disorders

Structural and functional abnormalities in the PCC result in a range of neurological and psychiatric disorders. The PCC likely integrates and mediates information in the brain. Therefore, functional abnormalities of the PCC might be an accumulation of remote and widespread damage in the brain.

Alzheimer's disease

The PCC is commonly affected by neurodegenerative disease. In fact, reduced metabolism in the PCC has been identified as an early sign of Alzheimer's disease, and is frequently present before a clinical diagnosis. The reduced metabolism in the PCC is typically one part in a diffuse pattern of metabolic dysfunction in the brain that includes medial temporal lobe structures and the anterior thalamus, abnormalities that may be the result of damage in isolated but connected regions. For instance, Meguro et al. (1999) show that experimental damage of the rhinal cortex results in hypometabolism of the PCC. In Alzheimer's disease, metabolic abnormality is linked to amyloid deposition and brain atrophy with a spatial distribution that resembles the nodes of the default mode network. In early Alzheimer's, functional connectivity within the DMN is reduced, affecting the connection between the PCC and the hippocampus, and these altered patterns can reflect ApoE genetic status (a risk factor associated with the disease). It has been found that neurodegenerative diseases spread 'prion-like' through the brain. For example, when the proteins amyloid-b and TDP-43 are in their abnormal form, they spread across synapses and are associated with neurodegeneration. This transmission of abnormal protein would be constrained by the organization of white matter connections and could potentially explain the spatial distribution of pathology within the DMN, in Alzheimer's . In Alzheimer’s disease, the topology of white matter connectivity helps in predicting atrophic patterns, possibly explaining why the PCC is affected in the early stages of the disease.

Autism spectrum disorder

Autism spectrum disorders (ASDs) are associated with metabolic and functional abnormalities of the PCC. Individuals with ASDs show reduction in metabolism, exhibit abnormal functional responses and demonstrate reductions in functional connectivity. One study showed these reductions are prominent in the PCC. Studies have shown that the abnormalities in cingulate responses during interpersonal interaction correlate with the severity of symptoms in ASD, and the failure to show task dependent deactivation in the PCC correlates with overall social function. Finally, post-mortem studies show that the PCC in patients with ASD have cytoarchitectonic abnormalities, including reduced levels of GABA A receptors and benzodiazepine binding sites.

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder

It has been suggested that ADHD is a disorder of the DMN, where neural systems are disrupted by uncontrolled activity that leads to attentional lapses. In a meta-analysis of structural MRI studies, Nakao et al. (2011) found that patients with ADHD exhibit an increased left PCC, suggesting that developmental abnormalities affect the PCC. In fact, PCC function is abnormal in ADHD. Within the DMN, functional connectivity is reduced and resting state activity is used to diagnose ADHD in children. Treatment for ADHD, includes psychostimulant medication that directly affects PCC activity. Other studies addressing medication for PCC abnormalities, report that the PCC may only respond to stimulant treatments and the effectiveness of medication can be dependent on motivation levels. Furthermore, ADHD has been associated with the gene SNAP25. In healthy children, SNAP25 polymorphism is linked to working memory capacity, altered PCC structure, and task-dependent PCC deactivation patterns on working memory task.

Depression

Abnormal PCC functional connectivity has been linked to major depression, with variable results. One study reports increased PCC functional connectivity, while another shows that untreated patients had decreased functional connectivity from the PCC to the caudate. Other studies have looked at interactions between the PCC and the sub-genual cingulate region.

(Brodmann area 25), a region of the brain that potentially causes depression. The anterior node of the DMN is formed, in part, by the highly connected PCC and Brodmann area 25. These two regions are metabolically overactive in treatment resistant major depression. The link between the activity in the PCC and Brodmann area 25 correlates with rumination, a feature of depression. This link between the two regions could influence medication responses in patients. Already, it has been found that both regions show alterations in metabolism after antidepressant treatment. Furthermore, patients who undergo deep brain stimulation, have increased glucose metabolism and cerebral flow in the PCC, while also showing an altered Brodmann area 25.

Schizophrenia

Abnormal activity in the PCC has been linked to schizophrenia, a mental disorder with common symptoms such as hallucinations, delusions, disorganized thinking, and a lack of emotional intelligence. What is common between symptoms is that they have to do with an inability to distinguish between internal and external events. Two PET studies on patients with schizophrenia showed abnormal metabolism in the PCC. One study reports that glucose metabolism was decreased in schizophrenics, while another shows abnormal glucose metabolism that was highly correlated in the pulvinar and the PCC. In the latter study, thalamic interactions with the frontal lobes were reduced, which could mean that schizophrenia affects thalamocortical connections. Further abnormalities in the PCC, abnormal NMDA, cannabinoid, and GABAergic receptor binding have been found with post-mortem autoradiography of schizophrenics. Abnormalities in the structure and white matter connections of the PCC have also been recorded in schizophrenic patients. Schizophrenics with a poor outcome often have reduced PCC volume. Furthermore, white matter abnormalities in the cingulum bundle, a structure that connects the PCC to other limbic structures, are found in some patients with schizophrenia. In functional MRI studies, abnormal PCC function., has been linked to increases and decreases in functional connectivity. There are also abnormal PCC responses during task performance. These abnormalities may contribute to psychotic symptoms of some persons with schizophrenia. Research on the effect of the psychedelic drug psilocybin shows that the altered state of consciousness induced by this drug can be correlated with abnormal metabolism and functional connectivity of the PCC, as well as a reduction in the strength of anti-correlations between the DMN and the FPCN. Because these networks contribute to internal and external cognition, abnormalities in the PCC might contribute to psychosis in some types of schizophrenia.

Traumatic brain injury

After traumatic brain injury (TBI), abnormalities have been shown in the PCC. Often, head injuries produce widespread axonal injury that disconnect brain regions and lead to cognitive impairment. This is also related to reduced metabolism within the PCC. Studies of performance on simple choice reaction time tasks after TBI show, in particular, that the pattern of functional connectivity from the PCC to the rest of the DMN can predict TBI impairments. They also found that greater damage to the cingulum bundle, that connects the PCC to the anterior DMN, was correlated with sustained attention impairment. In a subsequent study, it was found that TBIs are related to a difficulty in switching from automatic to controlled responses. Within selected tasks, patients with TBI showed impaired motor inhibition that was associated with failure to rapidly reactive the PCC. Collectively, this suggests that the failure to control the PCC/DMN activity can lead to attentional lapses in TBI patients.

