Ethnoscience
has been defined as an attempt "to reconstitute what serves as science
for others, their practices of looking after themselves and their
bodies, their botanical knowledge, but also their forms of
classification, of making connections, etc." (Augé, 1999: 118).
Origins
Ethnoscience has not always focused on ideas distinct from those of "cognitive anthropology", "component analysis", or "the New Ethnography"; it is a specialization of indigenous knowledge-systems, such as ethno-botany, ethno-zoology, ethno-medicine, etc. (Atran, 1991: 595). According to Scott Atran, ethnoscience looks at culture with a scientific perspective (1991: 650), although most
anthropologists abhor this definition. Ethnoscience helps to understand
how people develop with different forms of knowledge and beliefs, and
focuses on the ecological and historical contributions people have been
given (Atran, 1991: 650). Tim Ingold
describes ethnoscience as a cross-discipline (2000: 160). He writes
that ethnoscience is based on increased collaboration between social sciences and the humanities (e.g., anthropology, sociology, psychology, and philosophy) with natural sciences such as biology, ecology, or medicine (Ingold, 2000: 406-7). At the same time, ethnoscience is increasingly transdisciplinary in its nature (Ingold, 2000: 407).
Of course, naturally over time, the ways in which data has been
collected and studied has changed and the field has evolved, becoming
more detailed and specific (Urry, 1972: 45).
The ideas, mechanics, and methods of ethnoscience evolved from
something else - a combination of several things. This pretext
amalgamation of theories, processes, and –isms led to the evolution of today's ethnoscience.
Early approaches
Early on, Franz Boas established cultural relativism
as an approach to understanding indigenous scientific practices (Uddin,
2005: 980). Cultural relativism identifies people's differences and
shows how they are a result of the social, historical, and geographical
conditions (Uddin, 2005: 980). Boas is known for his work in Northern Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, working with the Kwakwaka'wakw Indians, which is where he established the importance of culture (Uddin, 2005: 980). Lévi-Strauss' structuralism
was a strong contributor to the ideas of ethnoscience (Uddin, 2005:
980). It, itself, was the leading idea of providing structure to the
research and a guide to organizing and relating different cultures.
"Ethnoscience refers to a 'reduction of chaos' achieved by a particular
culture, rather than to the 'highest possible and conscious degree' to
which such chaos may be reduced;" basically, the ethnoscience of a
society creates its culture (Sturtevant, 1964: 100). Much of the
influence of anthropology, e.g., geographical determinism, was through the contributions of Jean Bodin
(Harris, 1968: 42). In his text, he tried to explain why "northern
people were faithful, loyal to the government, cruel, and sexually
uninterested, compared to why southern people were malicious, craft,
wise, expert in science but ill-adapted to political activity (Harris,
1968: 52)." The Greek historian, Polybius,
asserted "we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to climatic
influences; and to this cause, and no other, may be traced the great
distinctions that prevail among us in character, physical formation,
complexion, as well as in most of our habits…" (quoted in Harris, 1968:
41).
Another aspect of anthropology prior to ethnoscience is enculturation.
Newton and Newton described enculturation as a process whereby the
novice, or "outsider", learns what is important to the "insider" (1998).
Marvin Harris
writes, "One of [enculturation's] most important technical expressions
is the doctrine of 'psychic unity,' the belief that in the study of
sociocultural differences, hereditary (genetic) differences cancel each
other out, leaving 'experience' as the most significant variable"
(Harris, 1968: 15). This is one of the many starts of people opening up
to the idea that just because people are different, doesn't mean they
are wrong in their thinking. Harris describes how religious beliefs
hinder and affect the progress of anthropology and ethnography.
The moral beliefs and restrictions of religion fought against
anthropological ideas, possibly due to (especially at the time) to the
newly hyped idea of evolutionism and Darwinism (Harris, 1968).
