The pituitary gland or hypophysis is an endocrine gland in vertebrates. In humans, the pituitary gland is located at the base of the brain, protruding off the bottom of the hypothalamus. The human pituitary gland is oval shaped, about 1 cm in diameter, 0.5–1 gram (0.018–0.035 oz) in weight on average, and about the size of a kidney bean.
There are two main lobes of the pituitary, an anterior lobe, and a posterior lobe joined and separated by a small intermediate lobe. The anterior lobe (adenohypophysis) is the glandular part that produces and secretes several hormones. The posterior lobe (neurohypophysis) secretes neurohypophysial hormones produced in the hypothalamus. Both lobes have different origins and they are both controlled by the hypothalamus.
The pituitary gland is composed of the anterior pituitary, the posterior pituitary, and an intermediate lobe that joins them. The intermediate lobe is avascular
and almost absent in humans. In many animals, these three lobes are
distinct. The intermediate lobe is present in many animal species,
particularly in rodents, mice, and rats, which have been used
extensively to study pituitary development and function.
In all animals, the fleshy, glandular anterior pituitary is distinct
from the neural composition of the posterior pituitary, which is an
extension of the hypothalamus.
The height of the pituitary gland ranges from 5.3 to 7.0 mm. The volume of the pituitary gland ranges from 200 to 440 mm3. Its most common shape, found in 46% of people is flat, it is convex in 31.2% and concave in 22.8%.
Endocrine cells of the anterior pituitary are controlled by regulatory hormones released by parvocellular neurosecretory cells
in the hypothalamic capillaries leading to infundibular blood vessels,
which in turn lead to a second capillary bed in the anterior pituitary.
This vascular relationship constitutes the hypophyseal portal system. Diffusing out of the second capillary bed, the hypothalamic releasing hormones then bind to anterior pituitary endocrine cells, upregulating or downregulating their release of hormones.
The anterior lobe of the pituitary can be divided into the pars tuberalis (pars infundibularis) and pars distalis (pars glandularis) that constitutes ~80% of the gland. The pars intermedia
(the intermediate lobe) lies between the pars distalis and the pars
tuberalis, and is rudimentary in the human, although in other species it
is more developed. It develops from a depression in the dorsal wall of the pharynx (stomal part) known as Rathke's pouch.
The anterior pituitary contains several different types of cells that synthesize and secrete hormones. Usually there is one type of cell for each major hormone formed in anterior pituitary.
With special stains attached to high-affinity antibodies that bind with
distinctive hormone, at least 5 types of cells can be differentiated.
The posterior pituitary consists of the posterior lobe and the pituitary stalk (infundibulum) that connects it to the hypothalamus. It develops as an extension of the hypothalamus, from the floor of the third ventricle. The posterior pituitary hormones are synthesized by cell bodies in the hypothalamus. The magnocellular neurosecretory cells,
of the supraoptic and paraventricular nuclei located in the
hypothalamus, project axons down the infundibulum to terminals in the
posterior pituitary. This simple arrangement differs sharply from that
of the adjacent anterior pituitary, which does not develop from the
hypothalamus.
The release of pituitary hormones by both the anterior and posterior lobes is under the control of the hypothalamus, albeit in different ways.
Function
The anterior pituitary regulates several physiological processes by secreting hormones. This includes stress (by secreting ACTH), growth (by secreting GH), reproduction (by secreting FSH and LH), metabolism rate (by secreting TSH) and lactation (by secreting prolactin). The intermediate lobe synthesizes and secretes melanocyte-stimulating hormone. The posterior pituitary (or neurohypophysis) is a lobe of the gland that is functionally connected to the hypothalamus by the median eminence via a small tube called the pituitary stalk (also called the infundibular stalk or the infundibulum). It regulates hydroelectrolytic stability (by secreting ADH), uterine contraction during labor and human attachment (by secreting oxytocin).
Anterior
The anterior pituitary synthesizes and secretes hormones. All releasing hormones (-RH) referred to can also be referred to as releasing factors (-RF).
Prolactin
(PRL), whose release is inconsistently stimulated by hypothalamic TRH,
oxytocin, vasopressin, vasoactive intestinal peptide, angiotensin II,
neuropeptide Y, galanin, substance P, bombesin-like peptides
(gastrin-releasing peptide, neuromedin B and C), and neurotensin, and
inhibited by hypothalamic dopamine.
These hormones are released from the anterior pituitary under the influence of the hypothalamus. Hypothalamic hormones are secreted to the anterior lobe by way of a special capillary system, called the hypothalamic-hypophysial portal system.
Oxytocin, most of which is released from the paraventricular nucleus in the hypothalamus. Oxytocin is one of the few hormones to create a positive feedback
loop. For example, uterine contractions stimulate the release of
oxytocin from the posterior pituitary, which, in turn, increases uterine
contractions. This positive feedback loop continues throughout labour.
Hormones
Hormones secreted from the pituitary gland help control the following body processes:
The development of the pituitary gland, or hypophysis, is a complex
process that occurs early in embryonic life and involves contributions
from two distinct embryonic tissues. Here’s a detailed explanation:
1.Embryological Origin
The pituitary gland develops from two embryonic tissues:
Rathke's pouch: An ectodermal outpocketing from the roof of the
primitive oral cavity, or stomodeum, which gives rise to the anterior
pituitary (adenohypophysis).
Infundibulum: A downward extension from the neuroectoderm of the
diencephalon in the brain, which forms the posterior pituitary
(neurohypophysis).
2. Developmental Stages
Formation of Rathke's pouch (4th week of gestation):
During the 4th week, an invagination of the oral ectoderm occurs, creating Rathke's pouch.
Differentiation and Migration (5th to 6th week):
Rathke's pouch grows towards the developing brain. The upper part of the
pouch eventually constricts and detaches from the oral cavity.
Cells in Rathke's pouch differentiate to form three parts of the
adenohypophysis: the pars distalis, pars intermedia, and pars tuberalis.
Formation of the Posterior Pituitary (4th to 8th week):
The infundibulum from the diencephalon elongates downward, forming a
stalk that connects with Rathke’s pouch. This stalk will develop into
the pars nervosa, or posterior pituitary.