Anxiety disorders

There is accumulating evidence for PCC dysfunction underlying many childhood/adolescent-onset mental disorders. Further, anxiety disorder patients show an association between increased extinction–related PCC activity and greater symptom severity. PCC dysfunction may also play a role in anxiety disorders during adolescence.

Extraversion and introversion

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The trait of extroversion–introversion is a central dimension of human personality theories. The terms introversion and extroversion were popularized by Carl Jung, although both the popular understanding and psychological usage differ from his original intent. Extroversion tends to be manifested in outgoing, talkative, energetic behavior, whereas introversion is manifested in more reserved and solitary behavior. Virtually all comprehensive models of personality include these concepts in various forms. Examples include the Big Five model, Jung's analytical psychology, Hans Eysenck's three-factor model, Raymond Cattell's 16 personality factors, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, and the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator. 

Extroversion and introversion are typically viewed as a single continuum, so to be high in one necessitates being low in the other. Carl Jung and the developers of the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator provide a different perspective and suggest that everyone has both an extroversion side and an introverted side, with one being more dominant than the other. Rather than focusing on interpersonal behavior, however, Jung defined introversion as an "attitude-type characterised by orientation in life through subjective psychic contents" (focus on one's inner psychic activity) and extroversion as "an attitude type characterised by concentration of interest on the external object" (focus on the outside world).

Varieties

Extraversion

Extraversion (also spelled as extroversion) is the state of primarily obtaining gratification from outside oneself. Extraverts tend to enjoy human interactions and to be enthusiastic, talkative, assertive, and gregarious. Extraverts are energized and thrive off being around other people. They take pleasure in activities that involve large social gatherings, such as parties, community activities, public demonstrations, and business or political groups. They also tend to work well in groups. An extraverted person is likely to enjoy time spent with people and find less reward in time spent alone. They tend to be energized when around other people, and they are more prone to boredom when they are by themselves.

Introversion

Introversion is the state of being predominantly interested in one's own mental self. Introverts are typically perceived as more reserved or reflective. Some popular psychologists have characterized introverts as people whose energy tends to expand through reflection and dwindle during interaction. This is similar to Jung's view, although he focused on mental energy rather than physical energy. Few modern conceptions make this distinction. 

Introverts often take pleasure in solitary activities such as reading, writing, using computers, hiking, or fishing. The archetypal artist, writer, sculptor, scientist, engineer, composer, and inventor are all highly introverted. An introvert is likely to enjoy time spent alone and find less reward in time spent with large groups of people, though they may enjoy interactions with close friends. Trust is usually an issue of significance: a virtue of utmost importance to introverts is choosing a worthy companion. They prefer to concentrate on a single activity at a time and like to observe situations before they participate, especially observed in developing children and adolescents. They are more analytical before speaking. Introverts are easily overwhelmed by too much stimulation from social gatherings and engagement, introversion having even been defined by some in terms of a preference for a quiet, more minimally stimulating external environment.

Mistaking introversion for shyness is a common error. Introversion is a preference, while shyness stems from distress. Introverts prefer solitary to social activities, but do not necessarily fear social encounters like shy people do. Susan Cain argues that modern Western culture misjudges the capabilities of introverted people, leading to a waste of talent, energy and happiness. Cain describes how society is biased against introverts, and that, with people being taught from childhood that to be sociable is to be happy, introversion is now considered "somewhere between a disappointment and pathology". In contrast, Cain says that introversion is not a "second-class" trait but that both introverts and extraverts enrich society, with examples including the introverts J. K. Rowling,, Isaac Newton, Albert Einstein, Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Seuss, W. B. Yeats, Steven Spielberg, and Larry Page.

Ambiversion

Although many people view being introverted or extraverted as mutually exclusive, most contemporary trait theories measure levels of extraversion-introversion as part of a single, continuous dimension of personality, with some scores near one end, and others near the half-way mark. Ambiversion is falling more or less directly in the middle. An ambivert is moderately comfortable with groups and social interaction, but also relishes time alone, away from a crowd. In simpler words, an ambivert is a person whose behaviour changes according to the situation they are in. In face of authority or in presence of strangers, the person may be introverted. However, in the presence of family or close friends, the person may be highly energetic or extraverted.

Relative prevalence

Susan Cain's 2012 book Quiet: The Power of Introverts in a World That Can't Stop Talking reports that studies indicate 33–50% of the American population are introverts. Particular subpopulations have higher prevalence, with a 6000-subject MBTI-based survey indicating that 60% of attorneys, and 90% of intellectual property attorneys, are introverts.

Measurement

The extent of extraversion and introversion is most commonly assessed through self-report measures, although peer-reports and third-party observation can also be used. Self-report measures are either lexical or based on statements. The type of measure is determined by an assessment of psychometric properties and the time and space constraints of the research being undertaken.

Lexical measures use individual adjectives that reflect extravert and introvert traits, such as outgoing, talkative, reserved and quiet. Words representing introversion are reverse coded to create composite measures of extraversion/introversion running on a continuum. Goldberg (1992) developed a 20-word measure as part of his 100-word Big Five markers. Saucier (1994) developed a briefer 8-word measure as part of his 40-word mini-markers. However, the psychometric properties of Saucier's original mini-markers have been found suboptimal with samples outside of North America. As a result, a systematically revised measure was developed to have superior psychometric properties, the International English Mini-Markers. The International English Mini-Markers has good internal consistency reliabilities and other validity for assessing extraversion/introversion and other five factor personality dimensions, both within and, especially, without American populations. Internal consistency reliability of the Extraversion measure for native English-speakers is reported as .92, that for non-native English-speakers is .85.

Statement measures tend to comprise more words, and hence consume more research instrument space, than lexical measures. Respondents are asked the extent to which they, for example, Talk to a lot of different people at parties or Often feel uncomfortable around others. While some statement-based measures of extraversion/introversion have similarly acceptable psychometric properties in North American populations to lexical measures, their generally emic development makes them less suited to use in other populations. For example, statements asking about talkativeness in parties are hard to answer meaningfully by those who do not attend parties, as Americans are assumed to do. Moreover, the sometimes colloquial North American language of statements makes them less suited to use outside America. For instance, statements like Keep in the background and Know how to captivate people are sometimes hard for non-native English-speakers to understand except in a literal sense.