Bronislaw Malinowski was one of many who contributed heavily to the precursor of ethnoscience. His earlier work brought attention to sociological studies; his earliest publication focused on a family in Australia, using a sociological study perspective (Harris, 1968: 547). After the First World War,
anthropological work was at a stand still; nothing had evolved, if not
regressed (Urry, 1972: 54). This allowed him to start from scratch, and
rebuild his ideas and methods (Harris, 1968: 547).
Later, however, Malinowski branched out to political evolution during World War II.
The period after World War II is what led to ethnoscience;
anthropologists learned their skills could be applied to problems that
were affecting modern societies (Mead, 1973: 1). Malinowski said "… with
his tables of kinship terms, genealogies,
maps, plans and diagrams, proves an extensive and big organization,
shows the contribution of the tribe, of the clan, of the family, and he
gives a picture of the natives subjected to a strict code of behavior
and good manners, to which in comparison the life at the Court of Versailles or Escurial
was free and easy" (1922: 10). After World War II, there was an extreme
amount of growth in the anthropological field, not only with research
opportunities but academically, as well (Mead, 1973: 2).
The anthropologist Robin Horton,
who taught at several Nigerian universities, considered the traditional
knowledge of indigenous peoples as incorporated within conceptual world
views that bear certain similarities to, and differences from, the
modern scientific worldview. Like modern science, traditional thought
provides a theoretical structure that "places things in a causal order
wider than that provided by common sense" (Horton, 1967, p. 53). In
contrast to modern science, he saw traditional thought as having a
limited awareness of theoretical alternatives and, consequently,
displaying "an absolute acceptance of the established theoretical
tenets" (Horton, 1967, pp. 155–6).
There are dozens, if not hundreds, of related methods and
processes that preceded ethnoscience. Ethnoscience is just another way
to study the human culture and the way people interact in society.
Taking a look at the ideas and analyses prior to ethnoscience can help
understand why it was developed in the first place. Although, it is not
widely used and there is criticism on both ends, ethnoscience allows for
a more comprehensive way to collect data and patterns of a people. This
is not to say the process is its best or that there will be nothing
better. That is the best part: everything evolves, even thought. Just as
the ideas did in the past, they can improve over time and regress over
time but change is inevitable.
Development
Ethnoscience
is a new term and study that came into anthropological theory in the
1960s. Often referred to as "indigenous knowledge", ethnoscience
introduces a perspective based on native perceptions. It is based on a
complete emic perspective, which excludes all observations,
interpretations and or any personal notions belonging to the
ethnographer. The taxonomy and classification of indigenous systems, to
name a few, used to categorize plants, animals, religion and life is
adapted from a linguistic analysis. The concept of "Native Science" is
also related to the understanding the role of the environment
intertwined with the meaning humans place upon their lives.
Understanding the language and the native people's linguistic system is
one method to understand a native people's system of knowledge of
organization. Not only is there categorization for things pertaining to
nature and culture thought language, but more importantly and complex is
the relationship between environment and culture. Ethnoscience looks at
the intricacies of the connection between culture and its surrounding
environment. There are also potential limitations and shortcomings in
interpreting these systems of knowledge as a dictation of culture and
behavior.
Since an ethnographer is not able to physically enter inside an
indigenous person's mind, it is essential to not only create a setting
or question-answer format to understand perspective but to analyze
semantics and word order of given answer to derive an emic
understanding. The main focus on a particular component of the languages
is placed on its lexicon. The terms "etic" and "emic" are derived from the linguistic terms of "phonetic" and "phonemic".
As introduced by Gregory Cajete,
some limitations the concept of indigenous knowledge, is the potential
to bypass non-indigenous knowledge as pertinent and valuable. The labels
of "indigenous" are overly accepted by those who seek more support by
outsiders to further their cause. There might also be an unequal
distribution of knowledge amongst a tribe or peoples. There is also the
idea that culture is bound by environment. Some theorists conclude that
indigenous people's culture is not operated by mental concentrations but
solely by the earth that surrounds them. Some theorists go the extent
to state that biological processes are based upon the availability, of
lack thereof, environmental resources. The methods for sustainability
are founded through the workings of the land. These techniques are
exercised from the basis of tradition. The importance of the combination
of ecological process, social structures, environmental ethics and
spiritual ecology are crucial to the expression of the true connection
between the natural world and "ecological consciousness".