Specialized cells from the hypothalamus, known as pituicytes, migrate to
the posterior pituitary, where they help store and release hormones
such as oxytocin and vasopressin.
3. Hormone Production and Functional Maturity
By around the 12th to 16th week of gestation, the anterior pituitary
begins producing hormones like growth hormone (GH), adrenocorticotropic
hormone (ACTH), and others essential for fetal development.
The posterior pituitary functions primarily in storage, as it stores
hormones produced by the hypothalamus and releases them into the
bloodstream.
4. Final Structural Differentiation
The pituitary gland achieves its final form, including the complete
separation of anterior and posterior lobes, by the end of the first
trimester
The gland remains connected to the hypothalamus by the pituitary stalk,
allowing it to integrate signals from the brain and regulate various
endocrine functions in the body.
This dual-origin structure and function are what make the pituitary
gland a unique and critical component of the endocrine system, acting as
a bridge between the nervous and endocrine systems.
5. Pituitary stem cells: stem cells are found in the pituitary which can differentiate into various types of hormone-producing cells in times of physiological need.
In the neonate, these stem cells undergo a massive wave of
differentiation specifically to gonadotropes, which forms the basis of
most of the adult gonadotrope population, though some gonadotropes of
embryonic origin remain.
All of the functions of the pituitary gland can be adversely affected by an over- or under-production of associated hormones.
The pituitary gland is important for mediating the stress response, via the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis
(HPA axis). Critically, pituitary gland growth during adolescence can
be altered by early life stress such as childhood maltreatment or
maternal dysphoric behavior.
It has been demonstrated that, after controlling for age, sex, and BMI, larger quantities of DHEA and DHEA-S tended to be linked to larger pituitary volume.
Additionally, a correlation between pituitary gland volume and Social
Anxiety subscale scores was identified which provided a basis for
exploring mediation. Again controlling for age, sex, and BMI, DHEA and DHEA-S
have been found to be predictive of larger pituitary gland volume,
which was also associated with increased ratings of social anxiety.
This research provides evidence that pituitary gland volume mediates
the link between higher DHEA(S) levels (associated with relatively early
adrenarche) and traits associated with social anxiety.
Children who experience early adrenarcheal development tend to have
larger pituitary gland volume compared to children with later
adrenarcheal development.
History
Etymology
Pituitary gland
The Greek physicianGalen referred to the pituitary gland by only using the (Ancient Greek) name ἀδήν, gland. He described the pituitary gland as part of a series of secretory organs for the excretion of nasal mucus. Anatomist Andreas Vesalius translated ἀδήν with glans, in quam pituita destillat, "gland in which slime (pituita) drips". Besides this 'descriptive' name, Vesalius used glandula pituitaria, from which the English name pituitary gland is ultimately derived.
The expression glandula pituitaria is still used as official synonym beside hypophysis in the official Latin nomenclature Terminologia Anatomica. In the seventeenth century the supposed function of the pituitary gland to produce nasal mucus was debunked. The expression glandula pituitaria and its English equivalent pituitary gland can only be justified from a historical point of view. The inclusion of this synonym is merely justified by noting that the main term hypophysis is a much less popular term.
Hypophysis
Note: hypophysial (or hypophyseal) means "related to the hypophysis (pituitary gland)".
The anatomist Samuel Thomas von Sömmerring coined the name hypophysis. This name consists of ὑπό ('under') and φύειν ('to grow'). In later Greek ὑπόφυσις is used differently by Greek physicians as outgrowth. Sömmering also used the equivalent expression appendix cerebri, with appendix as appendage. In various languages, Hirnanhang in German and hersenaanhangsel in Dutch, the terms are derived from appendix cerebri.
Other animals
The pituitary gland is found in all vertebrates, but its structure varies among different groups.
The division of the pituitary described above is typical of mammals, and is also true, to varying degrees, of all tetrapods. However, only in mammals does the posterior pituitary have a compact shape. In lungfish, it is a relatively flat sheet of tissue lying above the anterior pituitary, but in amphibians, reptiles, and birds,
it becomes increasingly well developed. The intermediate lobe is, in
general, not well developed in any species and is entirely absent in
birds.
The structure of the pituitary in fish, apart from the lungfish,
is generally different from that in other animals. In general, the
intermediate lobe tends to be well developed, and may equal the
remainder of the anterior pituitary in size. The posterior lobe
typically forms a sheet of tissue at the base of the pituitary stalk,
and in most cases sends irregular finger-like projection into the tissue
of the anterior pituitary, which lies directly beneath it. The anterior
pituitary is typically divided into two regions, a more anterior rostral portion and a posterior proximal portion, but the boundary between the two is often not clearly marked. In elasmobranchs, there is an additional, ventral lobe beneath the anterior pituitary proper.
The arrangement in lampreys,
which are among the most primitive of all fish, may indicate how the
pituitary originally evolved in ancestral vertebrates. Here, the
posterior pituitary is a simple flat sheet of tissue at the base of the
brain, and there is no pituitary stalk. Rathke's pouch remains open to
the outside, close to the nasal openings. Closely associated with the
pouch are three distinct clusters of glandular tissue, corresponding to
the intermediate lobe, and the rostral and proximal portions of the
anterior pituitary. These various parts are separated by meningial
membranes, suggesting that the pituitary of other vertebrates may have
formed from the fusion of a pair of separate, but associated, glands.
Most armadillos
also possess a neural secretory gland very similar in form to the
posterior pituitary, but located in the tail and associated with the spinal cord. This may have a function in osmoregulation.
There is a structure analogous to the pituitary in the octopus brain.
Intermediate lobe
Although rudimentary in humans (and often considered part of the anterior pituitary), the intermediate lobe
located between the anterior and posterior pituitary is important to
many animals. For instance, in fish, it is believed to control
physiological color change. In adult humans, it is just a thin layer of
cells between the anterior and posterior pituitary. The intermediate
lobe produces melanocyte-stimulating hormone (MSH), although this function is often (imprecisely) attributed to the anterior pituitary.
The intermediate lobe is, in general, not well developed in tetrapods, and is entirely absent in birds.