Eysenck's theory

Hans Eysenck described extraversion-introversion as the degree to which a person is outgoing and interactive with other people. These behavioral differences are presumed to be the result of underlying differences in brain physiology. Eysenck combined cortical inhibition and excitation with the ascending reticular activation system (ARAS), a pathway located in the brainstem. Extraverts seek excitement and social activity in an effort to heighten their arousal level, whereas introverts tend to avoid social situations in an effort to keep such arousal to a minimum. Eysenck designated extraversion as one of three major traits in his P-E-N model of personality, which also includes psychoticism and neuroticism. 

Eysenck originally suggested that extraversion was a combination of two major tendencies, impulsiveness and sociability. He later added several other more specific traits, namely liveliness, activity level, and excitability. These traits are further linked in his personality hierarchy to even more specific habitual responses, such as partying on the weekend. 

Eysenck compared this trait to the four temperaments of ancient medicine, with choleric and sanguine temperaments equating to extraversion, and melancholic and phlegmatic temperaments equating to introversion.

Twin studies find that extraversion-introversion has a genetic component.

Biological factors

The relative importance of nature versus environment in determining the level of extraversion is controversial and the focus of many studies. Twin studies have found a genetic component of 39% to 58%. In terms of the environmental component, the shared family environment appears to be far less important than individual environmental factors that are not shared between siblings.

Eysenck proposed that extraversion was caused by variability in cortical arousal. He hypothesized that introverts are characterized by higher levels of activity than extraverts and so are chronically more cortically aroused than extraverts. That extraverts require more external stimulation than introverts has been interpreted as evidence for this hypothesis. Other evidence of the "stimulation" hypothesis is that introverts salivate more than extraverts in response to a drop of lemon juice. This is due to increased activity in their reticular activating system, which responds to stimuli like food or social contact.

Extraversion has been linked to higher sensitivity of the mesolimbic dopamine system to potentially rewarding stimuli. This in part explains the high levels of positive affect found in extraverts, since they will more intensely feel the excitement of a potential reward. One consequence of this is that extraverts can more easily learn the contingencies for positive reinforcement, since the reward itself is experienced as greater. 

One study found that introverts have more blood flow in the frontal lobes of their brain and the anterior or frontal thalamus, which are areas dealing with internal processing, such as planning and problem solving. Extraverts have more blood flow in the anterior cingulate gyrus, temporal lobes, and posterior thalamus, which are involved in sensory and emotional experience. This study and other research indicates that introversion-extraversion is related to individual differences in brain function. A study on regional brain volume found a positive correlation between introversion and grey matter volume in the right prefrontal cortex and right temporoparietal junction, as well as a positive correlation between introversion and total white matter volume.

Extraversion has also been linked to physiological factors such as respiration, through its association with surgency.

Behaviour

Extraverts and introverts have a variety of behavioural differences. According to one study, extraverts tend to wear more decorative clothing, whereas introverts prefer practical, comfortable clothes. Extraverts are more likely to prefer more upbeat, conventional, and energetic music than introverts. Personality also influences how people arrange their work areas. In general, extraverts decorate their offices more, keep their doors open, keep extra chairs nearby, and are more likely to put dishes of candy on their desks. These are attempts to invite co-workers and encourage interaction. Introverts, in contrast, decorate less and tend to arrange their workspace to discourage social interaction.

Despite these differences, a meta-analysis of 15 experience sampling studies has suggested that there is a great deal of overlap in the way that extraverts and introverts behave. In these studies, participants used mobile devices to report how extraverted (e.g., bold, talkative, assertive, outgoing) they were acting at multiple times during their daily lives. Fleeson and Gallagher (2009) found that extraverts regularly behave in an introverted way, and introverts regularly behave in an extraverted way. Indeed, there was more within-person variability than between-person variability in extraverted behaviours. The key feature that distinguishes extraverts and introverts was that extraverts tend to act moderately extraverted about 5–10% more often than introverts. From this perspective, extraverts and introverts are not "fundamentally different". Rather, an "extravert" is just someone who acts more extraverted more often, suggesting that extraversion is more about what one "does" than what one "has". 

Additionally, a study by Lippa (1978) found evidence for the extent to which individuals present themselves in a different way. This is called expressive behaviour, and it is dependent upon the individuals' motivation and ability to control that behaviour. Lippa (1978) examined 68 students who were asked to role-play by pretending to teach a math class. The students' level of extraversion and introversion were rated based on their external/expressive behaviours such as stride length, graphic expansiveness, the percentage of time they spent talking, the amount of time they spent making eye contact, and the total time of each teaching session. This study found that actual introverts were perceived and judged as having more extraverted-looking expressive behaviours because they were higher in terms of their self-monitoring. This means that the introverts consciously put more effort into presenting a more extraverted, and rather socially desirable, version of themselves. Thus, individuals are able to regulate and modify behaviour based on their environmental situations.

Humans are complex and unique, and because introversion-extraversion varies along a continuum, individuals may have a mixture of both orientations. A person who acts introverted in one situation may act extraverted in another, and people can learn to act in "counterdispositional" ways in certain situations. For example, Brian Little's free trait theory suggests that people can take on "Free Traits", behaving in ways that may not be their "first nature", but can strategically advance projects that are important to them. Together, this presents an optimistic view of what extraversion is. Rather than being fixed and stable, individuals vary in their extraverted behaviours across different moments, and can choose to act extraverted to advance important personal projects or even increase their happiness, as mentioned above.

Implications

Acknowledging that introversion and extraversion are normal variants of behavior can help in self-acceptance and understanding of others. For example, an extravert can accept their introverted partner's need for space, while an introvert can acknowledge their extraverted partner's need for social interaction. 

Researchers have found a correlation between extraversion and self-reported happiness. That is, more extraverted people tend to report higher levels of happiness than introverts. Other research has shown that being instructed to act in an extraverted manner leads to increases in positive affect, even for people who are trait-level introverts.

This does not mean that introverts are unhappy. Extraverts simply report experiencing more positive emotions, whereas introverts tend to be closer to neutral. This may be because extraversion is socially preferable in contemporary Western culture and thus introverts feel less desirable. In addition to the research on happiness, other studies have found that extraverts tend to report higher levels of self-esteem than introverts. Others suggest that such results reflect socio-cultural bias in the survey itself. Dr. David Meyers has claimed that happiness is a matter of possessing three traits: self-esteem, optimism, and extraversion. Meyers bases his conclusions on studies that report extraverts to be happier; these findings have been questioned in light of the fact that the "happiness" prompts given to the studies' subjects, such as "I like to be with others" and "I'm fun to be with," only measure happiness among extraverts. Also, according to Carl Jung, introverts acknowledge more readily their psychological needs and problems, whereas extraverts tend to be oblivious to them because they focus more on the outer world.