The origin of Ethnoscience began between the years 1960 to 1965;
deriving from the concept of "ethno- + science". Ethno- a combining form
meaning "race", "culture", "people", used in the formation of compound
words: ethnography. The two concepts later emerged into "ethno-science".
The origin of the word 'science' involves the empiric observation of
measurable quantities and the testing of hypotheses to falsify or
support them.
"Ethnoscience refers to the system of knowledge and cognition typical of
a given culture...to put it another way a culture itself amounts to the
sum of a given society's folk classifications, all of that society's
ethnoscience, its particular ways of classifying its material and social
universe" (Sturtevant 1964: 99–100). The aim of ethnoscience is to gain
a more complete description of cultural knowledge. Ethnoscience has
been successfully used on several studies of given cultures relating to
their linguistics, folk taxonomy, and how they classify their foods,
animals and plants.
Ethnolinguistics
Ethnoscience
is the examination of the perceptions, knowledge, and classifications
of the world as reflected in their use of language, which can help
anthropologists understand a given culture. By using an ethnographic
approach to studying a culture and learning their lexicon and syntax
they are able to gain more knowledge in understanding how a particular
culture classifies its material and social universe. In addition, this
approach "adopted provides simultaneously a point at which the
discipline of linguistics, or at least some of its general attitudes,
may sensibly be used in anthropology and as a means of gaining insight
not only into the nature of man but also into the nature of culture"
(Videbeck and Pia, 1966).
Researchers can use linguistics to study what a given culture
considers important in a given situation or unforeseen event, and can
rank those potential situations in terms of their likelihood to recur.
In addition, "understanding the contingencies is helpful in the task of
comprehending folk taxonomies on the one hand, and, on the other, an
understanding of the taxonomy is required for a full scale appreciation
of criteria considered relevant in a given culture (Videbeck and Pia,
1966).
Taxonomy and classification
Ethnoscience
can be used to analyze the kinship terminology of a given culture,
using their language and according to how they view members of their
society. Taxonomies "are models of analysis whose purpose is the
description of particular types of hierarchical relationships between
members of a given set of elements" (Perchonock and Werner,
1969). For example, in our society we classify family groups by giving
members the title of father, mother, sister, daughter, brother, son,
grandfather, grandmother, etc.
System of classification – among cultures
Ethnoscience
deals with how a given culture classifies certain principles in
addition to how it is express through their language. By understanding a
given culture through how they view the world, anthropologists attempt
to eliminate any bias through translation as well as categorized their
principles in their own ways. "The new methods, which focus on the
discovery and description of folk systems, have come to be known as
Ethnoscience. Ethnoscience analysis has thus far concentrated on systems
of classification within such cultural and linguistic domains as
colors, plants, and medicines" (Perchonock and Werner,
1969). An ethnoscientific approach can be used to better understand a
given culture and their knowledge of their culture. Using an
ethnographic approach can help anthropologists understand how that given
culture views and categorizes their own foods, animal kingdom,
medicines, as well as plants.
Contemporary research
Ethnoscience
can be effectively summed up as a classification system for a
particular culture in the same way that a botanist would use a taxonomic
system for the classification of plant species. Everything from class
levels, food consumption, clothing, and material culture objects would
be subjected to a taxonomic classification system. In essence,
ethnoscience is a way of classifying cultural systems in a structured
order to better understand the culture.
The roots of ethnoscience can be traced back to influential
anthropologists such as Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, and Benjamin Whorf who attempted to understand other cultures from an insider's perspective. Ward Goodenough is accredited for bringing ethnoscience to the stage when he define cultural systems of knowledge by stating:
"A societies culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or
believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members.