Arabic literature is the writing produced, both prose and poetry, by speakers of the Arabic language. The Arabic word used for literature is adab
which is derived from a word meaning "to invite someone for a meal" and
implies politeness, culture and enrichment. Arabic literature emerged
in the 6th century, with only fragments of the written language
appearing before then. The Qur'an, from the 7th century, had the greatest and longest-lasting effect on Arabic culture and literature.
The Mu'allaqat (Arabic: المعلقات, [al-muʕallaqaːt]) is the name given to a series of seven Arabic poems or qasida
that originated before the time of Islam. Each poem in the set has a
different author, and is considered to be their best work. Mu'allaqat
means "The Suspended Odes" or "The Hanging Poems," and comes from the
poems being hung on the wall in the Kaaba at Mecca.
The seven authors, who span a period of around 100 years, are Imru' al-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhayr, Labīd, 'Antara Ibn Shaddad, 'Amr ibn Kulthum, and Harith ibn Hilliza.
All of the Mu’allaqats contain stories from the authors’ lives and
tribe politics. This is because poetry was used in pre-Islamic time to
advertise the strength of a tribe's king, wealth and people.
The One Thousand and One Nights (Arabic: أَلْف لَيْلَة وَلَيْلَةʾAlf layla wa-layla),
is a medieval folk tale collection which tells the story of
Scheherazade, a Sassanid queen who must relate a series of stories to
her malevolent husband, King Shahryar (Šahryār), to delay her execution.
The stories are told over a period of one thousand and one nights, and
every night she ends the story with a suspenseful situation, forcing the
King to keep her alive for another day. The individual stories were
created over several centuries, by many people from a number of
different lands.
During the reign of the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid in the 8th
century, Baghdad had become an important cosmopolitan city. Merchants
from Persia, China, India, Africa, and Europe were all found in Baghdad.
During this time, many of the stories that were originally folk stories
are thought to have been collected orally over many years and later
compiled into a single book. The compiler and ninth-century translator
into Arabic is reputedly the storyteller Abu Abd-Allah Muhammad
el-Gahshigar. The frame story of Shahrzad seems to have been added in
the 14th century.
An example of modern poetry in classical Arabic style with themes of Pan-Arabism is the work of Aziz Pasha Abaza. He came from Abaza family which produced notable Arabic literary figures including Ismail Pasha Abaza, Fekry Pasha Abaza, novelist Tharwat Abaza, and Desouky Bek Abaza, among others.
Arabic music is the music of Arab people, especially those centered around the Arabian Peninsula. The world of Arab music has long been dominated by Cairo, a cultural center, though musical innovation and regional styles abound from Tunisia to Saudi Arabia. Beirut has, in recent years, also become a major center of Arabic music. Classical Arab music
is extremely popular across the population, especially a small number
of superstars known throughout the Arab world. Regional styles of popular music include Iraqi el Maqaam, Algerianraï, Kuwaitisawt and Egyptianel gil.
"The common style that developed is usually called 'Islamic' or
'Arab', though in fact it transcends religious, ethnic, geographical,
and linguistic boundaries" and it is suggested that it be called the Near East (from Morocco to Afghanistan) style.
Habib Hassan Touma lists "five components" which "characterize the music of the Arabs:
Rhythmic-temporal structures that produce a rich variety of rhythmic patterns, awzan, used to accompany the metered vocal and instrumental genres and give them form.
Musical instruments that are found throughout the Arabian world and that represent a standardized tone system, are played with standardized performance techniques, and exhibit similar details in construction and design.
Specific social contexts for the making of music, whereby musical genres can be classified as urban (music of the city inhabitants), rural (music of the country inhabitants), or Bedouin (music of the desert inhabitants).
A musical mentality that is responsible for the aesthetic
homogeneity of the tonal-spatial and rhythmic-temporal structures in
Arabian music, whether composed or improvised, instrumental or vocal, secular or sacred. The Arab's musical mentality is defined by:
The maqām phenomenon.
The predominance of vocal music.
The predilection for small instrumental ensembles.
The mosaiclike stringing together of musical form elements, that is,
the arrangement in a sequence of small and smallest melodic elements,
and their repetition, combination, and permutation within the framework
of the tonal-spatial model.
The absence of polyphony, polyrhythm, and motivic development.
Arabian music is, however, very familiar with the ostinato, as well as
with a more instinctive heterophonic way of making music.
The alternation between a free rhythmic-temporal and fixed
tonal-spatial organization on the one hand and a fixed rhythmic-temporal
and free tonal-spatial structure on the other. This alternation...
results in exciting contrasts."
Much Arab music is characterized by an emphasis on melody and rhythm rather than harmony. Thus much Arabic music is homophonic in nature. Some genres of Arab music are polyphonic—as the instrument Kanoun is based upon the idea of playing two-note chords—but quintessentially, Arabic music is melodic.
It would be incorrect though to call it modal, for the Arabic system is more complex than that of the Greek modes. The basis of the Arabic music is the maqam (pl. maqamat), which looks like the mode, but is not quite the same. The maqam has a "tonal" note on which the piece must end (unless modulation occurs).
The maqam consists of at least two jins, or scale segments. "Jins" in
Arabic comes from the ancient Greek word "genus," meaning type. In
practice, a jins (pl. ajnas) is either a trichord, a tetrachord, or a pentachord. The trichord is three notes, the tetrachord four, and the pentachord five. The maqam usually covers only one octave (two jins), but sometimes it covers more than one octave. Like the melodic minor
scale and Indian ragas, some maqamat have different ajnas, and thus
notes, while descending or ascending. Because of the continuous
innovation of jins and because most music scholars don't agree on the
existing number anyway, it's hard to give an accurate number of the
jins. Nonetheless, in practice most musicians would agree on the 8 most
frequently used ajnas: Rast, Bayat, Sikah, Hijaz, Saba, Kurd, Nahawand,
and Ajam — and a few of the most commonly used variants of those:
Nakriz, Athar Kurd, Sikah Beladi, Saba Zamzama. Mukhalif is a rare jins
used exclusively in Iraq, and it does not occur in combination with
other ajnas.
The main difference between the western chromatic scale and the Arabic scales is the existence of many in-between notes, which are sometimes referred to as quarter tones
for the sake of practicality. However, while in some treatments of
theory the quarter tone scale or all twenty four tones should exist,
according to Yūsuf Shawqī (1969) in practice there are many fewer tones.