Although extraversion is perceived as socially desirable in Western culture, it is not always an advantage. For example, extraverted youths are more likely to engage in antisocial or delinquent behavior. In line with this, certain evidence suggest that the trait of extraversion may also be related to that of psychopathy. Conversely, while introversion is perceived as less socially desirable, it is strongly associated with positive traits such as intelligence and "giftedness." For many years, researchers have found that introverts tend to be more successful in academic environments, which extraverts may find boring.

Research shows that behavioral immune system, the psychological processes that infer infection risk from perceptual cues and respond to these perceptual cues through the activation of aversive emotions, may influence gregariousness. Although extraversion is associated with many positive outcomes like higher levels of happiness, those extraverted people are also likely to be exposed to interpersonally transmitted infectious disease as they tend to contact more people. When individuals are more vulnerable to infection, the cost of being social will be relatively greater. Therefore, people are less extraversive when they feel vulnerable and vice versa.

Although neither introversion nor extraversion is pathological, psychotherapists can take temperament into account when treating clients. Clients may respond better to different types of treatment depending on where they fall on the introversion-extraversion spectrum. Teachers can also consider temperament when dealing with their pupils, for example acknowledging that introverted children need more encouragement to speak in class while extraverted children may grow restless during long periods of quiet study.

Regional variation

Some claim that Americans live in an "extraverted society" that rewards extravert behavior and rejects introversion. This is because the US is currently a culture of external personality, whereas in some other cultures people are valued for their "inner selves and their moral rectitude". Other cultures, such as Japan, China and regions where Orthodox Christianity, Buddhism, Sufism etc. prevail, prize introversion. These cultural differences predict individuals' happiness in that people who score higher in extraversion are happier, on average, in particularly extraverted cultures and vice versa.

Researchers have found that people who live on islands tend to be less extraverted (more introverted) than those living on the mainland, and that people whose ancestors had inhabited the island for twenty generations tend to be less extraverted than more recent arrivals. Furthermore, people who emigrate from islands to the mainland tend to be more extraverted than people that stay on islands, and those that immigrate to islands.

In the United States, researchers have found that people living in the midwestern states of North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Illinois score higher than the U.S. average on extraversion. Utah and the southeastern states of Florida and Georgia also score high on this personality trait. The most introverted states in the United States are Maryland, New Hampshire, Alaska, Washington, Oregon and Vermont. People who live in the northwestern states of Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming are also relatively introverted.

Relation to happiness

As earlier stated, extraverts are often found to have higher levels of positive affect than introverts. However, this relationship has only been found between extraversion and activated forms of positive affect. There is no relationship between extraversion and deactivated (calm) forms of positive affect such as contentment or serenity, although one study found a negative relationship between extraversion and deactivated positive affect (i.e. a positive relationship between introversion and calm positive affect). Moreover, the relationship between extraversion and activated positive affect is only significant for agentic extraversion, i.e. there is no significant relationship between affiliative extraversion and activated positive affect, especially when controlling for neuroticism.

An influential review article concluded that personality, specifically extraversion and emotional stability, was the best predictor of subjective well-being. As examples, Argyle and Lu (1990) found that the trait of extraversion, as measured by Extraversion Scale of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ), was positively and significantly correlated with positive affect, as measured by the Oxford Happiness Inventory. Using the same positive affect and extraversion scales, Hills and Argyle (2001) found that positive affect was again significantly correlated with extraversion. Also, the study by Emmons and Diener (1986) showed that extraversion correlates positively and significantly with positive affect but not with negative affect. Similar results were found in a large longitudinal study by Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, and Fujita (1992), which assessed 14,407 participants from 100 areas of continental United States. Using the abbreviated General Well-Being Schedule, which tapped positive and negative affects, and Costa and McCrae's (1986). short version of the NEO's Extraversion scale, the authors reported that extraverts experienced greater well-being at two points in time, during which data were collected: first between 1971 and 1975, and later between 1981 and 1984. However, the latter study did not control for neuroticism, an important covariate when investigating relationships between extraversion and positive affect or wellbeing. Studies that controlled for neuroticism have found no significant relationship between extraversion and subjective well-being. Larsen and Ketelaar (1991) showed that extraverts respond more to positive affect than to negative affect, since they exhibit more positive-affect reactivity to the positive-affect induction, yet they do not react more negatively to the negative-affect induction.

Instrumental view

The instrumental view proposes that personality traits give rise to conditions and actions, which have affective consequences, and thus generate individual differences in emotionality.

Personality trait as a cause of higher sociability

According to the instrumental view, one explanation for greater subjective well-being among extraverts could be that extraversion helps in the creation of life circumstances, which promote high levels of positive affect. Specifically, the personality trait of extraversion is seen as a facilitator of more social interactions, since the low cortical arousal among extraverts results in them seeking more social situations in order to increase their arousal.

Social activity hypothesis

According to the social activity hypothesis, more frequent participation in social situations creates more frequent, and higher levels, of positive affect. Therefore, it is believed that since extraverts are characterized as more sociable than introverts, they also possess higher levels of positive affect brought on by social interactions. Specifically, the results of Furnham and Brewin's study (1990) suggest that extraverts enjoy and participate more in social activities than introverts, and as a result extraverts report a higher level of happiness. Also, in the study of Argyle and Lu (1990) extraverts were found to be less likely to avoid participation in noisy social activities, and to be more likely to participate in social activities such as: party games, jokes, or going to the cinema. Similar results were reported by Diener, Larsen, and Emmons (1984) who found that extraverts seek social situations more often than introverts, especially when engaging in recreational activities. 

However, a variety of findings contradict the claims of the social activity hypothesis. Firstly, it was found that extraverts were happier than introverts even when alone. Specifically, extraverts tend to be happier regardless of whether they live alone or with others, or whether they live in a vibrant city or quiet rural environment. Similarly, a study by Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, and Fujita (1992) showed that although extraverts chose social jobs relatively more frequently (51%) than nonsocial jobs compared to introverts (38%), they were happier than introverts regardless of whether their occupations had social or nonsocial character. Secondly, it was found that extraverts only sometimes reported greater amounts of social activity than introverts, but in general extraverts and introverts do not differ in the quantity of their socialization. Similar finding was reported by Srivastava, Angelo, and Vallereux (2008), who found that extraverts and introverts both enjoy participating in social interactions, but extraverts participate socially more. Thirdly, studies have shown that both extraverts and introverts participate in social relations, but that the quality of this participation differs. The more frequent social participation among extraverts could be explained by the fact that extraverts know more people, but those people are not necessarily their close friends, whereas introverts, when participating in social interactions, are more selective and have only few close friends with whom they have special relationships.