Culture is not a material phenomenon; it does not consist of things,
behavior, or emotions. It is rather an organization of these things. It
is the form of things that people have in mind, their models for
perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them." (Goodenough 1957:167)
In order to properly put ethnoscience in context we must first
understand the definition of ethnoscience. it is defined as "an attempt
at cultural description from a totally emic perspective (a perspective
in ethnography that uses the concepts and categories that are relevant
and meaningful to the culture that is insider analysis) standpoint, this
eliminating all of the ethnographer's own categories" (Morey and
Luthans 27). Ethnoscience is also a way of learning and understanding
how an individual or group perceive their environment and how they fit
in with their environment as reflected in their own words and actions.
Ethnoscience has many techniques when applied to an emic
perspective. Ethnosemantics, ethnographic semantics, ethnographic
ethnoscience, formal analysis, and componential analysis are the terms
that apply to the practice of ethnoscience. Ethnosemantics looks at the
meaning of words in order to place them in context of the culture being
studied. It allows for taxonomy of a certain part of the culture being
looked at so that there is a clear breakdown which in turn leads to a
deeper understanding of the subject at hand. Ethnographic semantics are
very similar to cognitive anthropology in that its primary focus is the
intellectual and rational perspectives of the culture being studied.
Ethnographic semantics specifically looks at how language is used
throughout the culture. Lastly, ethnographic ethnoscience is related to
ethnosemantics such that, it uses a taxonomic system to understand how
cultural knowledge is accessible through language. Ethnographic
ethnoscience uses similar classification systems for cultural domains
like ethnobotany and ethnoanatomy. Again, ethnoscience is a way of
understanding a how a culture sees itself through its own language.
Understanding the cultural language allows the ethnographer to have a
deeper and more intimate understanding of the culture.
In many cases, traditional knowledge has been orally passed for generations from person to person. Some forms of traditional knowledge find expression in stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs, and laws. Other forms of traditional knowledge are expressed through other means.
Characteristics
Tribal
Colleges preserve and pass on both general knowledge and, through
employing community Elders, traditional Indigenous knowledge. (Leech
Lake Tribal College, Minnesota)
A report of the International Council for Science (ICSU) Study Group on Science and Traditional Knowledge characterises traditional knowledge as:
"a cumulative body of knowledge, know-how, practices and
representations maintained and developed by peoples with extended
histories of interaction with the natural environment. These
sophisticated sets of understandings, interpretations and meanings are
part and parcel of a cultural complex that encompasses language, naming
and classification systems, resource use practices, ritual, spirituality
and worldview."
Traditional knowledge typically distinguishes one community from
another. In some communities, traditional knowledge takes on personal
and spiritual
meanings. Traditional knowledge can also reflect a community's
interests. Some communities depend on their traditional knowledge for
survival. Traditional knowledge regarding the environment such as
taboos, proverbs and cosmological knowledge systems provide a lot of
conservation ethos for biodiversity preservation.
This is particularly true of traditional environmental knowledge, which
refers to a "particular form of place-based knowledge of the diversity
and interactions among plant and animal species, landforms,
watercourses, and other qualities of the biophysical environment in a
given place". An exemplar of a society with a wealth of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), the South American Kayapo people, have developed an extensive classification system of ecological zones of the Amazonian tropical savannah (i.e., campo / cerrado) to better manage the land.
Some social scientists conceptualise knowledge within a
naturalistic framework and emphasize the gradation of recent knowledge
into knowledge acquired over many generations. These accounts use terms
like "adaptively acquired knowledge", "socially constructed knowledge,"
and other terms that emphasize the social aspects of knowledge.
Local knowledge and traditional knowledge may be thought of as
distinguished by the length of time they have existed - decades to
centuries versus millennia. A large number of scholarly studies in the
naturalistic tradition demonstrate that traditional knowledge is not a natural category, and may reflect power struggles and relationships for land, resources and social control rather than adherence to a claimed ancestry or heritage.
On the other hand, indigenous and local communities themselves
may perceive traditional knowledge very differently. The knowledge of
indigenous and local communities is often embedded in a cosmology,
and any distinction between "intangible" knowledge and physical things
can become blurred. Indigenous peoples often say that "our knowledge is
holistic, and cannot be separated from our lands and resources".