In fact, the situation is much more complicated than that. In
1932, at International Convention on Arabic music held in Cairo, Egypt
(attended by such Western luminaries as Béla Bartók and Henry George Farmer),
experiments were done which determined conclusively that the notes in
actual use differ substantially from an even-tempered 24-tone scale, and
furthermore that the intonation of many of those notes differ slightly
from region to region (Egypt, Turkey, Syria, Iraq). The commission's
recommendation is as follows: "The tempered scale and the natural scale
should be rejected. In Egypt, the Egyptian scale is to be kept with the
values, which were measured with all possible precision. The Turkish,
Syrian, and Iraqi scales should remain what they are...".
Both in modern practice, and based on the evidence from recorded music
over the course of the last century, there are several differently tuned
"E"s in between the E-flat and E-natural of the Western Chromatic
scale, depending on the maqam or jins in use, and depending on the
region.
Musicians and teachers refer to these in-between notes as
"quarter-tones" ("half-flat" or "half-sharp") for ease of nomenclature,
but perform and teach the exact values of intonation in each jins or
maqam by ear. It should also be added, in reference to Touma's comment
above, that these "quarter-tones" are not used everywhere in the
maqamat: in practice, Arabic music does not modulate to 12 different
tonic areas like the Well-Tempered Klavier,
and so the most commonly used "quarter tones" are on E (between E-flat
and E-natural), A, B, D, F (between F-natural and F-sharp) and C.
The prototypical Arab ensemble in Egypt and Syria is known as the takht, which includes, (or included at different time periods) instruments such as the 'oud, qanún, rabab, nay, violin (which was introduced in the 1840s or 50s), riq and dumbek.
In Iraq, the traditional ensemble, known as the chalghi, includes only
two melodic instruments—the jowza (similar to the rabab but with four
strings) and santur—with riq and dumbek.
Arab folk dances also referred to as Oriental dance, Middle-Eastern dance andEastern dance, refers to the traditional folk dances of the Arabs in Arab world (Middle East and North Africa). The term "Arabic dance" is often associated with the belly dance. However, there are many styles of traditional Arab dance, and many of them have a long history.
These may be folk dances, or dances that were once performed as rituals
or as entertainment spectacle, and some may have been performed in the
imperial court. Coalescence of oral storytelling, poetry recital, and performative music and dance as long-standing traditions in Arab history. Among the best-known of the Arab traditional dances are the belly dance and the Dabke.
Belly dance also referred to as Arabic dance (Arabic: رقص شرقي, romanized: Raqs sharqi is an Arab expressive dance,which emphasizes complex movements of the torso.
Many boys and girls in countries where belly dancing is popular will
learn how to do it when they are young. The dance involves movement of
many different parts of the body; usually in a circular way.
Prior to the Islamic Era, poetry was regarded as the main means of communication on the Arabian Peninsula. It related the achievements of tribes and defeats of enemies and also served as a tool for propaganda. After the arrival of Islam, Imams
(preachers) played a role in disseminating information and relating
news from the authorities to the people. The suq or marketplace gossip
and interpersonal relationships played an important role in the
spreading of news, and this form of communication among Arabs continues today. Before the introduction of the printing press Muslims obtained most of their news from the imams at the mosque, friends or in the marketplace. Colonial powers and Christian Missionaries in Lebanon
were responsible for the introduction of the printing press. It was not
until the 19th century that the first newspapers began to appear,
mainly in Egypt and Lebanon, which had the most newspapers per capita.
During French rule in Egypt in the time of Napoleon Bonaparte
the first newspaper was published, in French. There is debate over when
the first Arabic language newspaper was published; according to Arab
scholar Abu Bakr, it was Al Tanbeeh (1800), published in Egypt, or it was Junral Al Iraq (1816), published in Iraq, according to other researchers. In the mid-19th century the Turkish Empire dominated the first newspapers.
The first newspapers were limited to official content and
included accounts of relations with other countries and civil trials. In
the following decades Arab media blossomed due to journalists
mainly from Syria and Lebanon, who were intellectuals and published
their newspapers without the intention of making a profit. Because of
the restrictions by most governments, these intellectuals were forced to
flee their respective countries but had gained a following and because
of their popularity in this field of work other intellectuals began to
take interest in the field.
The first émigré Arab newspaper, Mar’at al Ahwal, was published in Turkey in 1855 by Rizqallah Hassoun Al Halabi. It was criticized by the Ottoman Empire and shut down after only one year. Intellectuals in the Arab world
soon realized the power of the press. Some countries' newspapers were
government-run and had political agendas in mind. Independent newspapers
began to spring up which expressed opinions and were a place for the
public to out their views on the state. Illiteracy rates in the Arab
world played a role in the formation of media, and due to the low reader
rates newspapers were forced to get political parties to subsidize
their publications, giving them input to editorial policy.
Freedoms that have branched through the introduction of the Internet in Middle East
are creating a stir politically, culturally, and socially. There is an
increasing divide between the generations. The Arab world is in conflict
internally. The internet has brought economic prosperity and
development, but bloggers
have been incarcerated all around in the Middle East for their opinions
and views on their regimes, the same consequence which was once given
to those who publicly expressed themselves without anonymity. But the
power of the internet has provided also a public shield for these
bloggers since they have the ability to engage public sympathy on such a
large scale. This is creating a dilemma that shakes the foundation of
Arab culture, government, religious interpretation, economic prosperity,
and personal integrity.
Each country or region in the Arab world has varying colloquial
dialects which are used for everyday speech, yet its presence in the
media world is discouraged. Prior to the establishment of Modern Standard Arabic
(MSA), during the 19th century, the language of the media was stylized
and resembled literary language of the time, proving to be ineffective
in relaying information. Currently MSA is used by Arab media, including
newspapers, books and some television stations, in addition to all
formal writing. Vernaculars are however present in certain forms of
media including satires, dramas, music videos and other local programs.
Journalism ethics is a system of values that determines what constitutes "good" and "bad" journalism.
A system of media values consists of and is constructed by
journalists' and other actors' decisions about issues like what is
"newsworthy," how to frame the news, and whether to observe topical "red
lines."