Social attention theory

Yet another explanation of the high correlation between extraversion and happiness comes from the study by Ashton, Lee, and Paunonen (2002). They suggested that the core element of extraversion is a tendency to behave in ways that attract, hold, and enjoy social attention, and not reward sensitivity. They claimed that one of the fundamental qualities of social attention is its potential of being rewarding. Therefore, if a person shows positive emotions of enthusiasm, energy, and excitement, that person is seen favorably by others and he or she gains others' attention. This favorable reaction from others likely encourages extraverts to engage in further extraverted behavior. Ashton, Lee, and Paunonen's (2002) study showed that their measure of social attention, the Social Attention Scale, was much more highly correlated with extraversion than were measures of reward sensitivity.

Temperamental view

Temperamental view is based on the notion that there is a direct link between people's personality traits and their sensitivity to positive and negative affects.

Affective reactivity model

The affective reactivity model states that the strength of a person's reactions to affect-relevant events are caused by people's differences in affect. This model is based on the reinforcement sensitivity theory by Jeffrey Alan Gray, which states that people with stronger behavioral activation system (BAS) are high in reward responsiveness and are predisposed to the personality trait of extraversion, while people with a stronger behavioral inhibition system (BIS) are lower in reward responsiveness and are more predisposed to personality trait of neuroticism and introversion. Therefore, extraverts are seen as having a temperamental predisposition to positive affect since positive mood induction has a greater effect on them than on introverts, thus extraverts are more prone to react to pleasant effects. For example, Gable, Reis, and Elliot (2000). found in two consecutive studies that people with more sensitive BIS reported higher levels of average negative affect, while people with more sensitive BAS reported higher levels of positive affect. Also Zelenski and Larsen (1999) found that people with more sensitive BAS reported more positive emotions during the positive mood induction, while people with more sensitive BIS reported more negative emotions during the negative mood induction.

Social reactivity theory

The social reactivity theory alleges that all humans, whether they like it or not, are required to participate in social situations. Since extraverts prefer engaging in social interactions more than introverts, they also derive more positive affect from such situations than introverts do. The support for this theory comes from work of Brian R. Little, who popularized concept of "restorative niches". Little claimed that life often requires people to participate in social situations, and since acting social is out of character for introverts, it was shown to harm their well-being. Therefore, one way to preserve introverts' well-being is for them to recharge as often as possible in places where they can return to their true selves—places Little calls "restorative niches".

However, it was also found that extraverts did not respond stronger to social situations than introverts, nor did they report bigger boosts of positive affect during such interactions.

Affective regulation

Another possible explanation for more happiness among extraverts comes from the fact that extraverts are able to better regulate their affective states. This means that in ambiguous situations (situations where positive and negative moods are introduced and mixed in similar proportions) extraverts show a slower decrease of positive affect, and, as a result, they maintained a more positive affect balance than introverts. Extraverts may also choose activities that facilitate happiness (e.g., recalling pleasant vs. unpleasant memories) more than introverts when anticipating difficult tasks.

The set-point model a.k.a. affect-level model

According to the set-point model, levels of positive and negative affects are more or less fixed within each individual, hence, after a positive or negative event, people's moods tend to go back to the pre-set level. According to the set-point model, extraverts experience more happiness because their pre-set level of positive affect is set higher than the pre-set point of positive affect in introverts, therefore extraverts require less positive reinforcement in order to feel happy.

Pleasure-arousal relation

A study by Peter Kuppens (2008) showed that extraverts and introverts engage in different behaviors when feeling pleasant, which may explain underestimation of the frequency and intensity of happiness exhibited by introverts. Specifically, Kuppens (2008) found that arousal and pleasantness are positively correlated for extraverts, which means that pleasant feelings are more likely to be accompanied by high arousal for extraverts. On the other hand, arousal and pleasantness are negatively correlated for introverts, resulting in introverts exhibiting low arousal when feeling pleasant. In other words, if everything is going well in an extravert's life, which is a source of pleasant feelings, extraverts see such a situation as an opportunity to engage in active behavior and goal pursuit, which brings about an active, aroused pleasant state. When everything is going well for introverts, they see it as an opportunity to let down their guard, resulting in them feeling relaxed and content.

Complications to the extraversion-happiness correlation

Though extraversion has consistently been shown to have a strong correlation with happiness and well-being, these findings are complicated by the presence of other personality traits that act as strong indicators of happiness.

Neuroticism and extraversion

In multiple studies, neuroticism has been shown to have an equal, if not larger, impact on happiness and subjective well-being than extraversion. One study classified school children into four categories based on their scores in assessments of extraversion and emotional stability (neuroticism). The results showed no significant difference between the happiness levels of stable introverts and stable extraverts, while unstable extraverts and introverts both demonstrated significantly less happiness than their counterparts. In this study, neuroticism appeared to be the more salient factor for overall well-being. 

Likewise, in later studies, researchers used assessment scales to test for categories such as self-esteem and life-goal orientation, which they had positively correlated with happiness. Participants' responses to these scales suggested that neuroticism actually had a larger impact than extraversion in measures of well-being.

Other Big 5 factors and extraversion

Though extraversion and neuroticism seem to have the largest effect on personal happiness, other Big 5 personality factors have also been shown to correlate with happiness and subjective well-being. For example, one study showed that conscientiousness and agreeableness correlated about 0.20 with subjective well-being. While the effect of these traits was not as strong as extraversion or neuroticism, it is clear that they still have some impact on happiness outcomes.

Similarly, interactions between extraversion, neuroticism, and conscientiousness have demonstrated significant impacts on subjective-well being. In one study, researchers used three scales to assess subjective well-being. They found that extraversion only served as a predictor for one assessment, in conjunction with neuroticism, while the other two assessment outcomes were better predicted by conscientiousness and neuroticism. In addition to the importance of including other factors in happiness assessments, this study also demonstrates the manner in which an operational definition of well-being changes whether extraversion emerges as a salient predictive factor.