Traditional knowledge in such cosmologies is inextricably bound to ancestors, and ancestral lands.Knowledge may not be acquired by naturalistic trial and error, but through direct revelation through conversations with "the creator", spirits, or ancestors. Chamberlin (2003) writes of a Gitksan elder from British Columbia confronted by a government land-claim: "If this is your land," he asked, "where are your stories?"
Indigenous and local communities often do not have strong
traditions of ownership over knowledge that resemble the modern forms of
private ownership.
Many have clear traditions of custodianship over knowledge, and
customary law may guide who may use different kinds of knowledge at
particular times and places, and specify obligations that accompany the
use of knowledge. From an indigenous perspective, misappropriation and
misuse of knowledge may be offensive to traditions, and may have
spiritual and physical repercussions in indigenous cosmological systems.
Consequently, indigenous and local communities argue that others' use
of their traditional knowledge warrants respect and sensitivity. Critics
of "traditional knowledge", however, see such demands for "respect" as
an attempt to prevent unsubstantiated beliefs from being subjected to
the same scrutiny as other knowledge-claims. This has particular significance for environmental management because the spiritual component of "traditional knowledge" can justify any activity, including the unsustainable harvesting of resources.
Property rights
Indigenous
lands are endangered by climate change. Many Indigenous Nations hold
traditional knowledge about land management in their bioregions.
International attention has turned to intellectual property laws to preserve, protect, and promote traditional knowledge. In 1992, the Convention on Biological Diversity
(CBD) recognized the value of traditional knowledge in protecting
species, ecosystems and landscapes, and incorporated language regulating
access to it and its use (discussed below). It was soon urged that
implementing these provisions would require revision of international
intellectual property agreements.
This became even more pressing with the adoption of the World Trade OrganizationAgreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
(TRIPs), which established rules for creating and protecting
intellectual property that could be interpreted to conflict with the
agreements made under the CBD. In response, the states who had ratified the CBD requested the World Intellectual Property Organization
(WIPO) to investigate the relationship between intellectual property
rights, biodiversity and traditional knowledge. WIPO began this work
with a fact-finding mission in 1999. Considering the issues involved
with biodiversity and the broader issues in TRIPs (involving all forms
of cultural expressions, not just those associated with biodiversity –
including traditional designs, music, songs, stories, etc.), WIPO
established the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and
Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC-GRTKF).
The period of the early 1990s to the Millennium was also characterized by the rapid rise in global civil society.
The high-level Brundtland Report (1987) recommended a change in
development policy that allowed for direct community participation and
respected local rights and aspirations. Indigenous peoples and others
had successfully petitioned the United Nations to establish a Working Group on Indigenous Populations
that made two early surveys on treaty rights and land rights. These led
to a greater public and governmental recognition of indigenous land and
resource rights, and the need to address the issue of collective human
rights, as distinct from the individual rights of existing human rights
law.
The collective human rights of indigenous and local communities has been increasingly recognized – such as in the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 169 (1989) and the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007). The Rio Declaration
(1992), endorsed by the presidents and ministers of the majority of the
countries of the world, recognized indigenous and local communities as
distinct groups with special concerns that should be addressed by
states.
Initial concern was over the territorial rights and traditional
resource rights of these communities. Indigenous peoples soon showed
concern for the misappropriation and misuse of their "intangible"
knowledge and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples and local
communities have resisted, among other things: the use of traditional
symbols and designs as mascots, derivative arts and crafts; the use or
modification of traditional songs; the patenting of traditional uses of
medicinal plants; and the copyrighting and distribution of traditional
stories.
Indigenous peoples and local communities have sought to prevent
the patenting of traditional knowledge and resources where they have not
given express consent. They have sought for greater protection and
control over traditional knowledge and resources. Certain communities
have also sought to ensure that their traditional knowledge is used
equitably - according to restrictions set by their traditions, or
requiring benefit sharing for its use according to benefits which they
define.