Such a system of values varies over space and time, and is embedded
within the existing social, political, and economic structures in a
society. William Rugh states, "There is an intimate, organic
relationship between media institutions and society in the way that
those institutions are organized and controlled. Neither the institution
nor the society in which it functions can be understood properly
without reference to the other. This is certainly true in the Arab
world."
Media values in the Arab world therefore vary between and within
countries. In the words of Lawrence Pintak and Jeremy Ginges (2008),
“The Arab media are not a monolith.”
Journalists in the Arab world hold many of the same values with their news generation as do journalists in the Western world.
Journalists in the Arab world often aspire to Western norms of
objectivity, impartiality, and balance. Kuldip Roy Rampal's study of
journalist training programs in North Africa leads him to the conclusion
that, "the most compelling dilemma faced by professional journalists,
increasingly graduates of journalism degree programs, in the four
Maghreb states is how to reconcile their preference for press freedom
and objectivity with constraints imposed by political and legal factors
that point to a pro-government journalism."
Iyotika Ramaprasad and Naila Nabil Hamdy state, “A new trend toward
objectivity and impartiality as a value in Arab journalism seems to be
emerging, and the values of Arab and Western journalism in this field
have started to converge.”
Further, many journalists in the Arab world express their desires for
the media to become a fourth estate akin to the media in the West. In a
survey of 601 journalists in the Arab world, 40% of them viewed
investigation of the government as part of their job.
Important differences between journalists in the Arab world and
their Western counterparts are also apparent. Some journalists in the
Arab world see no conflict between objectivity and support for political
causes. Ramprasad and Hamdy's sample of 112 Egyptian journalists gave the highest importance to supporting Arabism
and Arab values, which included injunctions such as “defend Islamic
societies, traditions and values” and “support the cause of the
Palestinians.” Sustaining democracy through “examining government
policies and decisions critically,” ranked a close second.
Other journalists reject the notion of media ethics altogether
because they see it as a mechanism of control. Kai Hafez states, “Many
governments in the Arab world have tried to hijack the issue of media
ethics and have used it as yet another controlling device, with the
result that many Arab journalists, while they love to speak about the
challenges of their profession, hate performing under the label of media
ethics.”
Historically, news in the Arab world was used to inform, guide,
and publicize the actions of political practitioners rather than being
just a consumer product. The power of news as political tool was
discovered in the early 19th century, with the purchase of shares from
Le Temps a French newspaper by Ismail the grandson of Muhammad Ali. Doing so allowed Ismail to publicize his policies.
Arab Media coming to modernity flourished and with it its
responsibilities to the political figures that have governed its role. Ami Ayalon
argues in his history of the press in the Arab Middle East that,
“Private journalism began as an enterprise with very modest objectives,
seeking not to defy authority but rather to serve it, to collaborate and
coexist cordially with it. The demand for freedom of expression, as
well as for individual political freedom, a true challenge to the
existing order, came only later, and hesitantly at that, and was met by a
public response that can best be described as faint."
Media researchers stress that the moral and social responsibility of
newspeople dictates that they should not agitate public opinion, but
rather should keep the status quo. It is also important to preserve
national unity by not stirring up ethnic or religious conflict.
The values of media in the Arab world have started to change with the
emergence of “new media." Examples of new media include news websites,
blogs, and satellite television stations like Al Arabiya. The founding of the Qatari Al Jazeera
network in 1996 especially affected media values. Some scholars believe
that the network has blurred the line between private- and state- run
news. Mohamed Zayani and Sofiane Sabraoui state, “Al Jazeera is owned by
the government, but has an independent editorial policy; it is publicly
funded, but independent minded.”
The Al Jazeera media network espouses a clear mission and strategy,
and was one of the first news organizations in the Arab world to release
a code of ethics.
Despite its government ties, it seeks to “give no priority to
commercial or political over professional consideration” and to
“cooperate with Arab and international journalistic unions and
associations to defend freedom of the press.” With a motto of “the view
and the other view,” it purports to “present the diverse points of view
and opinions without bias and partiality.” It has sought to fuse these
ostensibly Western media norms with a wider “Arab orientation,”
evocative of the social responsibility discussed by scholars such as
Noha Mellor above.
Some more recent assessments of Al Jazeera have criticized
it for a lack of credibility in the wake of the Arab Spring. Criticism
has come from within the Arab Middle East, including from state
governments. Independent commentators have criticized its neutrality vis-a-vis the Syrian Civil War.
Media values are not the only variable that affects news output
in Arab society. Hafez states, “The interaction of political, economic,
and social environments with individual and collective professional
ethics is the driving force behind journalism.”
In most Arab countries, newspapers cannot be published without a
government-issued license. Most Arab countries also have press laws,
which impose boundaries on what can and cannot be said in print.
Censorship plays a significant role in journalism in the Arab world. Censorship comes in a variety of forms: Self-censorship, Government Censorship (governments struggle to control through technological advances in ex. the internet), Ideology/Religious Censorship, and Tribal/Family/Alliances Censorship. Because Journalism
in the Arab world comes with a range of dangers – journalists
throughout the Arab world can be imprisoned, tortured, and even killed
in their line of work – self-censorship is extremely important for many
Arab journalists. A study conducted by the Center for Defending Freedom
of Journalists (CDFJ) in Jordan, for example, found that the majority of
Jordanian journalists exercise self-censorship. CPJ
found that 34 journalists were killed in the region in 2012, 72 were
imprisoned on December 1, 2012, and 126 were in exile from 2007 to 2012.
A related point is that media owners and patrons have effects on
the values of their outlets. Newspapers in the Arab world can be divided
into three categories: government owned, partisan
owned, and independently owned. Newspaper, radio, and television
patronization in the Arab world has heretofore been primarily a function
of governments. "Now, newspaper ownership has been consolidated in the hands of powerful chains and groups. Yet, profit is not the driving force behind the launching of newspapers; publishers
may establish a newspaper to ensure a platform for their political
opinions, although it is claimed that this doesn't necessarily influence
the news content".
In the Arab world, as far as content is concerned, news is politics.
Arab states are intimately involved in the economic well-being of many
Arab news organizations so they apply pressure in several ways, most
notably through ownership or advertising.