Other contributing personality factors

There is also evidence that other non-trait elements of personality may correlate with happiness. For instance, one study demonstrated that various features of one's goals, such as progress towards important goals or conflicts between them, can affect both emotional and cognitive well-being. Several other researchers have also suggested that, at least in more individualistic cultures, having a coherent sense of one's personality (and acting in a way that conforms to that self-concept) is positively related to well-being. Thus, focusing solely on extraversion—or even extraversion and neuroticism—is likely to provide an incomplete picture of the relationship between happiness and personality.

Culture

In addition, one's culture may also influence happiness and overall subjective well-being. The overall level of happiness fluctuates from culture to culture, as does preferred expression of happiness. Comparing various international surveys across countries reveals that different nations, and different ethnic groups within nations, exhibit differences in average life satisfaction.

For example, one researcher found that between 1958 and 1987, Japanese life satisfaction fluctuated around 6 on a 10-point scale, while Denmark's fluctuated around 8. Comparing ethnic groups within the United States, another study found that European Americans reported being "significantly happier" with their lives than Asian Americans.

Researchers have hypothesized a number of factors that could be responsible for these differences between countries, including national differences in overall income levels, self-serving biases and self-enhancement, and approach and avoidance orientations. Taken together, these findings suggest that while extraversion-introversion does have a strong correlation with happiness, it does not stand alone as a sole predictor of subjective well-being, and that other factors must be accounted for when trying to determine the correlates of happiness.

Analytical psychology

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Carl Jung

 

Analytical psychology (sometimes analytic psychology), also called Jungian psychology, is a school of psychotherapy which originated in the ideas of Carl Jung, a Swiss psychiatrist. It emphasizes the importance of the individual psyche and the personal quest for wholeness.

Important concepts in Jung's system are individuation, symbols, the personal unconscious, the collective unconscious, archetypes, complexes, the persona, the shadow, the anima and animus, and the self. 

Jung's theories have been investigated and elaborated by Toni Wolff, Marie-Louise von Franz, Jolande Jacobi, Aniela Jaffé, Erich Neumann, James Hillman, and Anthony Stevens. 

Analytical psychology is distinct from psychoanalysis, which is a psychotherapeutic system created by Sigmund Freud.

Overview

Jung began his career as a psychiatrist in Zürich, Switzerland. There, he conducted research for the Word Association Experiment at the Burghölzli Clinic. Jung's research earned him a worldwide reputation and numerous honours, including an honorary degree from Clark University, Massachusetts, in 1904; another honorary degree from Harvard University in 1936; recognition from the University of Oxford and the University of Calcutta; and appointment as a Fellow of the Royal Society of Medicine, England. 

In 1907, Jung met Sigmund Freud in Vienna, Austria. For six years, the two scholars worked together, and in 1911, they founded the International Psychoanalytical Association, of which Jung was the first president. However, early in the collaboration, Jung observed that Freud would not tolerate ideas that were different from his own. In 1912, Jung's Psychology of the Unconscious (Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido) was published (re-published as Symbols of Transformation in 1952) (C.W. Vol. 5). The work's innovative ideas contributed to a new foundation in psychology as well as the end of the Jung-Freud friendship in 1913. The two scholars continued their work on personality development independently: Jung's approach is called Analytical Psychology (German: analytische Psychologie), and Freud's approach is referred to as the Psychoanalytic School (psychoanalytische Schule), which he founded.

Unlike most modern psychologists, Jung did not believe that experiments using natural science were the only means to gain an understanding of the human psyche. He saw as empirical evidence the world of dream, myth, and folklore as the promising road to deeper understanding and meaning. That method's choice is related with his choice of the object of his science. As Jung said, "The beauty about the unconscious is that it is really unconscious." Hence, the unconscious is 'untouchable' by experimental researches, or indeed any possible kind of scientific or philosophical reach, precisely because it is unconscious.

Although the unconscious cannot be studied by using direct approaches, it is, according to Jung at least, a useful hypothesis. His postulated unconscious was quite different from the model that was proposed by Freud, despite the great influence that the founder of psychoanalysis had on Jung. The most well-known difference is the assumption of the collective unconscious (see also Jungian archetypes), although Jung's proposal of collective unconscious and archetypes was based on the assumption of the existence of psychic (mental) patterns. These patterns include conscious contents—thoughts, memories, etc.—from life experience. They are common for all human beings. His proof of the vast collective unconscious was his concept of synchronicity, that inexplicable, uncanny connectedness that we all share. 

The overarching goal of Jungian psychology is the attainment of self through individuation. Jung defines "self" as the "archetype of wholeness and the regulating center of the psyche". Central to this process is the individual's encounter with his/her psyche and the bringing of its elements into consciousness. Humans experience the unconscious through symbols encountered in all aspects of life: in dreams, art, religion, and the symbolic dramas we enact in our relationships and life pursuits. Essential to this numinous encounter is the merging of the individual's consciousness with the collective consciousness through this symbolic language. By bringing conscious awareness to what is not conscious, unconscious elements can be integrated with consciousness when they "surface". 

"Neurosis" results from a disharmony between the individual's (un)consciousness and his higher Self. The psyche is a self-regulating adaptive system. Humans are energetic systems, and if the energy gets blocked, the psyche gets stuck, or sick. If adaptation is thwarted, the psychic energy stops flowing, and regresses. This process manifests in neurosis and psychosis. Human psychic contents are complex, and deep. They can schism, and split, and form complexes that take over one's personality. Jung proposed that this occurs through maladaptation to one's external or internal realities. The principles of adaptation, projection, and compensation are central processes in Jung's view of psyche's ability to adapt. 

The aim of psychotherapy is to assist the individual in reestablishing a healthy relationship to the unconscious: neither flooded by it (characteristic of psychosis, such as schizophrenia) or out of balance in relationship to it (as with neurosis, a state that results in depression, anxiety, and personality disorders). 

To undergo the individuation process, individuals must be open to the parts of themselves beyond their own ego. The modern individual grows continually in psychic awareness through attention to dreams, the exploration of religion and spirituality, and by questioning the assumptions of the operant societal worldview, rather than just blindly living life in accordance with dominant norms and assumptions.

Fundamentals

Unconscious

The basic assumption is that the personal unconscious is a potent part — probably the more active part — of the normal human psyche. Reliable communication between the conscious and unconscious parts of the psyche is necessary for wholeness. 