Three broad approaches to protect traditional knowledge have been
developed. The first emphasizes protecting traditional knowledge as a
form of cultural heritage. The second looks at protection of traditional
knowledge as a collective human right. The third, taken by the WTO and
WIPO, investigates the use of existing or novel sui generis measures to protect traditional knowledge.
Currently, only a few nations offer explicit sui generis protection for traditional knowledge. However, a number of countries
are still undecided as to whether law should give traditional knowledge
deference. Indigenous peoples have shown ambivalence about the intellectual property
approach. Some have been willing to investigate how existing
intellectual property mechanisms (primarily: patents, copyrights,
trademarks and trade secrets) can protect traditional knowledge. Others
believe that an intellectual property approach may work, but will
require more radical and novel forms of intellectual property law ("sui
generis rights"). Others believe that the intellectual property system
uses concepts and terms that are incompatible with traditional cultural
concepts, and favors the commercialization of their traditions, which
they generally resist. Many have argued that the form of protection
should refer to collective human rights to protect their distinct
identities, religions and cultural heritage.
Public domain
Literary
and artistic works based upon, derived from or inspired by traditional
culture or folklore may incorporate new elements or expressions. Hence
these works may be "new" works with a living and identifiable creator,
or creators. Such contemporary works may include a new interpretation,
arrangement, adaptation or collection of pre-existing cultural heritage
that is in the public domain. Traditional culture or folklore may also
be "repackaged" in digital formats, or restoration and colorization.
Contemporary and tradition based expressions and works of traditional
culture are generally protected under existing copyright law, a form of
intellectual property law, as they are sufficiently original to be
regarded as "new" upon publication. Once the intellectual property
rights afforded to these new works of traditional knowledge expire, they
fall into the public domain.
The public domain, as defined in the context of intellectual property
rights, is not a concept recognised by some indigenous peoples. As much
of traditional knowledge has never been protected under intellectual
property rights, it is argued that they can not be said to have entered
any public domain. On this point the Tulalip Tribes of Washington
state has commented that "...open sharing does not automatically confer
a right to use the knowledge (of indigenous people)... traditional
cultural expressions are not in the public domain because indigenous
peoples have failed to take the steps necessary to protect the knowledge
in the Western intellectual property system, but from a failure of
governments and citizens to recognise and respect the customary laws
regulating their use".
Equally however, the idea of restricting the use of publicly available
information without clear notice and justification is regarded by many
in developed nations as unethical as well as impractical.
Indigenous intellectual property
Buddhist monk Geshe Konchog Wangdu reads Mahayana sutras from an old woodblock copy of the Tibetan Kanjur.
Indigenous intellectual property is an umbrella legal term used in national and international forums to identify indigenous peoples' special rights to claim (from within their own laws) all that their indigenous groups know now, have known, or will know. It is a concept that has developed out of a predominantly western legal tradition, and has most recently been promoted by the World Intellectual Property Organization, as part of a more general United Nations push to see the diverse wealth of this world's indigenous, intangible cultural heritage better valued and better protected against probable, ongoing misappropriation and misuse.
In the lead up to and during the United Nations International Year for the World's Indigenous Peoples (1993) then during the following United Nations Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples (1995–2004)
a number of conferences of both indigenous and non-indigenous
specialists were held in different parts of the world, resulting in a
number of declarations and statements identifying, explaining, refining,
and defining 'indigenous intellectual property'.
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS)
Cree men, including Big Bear (Mistahi-maskwa) trading with colonists at Fort Pitt, Saskatchewan, 1884
Article 27. 3(b) of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
(TRIPs) sets out certain conditions under which certain biological
materials or intellectual innovations may be excluded from patenting.
The Article also contains a requirement that Article 27 be reviewed. In
the TRIPs-related Doha Declaration of 2001, Paragraph 19 expanded the
review to a review of Article 27 and the rest of the TRIPs agreement to
include the relationship between the TRIPS Agreement and the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the protection of traditional knowledge and folklore.
The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD)
Traditional wild rice harvesting continues into the present day as a living tradition.