Some analysts hold that cultural and societal pressures determine
journalists' news output in the Arab world. For example, to the extent
that family reputation and personal reputation are fundamental
principles in Arabian civilization, exposes of corruption, examples of
weak moral fiber in governors and policy makers, and investigative journalism
may have massive consequences. In fact, some journalists and media
trainers in the Arab world nevertheless actively promote the centrality
of investigative journalism to the media's larger watchdog
function. In Jordan, for example, where the degree of government and
security service interference in the media is high, non-governmental
organizations such as the Center for Defending the Freedom of
Journalists (CDFJ) and Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism
(ARIJ) train journalists to undertake investigative journalism projects.
The
Jordanian Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ) posted
this sign in protest of the country's 2012 Press and Publications law.
It reads, "The right to obtain information is a right for all people".
Some Saudi journalists stress the importance of enhancing Islam
through the media. The developmental role of media was acknowledged by
an overwhelming majority of Saudi journalists, while giving the readers
what they want was not regarded as a priority.
However, journalism codes, as an important source for the study of
media values, complicate this notion. Kai Hafez states, “The possible
hypothesis that Islamic countries might not be interested in ‘truth’ and
would rather propagate ‘Islam’ as the single truth cannot be verified
completely because even a code that limits journalists’ freedom of
expression to Islamic objectives and values, the Saudi Arabian code,
demands that journalists present real facts.” In addition, Saudi journalists operate in an environment in which anti-religious talk is likely to be met with censorship.
Patterns of consumption also affect media values. People in the
Arab world rely on newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and the
Internet to differing degrees and to meet a variety of ends. For Rugh,
the proportion of radio and television receivers to Arab populations
relative to UNESCO minimum standards suggests that radio and television
are the most widely consumed media. He estimates that television reaches
well over 100 million people in the region, and this number has likely
grown since 2004. By contrast, he supposes that Arab newspapers are
designed more for elite-consumption on the basis of their low
circulation. He states, "Only five Arab countries have daily newspapers
which distribute over 60,000 copies and some have dailies only in the
under-10,000 range. Only Egypt has dailies which distribute more than a
half million copies."
Estimating newspaper readership is complicated, however, by the fact
that single newspapers can change hands many times in a day. Finally,
the internet continues to be a fairly common denominator in Arab
societies. A report by the Dubai School of Government and Bayt.com
estimates that there are more than 125 million Internet users in the
region, and that more than 53 million of them actively use social media.
They caution, however, that while "the internet has wide-ranging
benefits, these benefits do not reach large segments of societies in the
Arab region. The digital divide remains a significant barrier for many
people. In many parts of the Arab world levels of educational
attainment, economic activity, standards of living and internet costs
still determine a person's access to life-changing technology.
Further, according to Leo Gher and Hussein Amin, the Internet and other
modern telecommunication services may serve to counter the effects of
private and public ownership and patronage of the press. They state,
"Modern international telecommunications services now assist in the free
flow of information, and neither inter-Arab conflicts nor differences
among groups will affect the direct exchange of services provided by
global cyberspace networks."
Magazines
Mervat Amin on the cover for Al Mawed magazine, 1 June 1972
In most Arabian countries, magazines
cannot be published without a government-issued license. Magazines in
the Arabian world, like many of the magazines in the Western world, are
geared towards women. However, the number of magazines in the Arab world
is significantly smaller than that of the Western world. The Arab world
is not as advertisement driven as the Western world. Advertisers fuel
the funding for most Western magazines to exist. Thus, a lesser emphasis
on advertisement in the Arabian world plays into the low number of magazines.
Radio
There are 40 private radio stations throughout the Middle East.
Arab radio broadcasting began in the 1920s, but only a few Arab countries had their own broadcasting stations before World War II. After 1945, most Arab states began to create their own radio broadcasting systems, although it was not until 1970, when Oman opened its radio transmissions, that every one of them had its own radio station.
Among Arab countries, Egypt
has been a leader in radio broadcasting from the beginning.
Broadcasting began in Egypt in the 1920s with private commercial radio.
In 1947, however, the Egyptian government declared radio a government
monopoly and began investing in its expansion.
By the 1970s, Egyptian radio had fourteen different broadcast
services with a total air time of 1,200 hours per week. Egypt is ranked
third in the world among radio broadcasters. The programs were all
government controlled, and much of the motivation for the government's
investment in radio was due to the aspirations of President Gamal Abdel Nasser to be the recognized leader of the Arab world.
Egypt's "Voice of the Arabs" station, which targeted other Arab
countries with a constant stream of news and political features and
commentaries, became the most widely heard station in the region. Only
after the June 1967 war,
when it was revealed that this station had misinformed the public about
what was happening, did it lose some credibility; nevertheless it
retained a large listenership.
On the Arabian Peninsula, radio was slower to develop. In Saudi Arabia, radio broadcasts started in the Jidda-Mecca area in 1948, but they did not start in the central or eastern provinces until the 1960s. Neighboring Bahrain had radio by 1955, but Qatar, Abu Dhabi, and Oman did not start indigenous radio broadcasting until nearly a quarter century later.
Television
Almost all television channels in the Arab world were government-owned
and strictly controlled prior to the 1990s. In the 1990s the spread of
satellite television began changing television in Arab countries. Often
noted as a pioneer, Al Jazeera represents a shift towards a more professional approach to news and current affairs. Financed by the Qatar
government and established in 1996, Al Jazeera was the first Arabic
channel to deliver extensive live news coverage, going so far as to send
reporters to "unthinkable" places like Israel. Breaking the mold in
more ways than one, Al Jazeera's discussion programs raised subjects
that had long been prohibited. However, in 2008, Egypt and Saudi Arabia called for a meeting to approve a charter to regulate satellitebroadcasting. The Arab League Satellite Broadcasting Charter (2008) lays out principles for regulating satellite broadcasting in the Arab world.