Also crucial is the belief that dreams show ideas, beliefs, and feelings that individuals are not readily aware of but need to be, and that such material is expressed in a personalized vocabulary of visual metaphors. Things 'known but unknown' are contained in the unconscious, and dreams are one of the main vehicles for the unconscious to express them. 

Analytical psychology distinguishes between a personal unconscious and a collective unconscious. The collective unconscious contains archetypes common to all human beings. That is, individuation may bring to surface symbols that do not relate to the life experiences of a single person. This content is more easily viewed as answers to the more fundamental questions of humanity: life, death, meaning, happiness, fear. Among these more spiritual concepts may arise and be integrated into the personality.

Collective unconscious

Jung's concept of the collective unconscious has often been misunderstood. To understand this concept, it is essential to understand Jungian archetypes.

Archetypes

The use of psychological archetypes was advanced by Jung in 1919. In Jung's psychological framework, archetypes are innate, universal prototypes for ideas and may be used to interpret observations. A group of memories and interpretations associated with an archetype is a complex, e.g. a mother complex associated with the mother archetype. Jung treated the archetypes as psychological organs, analogous to physical ones in that both are morphological givens that arose through evolution. 

Archetypes are collective as well as individual, and can grow on their own and present themselves in a variety of creative ways. Jung, in his book Memories, Dreams, Reflections, states that he began to see and talk to a manifestation of anima and that she taught him how to interpret dreams. As soon as he could interpret on his own, Jung said that she ceased talking to him because she was no longer needed.

Self-realization and neuroticism

An innate need for self-realization leads people to explore and integrate these disowned parts of themselves. This natural process is called individuation, or the process of becoming an individual.

According to Jung, self-realization is attained through individuation. His is an adult psychology, divided into two distinct tiers. In the first half of our lives, we separate from humanity. We attempt to create our own identities (“I”, “myself”). This is why there is such a need for young men to be destructive, and can be expressed as animosity from teens directed at their parents. Jung also said we have a sort of "second puberty" that occurs between ages 35 and 40: outlook shifts from emphasis on materialism, sexuality, and having children to concerns about community and spirituality. 

In the second half of our lives, humans reunite with the human race. They become part of the collective once again. This is when adults start to contribute to humanity (volunteer time, build, garden, create art, etc.) rather than destroy. They are also more likely to pay attention to their unconscious and conscious feelings. Young men rarely say "I feel angry" or "I feel sad." This is because they have not yet rejoined the human collective experience, commonly reestablished in their older, wiser years, according to Jung. A common theme is for young rebels to "search" for their true selves and realize that a contribution to humanity is essentially a necessity for a whole self. 

Jung proposes that the ultimate goal of the collective unconscious and self-realization is to pull us to the highest experience. This, of course, is spiritual. 

If a person does not proceed toward self-knowledge, neurotic symptoms may arise. Symptoms are widely defined, including, for instance, phobias, psychosis, and depression.

Shadow

The shadow is an unconscious complex defined as the repressed, suppressed or disowned qualities of the conscious self. According to Jung, the human being deals with the reality of the shadow in four ways: denial, projection, integration and/or transmutation. According to analytical psychology, a person's shadow may have both constructive and destructive aspects. In its more destructive aspects, the shadow can represent those things people do not accept about themselves. For instance, the shadow of someone who identifies as being kind may be harsh or unkind. Conversely, the shadow of a person who perceives himself to be brutal may be gentle. In its more constructive aspects, a person's shadow may represent hidden positive qualities. This has been referred to as the "gold in the shadow". Jung emphasized the importance of being aware of shadow material and incorporating it into conscious awareness in order to avoid projecting shadow qualities on others.

The shadow in dreams is often represented by dark figures of the same gender as the dreamer.

The shadow may also concern great figures in the history of human thought or even spiritual masters, who became great because of their shadows or because of their ability to live their shadows (namely, their unconscious faults) in full without repressing them.

Anima and animus

Jung identified the anima as being the unconscious feminine component of men and the animus as the unconscious masculine component in women. However, this is rarely taken as a literal definition: many modern-day Jungian practitioners believe that every person has both an anima and an animus. Jung stated that the anima and animus act as guides to the unconscious unified Self, and that forming an awareness and a connection with the anima or animus is one of the most difficult and rewarding steps in psychological growth. Jung reported that he identified his anima as she spoke to him, as an inner voice, unexpectedly one day. 

Often, when people ignore the anima or animus complexes, the anima or animus vies for attention by projecting itself on others. This explains, according to Jung, why we are sometimes immediately attracted to certain strangers: we see our anima or animus in them. Love at first sight is an example of anima and animus projection. Moreover, people who strongly identify with their gender role (e.g. a man who acts aggressively and never cries) have not actively recognized or engaged their anima or animus. 

Jung attributes human rational thought to be the male nature, while the irrational aspect is considered to be natural female (rational being defined as involving judgment, irrational being defined as involving perceptions). Consequently, irrational moods are the progenies of the male anima shadow and irrational opinions of the female animus shadow.

Wise old man / woman

"After the confrontation with the soul-image the appearance of the old wise man, the personification of the spiritual principle, can be distinguished as the next milestone of inner development." As archetypes of the collective unconscious, such figures can be seen as, "in psychological terms, a symbolic personification of the Self."

Psychoanalysis

Analysis is a way to experience and integrate the unknown material. It is a search for the meaning of behaviours, symptoms and events. Many are the channels to reach this greater self-knowledge. The analysis of dreams is the most common. Others may include expressing feelings in art pieces, poetry or other expressions of creativity. 

Giving a complete description of the process of dream interpretation and individuation is complex. The nature of the complexity lies in the fact that the process is highly specific to the person who does it. 

While Freudian psychoanalysis assumes that the repressed material hidden in the unconscious is given by repressed sexual instincts, analytical psychology has a more general approach. There is no preconceived assumption about the unconscious material. The unconscious, for Jungian analysts, may contain repressed sexual drives, but also aspirations, fears, etc.

Psychological types

Analytical psychology distinguishes several psychological types or temperaments.

• Extravert
• Introvert

According to Jung, the psyche is an apparatus for adaptation and orientation, and consists of a number of different psychic functions. Among these he distinguishes four basic functions:

• Sensation – Perception by means of the sense organs
• Intuition – Perceiving in unconscious way or perception of unconscious contents
• Thinking – Function of intellectual cognition; the forming of logical conclusions
• Feeling – Function of subjective estimation

Thinking and feeling functions are rational, while the sensation and intuition functions are irrational.