The Convention on Biological Diversity
(CBD), signed at the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (UNCED) in 1993, was the first international environmental
convention to develop measures for the use and protection of traditional
knowledge, related to the conservation and sustainable use of
biodiversity.
By 2006, 188 had ratified the Convention and agreed to be bound by its
provisions, the largest number of nations to accede to any existing
treaty (the United States is one of the few countries that has signed,
but not ratified, the CBD). Significant provisions include:
Article 8. In-situ Conservation
Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as appropriate:
(a)...
(j) Subject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and
maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local
communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the
conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote
their wider application with the approval and involvement of the holders
of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the
equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such
knowledge, innovations and practices...
Article 10. Sustainable Use of Components of Biological Diversity
Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as appropriate:
(a)...
(c) Protect and encourage customary use of biological resources
in accordance with traditional cultural practices that are compatible
with conservation or sustainable use requirements
The interpretation of these provisions has been elaborated through
decisions by the parties (ratifiers of the Convention) (see the
Convention on Biological Diversity Handbook, available free in digital
format from the Secretariat). Nevertheless, the provisions regarding
Access and Benefit Sharing contained in the Convention on Biological
Diversity never achieved consensus and soon the authority over these
questions fell back to WIPO.[22]
At the Convention on Biological Diversity meeting, in Buenos
Aires, in 1996, emphasis was put on local knowledge. Key players, such
as local communities and indigenous peoples, should be recognized by
States, and have their sovereignty recognised over the biodiversity of
their territories, so that they can continue protecting it.[23]
The parties to the Convention set a 2010 target to negotiate an
international legally binding regime on access and benefit sharing (ABS)
at the Eighth meeting (COP8), 20–31 March 2006 in Curitiba, Brazil.
This target was met in October 2010 in Nagoya, Japan, by conclusion of
the Nagoya Protocol
to the CBD. The agreement is now open for ratification, and will come
into force when 50 signatories have ratified it. It entered into force
on 12 October 2014. As of October 2017, 100 nations and the EU ratified the Nagoya Protocol.[24]
The Protocol treats of inter-governmental obligations related to
genetic resources, and includes measures related to the rights of
indigenous and local communities to control access to and derive
benefits from the use of genetic resources and associated traditional
knowledge.
IPR Policy of Kerala Govt.(India) - Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) Policy for Kerala released in 2008, proposes adoption of the concepts ‘knowledge commons’ and ‘commons licence’ for the protection of traditional knowledge. The chief architects of the Policy are Prof. Prabhat Patnaik and Mr. R.S. Praveen Raj. The policy seeks to put all traditional knowledge into the realm of "knowledge commons", distinguishing this from the public domain. While codification of TK in digital libraries
and sharing the same with patent offices prevents direct
misappropriation, it is feared that it may provide an opportunity for
private appropriation by making cosmetic improvements to such
traditional knowledge that is not readily accessible otherwise. TKDL
cannot at the same time be kept confidential and treated as prior art -
says R.S. Praveen Raj.
According to R S Praveen Raj any attempt to codify community-held
TK in the form of Traditional Knowledge Digital Libraries (TKDL) using
"Prior Informed Consent" and "Access and Benefit Sharing" concepts would
be a gross injustice to those communities if the knowledge was shared
with patent offices or even with researchers, as it would affect the
livelihoods of Traditional Knowledge practitioners. He also cautions
against classifying Traditional Knowledge under Intellectual Property
Rights (IPR) and creation of statutory registrable rights on TK.
Instead, he proposes the creation of a Traditional Knowledge Docketing
System (TKDS) to indicate the location at which the knowledge is
available, the community that possesses the traditional knowledge, a
short description of the nature of TK and community protocol, if any. He
argues that the indigenous communities should be educated and empowered
to protect their TK through existing legal mechanisms or take patents
on the innovations made by them on the TK (if they feel so) and to
negotiate with the potential customers by forming societies or trusts of
their own. There is no bar for patenting inventions, though it may be
based on TK. Section 3(p) of Indian Patents Act, 1970 only prevents
patenting of "traditional knowledge or which is an aggregation or
duplication of known properties of traditionally known component or
components" and not patenting of any inventions based on TK.