Other satellite channels:
Al Arabiya: established in 2003; based in Dubai; offshoot of MBC
Alhurra ("The Free One"): established in 2004 by the United States; counter-perceives biases in Arab news media
Al Manar: owned by Hezbollah; Lebanese-based; highly controversial
"Across the Middle East, new television stations, radio stations and websites are sprouting like incongruous electronic mushrooms in what was once a media desert. Meanwhile, newspapers are aggressively probing the red lines that have long contained them". Technology
is playing a significant role in the changing Arab media. Pintak
furthers, "Now, there are 263 free-to-air (FTA) satellite television
stations in the region, according to Arab Advisors Group. That's double
the figure as of just two years ago". Freedom of speech and money have little to do with why satellite television
is sprouting up everywhere. Instead, "A desire for political influence
is probably the biggest factor driving channel growth. But ego is a
close second". The influence of the West is very apparent in Arab media, especially in television. Arab soap operas and the emerging popularity of reality TV are evidence of this notion.
"In the wake of controversy triggered by Super Star and Star Academy, some observers have hailed reality television as a harbinger of democracy in the Arab world." Star Academy in Lebanon is strikingly similar to American Idol mixed with The Real World. Star Academy
began in 2003 in the Arab world. "Reality television entered Arab
public discourse in the last five years at a time of significant turmoil
in the region: escalating violence in Iraq, contested elections in Egypt, the struggle for women's political rights in Kuwait, political assassinations in Lebanon, and the protracted Arab–Israeli conflict.
This geo-political crisis environment that currently frames Arab
politics and Arab–Western relations is the backdrop to the controversy
surrounding the social and political impact of Arab reality television,
which assumes religious, cultural or moral manifestations."
Most Arab countries did not produce films before independence, except for Egypt. In Sudan, Libya, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, production is even now confined to short films or television. Bahrain witnessed the production of its first and only full-length feature film in 1989. In Jordan, national production has barely exceeded half a dozen feature films. Iraq has produced approximately 100 films and Syria some 150. Lebanon, owing to an increased production during the 1950s and 1960s, has made some 180 feature films. Only Egypt has far exceeded these countries, with a production of more than 2,500 feature films (all meant for cinema, not television).
As with most aspects of Arab media, censorship plays a large art of
creating and distributing films. "In most Arab countries, film projects
must first pass a state committee, which grants or denies permission to
shoot. Once this permission is obtained, another official license, a
so-called visa, is necessary in order to exploit the film commercially.
This is normally approved by a committee of the Ministry of Information
or a special censorship authority". The most significant taboo topics under state supervision are consistent with those of other forms of media: religion, sex, and politics.
Internet
The Internet
in the Arab world is powerful source of expression and information as
it is in other places in the world. While some believe that it is the
harbinger of freedom in media to the Middle East, others think that it is a new medium for censorship.
Both are true. The Internet has created a new arena for discussion and
the dissemination of information for the Arab world just as it has in
the rest of the world. The youth in particular are accessing and
utilizing the tools. People are encouraged and enabled to join in
political discussion and critique in a manner that was not previously
possible. Those same people are also discouraged and blocked from those
debates as the differing regimes try to restrict access based on
religious and state objections to certain material.
The internet in the Arab world has a snowball effect; now that the
snowball is rolling, it can no longer be stopped. Getting bigger and
stronger, it is bound to crush down all obstacles. In addition, to the
stress caused by the Arab bloggers, a new forum was opened for Arab
activists; Facebook. Arab activists have been using Facebook in the
utmost creative way to support the democracy movement in the region, a
region that has one of the highest rates of repression in the world.
Unlike other regions where oppressive countries (like China, Iran and
Burma) represent the exception, oppression can be found everywhere in
the Arab world. The number of Arab internet users interested in
political affairs does not exceed a few thousands, mainly represented by
internet activists and bloggers, out of 58 million internet users in
the Arab world. As few as they are, they have succeeded in shedding some
light on the corruption and repression of the Arab governments and
dictatorships.
Public Internet use began in the US in the 1980s. Internet access began in the early 1990s in the Arab world, with Tunisia
being first in 1991 according to Dr. Deborah L. Wheeler. The years of
the Internet's introduction in the various Arab countries are reported
differently. Wheeler reports that Kuwait joined in 1992, and in 1993, Iraq and the UAE came online. In 1994 Jordan joined the Internet, and Saudi Arabia and Syria
followed in the late 1990s. Financial considerations and the lack of
widespread availability of services are factors in the slower growth in
the Arab world, but taking into consideration the popularity of internet cafes, the numbers online are much larger than the subscription numbers would reveal.
The people most commonly utilizing the Internet in the Arab world are youths. The café users in particular tend to be under 30, single and have a variety of levels of education and language proficiency. Despite reports that use of the internet was curtailed by lack of English skills, Dr. Wheeler found that people were able to search with Arabic. Searching for jobs, the unemployed frequently fill cafes in Egypt and Jordan. They are men and women
equally. Most of them chat and they have email. In a survey conducted
by Dr. Deborah Wheeler, she found them to almost all to have been taught
to use the Internet by a friend or family member. They all felt their
lives to have been significantly changed by the use of the Internet. The
use of the Internet in the Arab world is very political in the nature
of the posts and of the sites read and visited. The Internet has brought
a medium to Arabs that allows for a freedom
of expression not allowed or accepted before. For those who can get
online, there are blogs to read and write and access to worldwide
outlets of information once unobtainable. With this access, regimes have
attempted to curtail what people are able to read, but the Internet is a
medium not as easily manipulated as telling a newspaper what it can or cannot publish. The Internet can be reached via proxy server, mirror, and other means. Those who are thwarted with one method will find 12 more methods around the blocked site. As journalists suffer and are imprisoned in traditional media, the Internet is no different with bloggers
regularly being imprisoned for expressing their views for the world to
read. The difference is that there is a worldwide audience witnessing
this crackdown and watching as laws are created and recreated to attempt to control the vastness of the Internet.
Jihadists
are using the Internet to reach a greater audience. Just as a simple
citizen can now have a worldwide voice, so can a movement. Groups are
using the Internet to share video, photos, programs and any kind of
information imaginable. Standard media may not report what the Muslim Brotherhood
would say on their site. However, for the interested, the Internet is a
tool that is utilized with great skill by those who wish to be heard. A
file uploaded to 100 sites and placed in multiple forums will reach
millions instantly. Information on the Internet can be thwarted, slowed,
even redirected, but it cannot be stopped if someone wants it out there
on the Internet.