Note: There is ambiguity in the term 'rational' that Carl Jung ascribed to the thinking/feeling functions. Both thinking and feeling irrespective of orientation (i.e., introverted/extroverted) employ/utilize/are directed by in loose terminology an underlying 'logical' IF-THEN construct/process (as in IF X THEN Y) in order to form judgments. This underlying construct/process is not directly observable in normal states of consciousness especially when engaged in thoughts/feelings. It can be cognized merely as a concept/abstraction during thoughtful reflection. Sensation and intuition are 'irrational' functions simply because they do not employ the above-mentioned underlying logical construct/process.

Complexes

Early in Jung's career he coined the term and described the concept of the "complex". Jung claims to have discovered the concept during his free association and galvanic skin response experiments. Freud obviously took up this concept in his Oedipus complex amongst others. Jung seemed to see complexes as quite autonomous parts of psychological life. It is almost as if Jung were describing separate personalities within what is considered a single individual, but to equate Jung's use of complexes with something along the lines of multiple personality disorder would be a step out of bounds. 

Jung saw an archetype as always being the central organizing structure of a complex. For instance, in a "negative mother complex," the archetype of the "negative mother" would be seen to be central to the identity of that complex. This is to say, our psychological lives are patterned on common human experiences. Jung saw the Ego (which Freud wrote about in German literally as the "I", one's conscious experience of oneself) as a complex. If the "I" is a complex, what might be the archetype that structures it? Jung, and many Jungians, might say "the hero," one who separates from the community to ultimately carry the community further.

Clinical theories

Jung's writings have been studied by people of many backgrounds and interests, including theologians, people from the humanities, and mythologists. Jung often seemed to seek to make contributions to various fields, but he was mostly a practicing psychiatrist, involved during his whole career in treating patients. A description of Jung's clinical relevance is to address the core of his work. 

Jung started his career working with hospitalized patients with major mental illnesses, most notably schizophrenia. He was interested in the possibilities of an unknown "brain toxin" that could be the cause of schizophrenia. But the majority and the heart of Jung's clinical career was taken up with what we might call today individual psychodynamic psychotherapy, in gross structure very much in the strain of psychoanalytic practice first formed by Freud. 

It is important to state that Jung seemed to often see his work as not a complete psychology in itself but as his unique contribution to the field of psychology. Jung claimed late in his career that only for about a third of his patients did he use "Jungian analysis". For another third, Freudian psychology seemed to best suit the patient's needs, and for the final third Adlerian analysis was most appropriate. In fact, it seems that most contemporary Jungian clinicians merge a developmentally grounded theory, such as Self psychology or Donald Winnicott's work, with the Jungian theories in order to have a "whole" theoretical repertoire for actual clinical work. 

The "I" or Ego is tremendously important to Jung's clinical work. Jung's theory of etiology of psychopathology could almost be simplified to be stated as a too rigid conscious attitude towards the whole of the psyche. That is, a psychotic episode can be seen from a Jungian perspective as the "rest" of the psyche overwhelming the conscious psyche because the conscious psyche effectively was locking out and repressing the psyche as a whole.

Post-Jungian approaches

Andrew Samuels (1985) has distinguished three distinct traditions or approaches of "post-Jungian" psychology – classical, developmental and archetypal. Today there are more developments.

Classical

The classical approach tries to remain faithful to what Jung proposed and taught in person, and in his 20-plus volumes of work. Prominent advocates of this approach, according to Samuels (1985), include Emma Jung (C.G. Jung's wife, who was an analyst in her own right), Marie-Louise von Franz, Joseph L. Henderson, Aniela Jaffé, Erich Neumann, Gerhard Adler and Jolande Jacobi.

Developmental

The developmental approach is primarily associated with Erich Neumann ("Origins of Conscious" and "Origins of the Child".) Jung credited Neumann as the student for advancing his (Jung's) theory into a developmental model based on a mythological approach. He described three broad myths:Creation, the Hero, and Transcendence. Expansion of Jungian theory is also credited to Michael Fordham and his wife, Frieda Fordham. It can be considered a bridge between traditional Jungian analysis and Melanie Klein's object relations theory. Laings and Goodheart are also often mentioned. Samuels (1985) considers J. Redfearn, Richard Carvalho and himself (Andrew Samuels) as representatives of the developmental approach. Samuels notes how this approach differs from the classical by giving less emphasis to the Self and more emphasis to the development of personality; he also notes how, in terms of practice in therapy, it gives more attention to transference and counter-transference than either the classical or the archetypal approaches.

Archetypal

One archetypal approach, sometimes called "the imaginal school" by James Hillman, was written about by him in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Its adherents, according to Samuels (1985), include Murray Stein, Rafael Lopez-Pedraza and Wolfgang Giegerich. Thomas Moore also was influenced by some of Hillman's work. Developed independently, other psychoanalysts have created strong approaches to archetypal psychology. Mythopoeticists and psychoanalysts such as Clarissa Pinkola Estés who believes that ethnic and aboriginal people are the originators of archetypal psychology and have long carried the maps for the journey of the soul in their songs, tales, dream-telling, art and rituals; Marion Woodman who proposes a feminist viewpoint regarding archetypal psychology. Some of the mythopoetic/archetypal psychology creators either imagine the Self not to be the main archetype of the collective unconscious as Jung thought, but rather assign each archetype equal value. Others, who are modern progenitors of archetypal psychology (such as Estés), think of the Self as the thing that contains and yet is suffused by all other archetypes, each giving life to the other.

Robert L. Moore has explored the archetypal level of the human psyche in a series of five books co-authored with Douglas Gillette, which have played an important role in the men's movement in the United States. Moore studies computerese so he uses a computer's hard wiring (its fixed physical components) as a metaphor for the archetypal level of the human psyche. Personal experiences influence the access to the archetypal level of the human psyche, but personalized ego consciousness can be likened to computer software.

Process-oriented psychology

Process-oriented psychology (also called Process work) is associated with the Zurich-trained Jungian analyst Arnold Mindell. Process work developed in the late 1970s and early 1980s and was originally identified as a "daughter of Jungian psychology". Process work stresses awareness of the "unconscious" as an ongoing flow of experience. This approach expands Jung's work beyond verbal individual therapy to include body experience, altered and comatose states as well as multicultural group work.