The efforts by the various regimes to control the information are
all falling apart gradually. Those fighting crime online have devised
methods of tracking and catching criminals. Unfortunately those same
tools are being used to arrest bloggers and those who would just wish to
be heard. The Internet is a vast and seemingly endless source of
information. Arabs are using it more than perhaps the world is aware and
it is changing the media.
Social loyalty is of great importance in Arab culture. Family is one
of the most important aspects of the Arab society. While self-reliance,
individuality, and responsibility are taught by Arabic parents to their
children, family loyalty is the greatest lesson taught in Arab families.
"Unlike the extreme individualism we see in North America (every person for him or herself, individual rights, families living on their own away from relatives, and so on), Arab society emphasizes the importance of the group. Arab culture teaches that the needs of the group are more important than the needs of one person." In the Bedouin tribes of Saudi Arabia, "intense feelings of loyalty and dependence are fostered and preserved" by the family. Margaret Nydell, in her book Understanding Arabs: A Guide for Modern Times, writes "family loyalty and obligations take precedence over loyalty to friends or demands of a job."
She goes on to state that "members of a family are expected to support
each other in disputes with outsiders. Regardless of personal antipathy
among relatives, they must defend each other's honor, counter
criticism, and display group cohesion..." Of all members of the family, however, the most revered member is the mother.
Family honor is one of the most important characteristics in the
Arab family. According to Margaret Nydell, social exchanges between men
and women happen very seldom outside of the work place.
Men and women refrain from being alone together. They have to be very
careful in social situations because those interactions can be
interpreted negatively and cause gossip, which can tarnish the
reputation of women. Women are able to socialize freely with other women
and male family members, but have to have family members present to
socialize with men that are not part of the family.
These conservative practices are put into place to protect the
reputation of women. Bad behavior not only affects women but her
family's honor. Practices differ between countries and families. Saudi
Arabia has stricter practices when it comes to men and women and will
even require marriage documents if a woman and man are seen together
alone.
In regard to Arab values, are one of the characteristics of Arabs
is generosity and they usually show it by being courteous with each
other. Some of the most important values for Arabs are honor and
loyalty. Margaret Nydell, in her book Understanding Arabs: A Guide for Modern Times says that Arabs can be defined as, humanitarian, loyal and polite. Tarek Mahfouz explains in the book Arab Culture
that it is common for Arabs in dinner situations to insist on guests to
eat the last piece of the meal or to fight over who will pay the bill
at a restaurant for generosity.
The Pan Arab Games are a regional multi-sport event held between
nations from the Arab world. The first Games were held in 1953 in
Alexandria, Egypt. Intended to be held every four years since, political
turmoil as well as financial difficulties has made the event an
unstable one. Women were first allowed to compete in 1985. By the 11th Pan Arab Games, the number of countries participating reached all 22 members of the Arab League, with roughly over 8,000 Arab athletes participating, it was considered the largest in the Games' history, with the Doha Games in 2011 expected to exceed that number.
A selection of Jordanian mezze, appetizers or small dishes, in Petra, Jordan.
Originally, the Arabs of the Arabian Peninsula relied heavily on a diet of dates, wheat, barley, rice and meat, with little variety, with a heavy emphasis on yoghurt products, such as leben
(لبن) (yoghurt without butterfat). Arabian cuisine today is the result
of a combination of richly diverse cuisines, spanning the Arab world and
incorporating Levantine,
Egyptian, and others. It has also been influenced to a degree by the
cuisines of India, Turkey, Berber, and others. In an average Arab
household in Eastern Arabia,
a visitor might expect a dinner consisting of a very large platter,
shared commonly, with a vast mountain of rice, incorporating lamb or
chicken, or both, as separate dishes, with various stewed vegetables,
heavily spiced, sometimes with a tomato sauce. Most likely, there would
be several other items on the side, less hearty. Tea would certainly accompany the meal, as it is almost constantly consumed. Coffee would be included as well.
Tea is a very important drink in the Arab world, it is usually served
with breakfast, after lunch, and with dinner. For Arabs tea is a
hospitality drink that is served to guests. It is also common for Arabs
to drink tea with dates.
Dress
Men
Arab
dress for men ranges from the traditional flowing robes to blue jeans,
T-shirts and business suits. The robes allow for maximum circulation of
air around the body to help keep it cool, and the head dress provides
protection from the sun. At times, Arabs mix the traditional garb with
western clothes.
Thawb:
In the Arabian Peninsula men usually wear their national dress that is called "thawb"
or "thobe" but can be also called "Dishdasha" in Kuwait or "Kandoura"
(UAE). Thawbs differ slightly from state to state within the Gulf, but
the basic ones are white. This is the traditional attire that Arabs wear
in formal occasions.
Headdress:
The male headdress is known as a keffiyeh. In the Arabian Peninsula it is known as a guthra. It is usually worn with a black cord called an "agal", which keeps it on the wearer's head.
The Qatari guthra is heavily starched and it is known for its "cobra" shape.
The Saudi guthra is a square shaped cotton fabric. The traditional
is white but the white and red (shemagh) is also very common in Saudi
Arabia.
The Emirati guthra is usually white and can be used as a wrapped turban or traditionally with the black agal.
Headdress pattern might be an indicator of which tribe, clan, or
family the wearer comes from. However, this is not always the case.
While in one village, a tribe or clan might have a unique headdress, in
the next town over an unrelated tribe or clan might wear the same
headdress.
Checkered headdresses relate to type and government and participation in the Hajj, or a pilgrimage to Mecca.
Red and white checkered headdress – Generally of Jordanian origin. Wearer has made Hajj and comes from a country with a Monarch.
Black and white checkered headdress – The pattern is historically of Palestinian origin.
Black and grey represent Presidential rule and completion of the Hajj.
Women
Adherence to traditional dress varies across Arab societies. Saudi Arabia is more traditional, while Egypt is less so. Traditional Arab dress features the full length body cover (abaya, jilbāb, or chador) and veil (hijab). Women are only required to wear abayas
in Saudi Arabia, although that restriction has been eased since 2015.
The veil is not as prevalent in most countries outside the Arabian peninsula.