In the year 2016, Dr. Shashi Tharoor, Member of Parliament from Thiruvananthapuram introduced a Private Bill (The Protection of Traditional Knowledge Bill, 2016). The Bill was introduced for the protection, preservation and promotion
of traditional knowledge system in India. The Bill is yet to be
discussed in the Parliament. Neither, the Bill was discussed much in the
media. According to Mr. Vishnu S Warrier, Dr. Shashi Tharoor has failed to address the real concern of traditional knowledge through his Private Bill.It is important in our life.
Traditional cultural expressions
The art of Diné weaving is part of the traditional knowledge of the Navajo people.
The phrase "traditional cultural expressions" is used by the World Intellectual Property Organization
to refer to "any form of artistic and literary expression in which
traditional culture and knowledge are embodied. They are transmitted
from one generation to the next, and include handmade textiles,
paintings, stories, legends, ceremonies, music, songs, rhythms and
dance."
The Royal Canadian Geographical Society (RCGS) (French: La Société géographique royale du Canada; SRGC) is a Canadiannon-profit educational organization dedicated to imparting a broader knowledge and deeper appreciation of Canada—its people and places, its natural and cultural heritage and its environmental, social and economic challenges.
History
The Royal Canadian Geographical Society was founded in 1929 by Charles Camsell and a group of eminent Canadians, including Marius Barbeau,
an ethnographer and folklorist who is today considered a founder of
Canadian anthropology, Hon. A.E. Arsenault, Premier of Prince Edward
Island and justice of the province's supreme court, Lawrence J. Burpee, Secretary for Canada, International Joint Commission, John Wesley Dafoe, managing editor, Winnipeg Free Press, Hon. Albert Hudson, a justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Dr. O.D. Skelton, Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs.
The Rt. Hon. Viscount Willingdon, Governor-General of Canada, was founding patron. J. B. Joseph Tyrrell, a geologist and cartographer whose exploits include the discovery of Albertosaurus bones in Alberta's Badlands, and making first contact with the Ihalmiut ("People from Beyond") of the Keewatin district of Canada's Northwest Territories, served as founding Honorary President. Arthur Philemon Coleman,
a geologist and explorer who between 1884 and 1908 made eight trips of
discovery to the Canadian Rockies, was named Honorary Vice-President. At
its first meeting, Dr. Camsell said the society was formed "purely for
patriotic purposes", and hoped it would "be a unifying influence upon
the life of Canada."
A report by the acting secretary, E.S. Martindale, stated the intention
of the founders: "The work of making the resources and other geographic
factors of each part of the Dominion more widely known and more clearly
understood is one of the best educational services that can be
undertaken—and one that cannot be rendered except through a geographic
organization animated by a broad national purpose."
Among those who have addressed meetings of the RCGS over the
years are Sir Francis Younghusband, Sir Hubert Wilkins, Maj. L. T.
Burwash, Dr. Isaiah Bowman, Dr. Wade Davis, Michael Palin, Dr. Phil Currie, and Sir Christopher Ondaatje.
The RCGS publishes the award-winning English-language magazine, Canadian Geographic, which has been published continuously since 1930 (when it was called the Canadian Geographical Journal). The society also publishes Canadian Geographic Travel quarterly. The society's French-language magazine, Géographica, which is published in collaboration with La Presse, was introduced in 1997.
Alan Beddoe
designed the arms for the Royal Canadian Geographical Society and his
fonds includes a black and white photograph of the letters patent.
In October 2016, it was announced that the society's new home would be an iconic building at 50 Sussex Drive, Ottawa. The society moved into their new headquarters in Spring 2018, and debuted two exhibitions: Explore by Chris Cran and Lessons From the Arctic: How Roald Amundsen Won the Race to the South Pole.
In May 2019, the prime minister of Canada, Justin Trudeau, attended the official opening ceremony of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society's headquarters at 50 Sussex Drive.
Programs
The
Royal Canadian Geographical Society helps fund education, expeditions,
research and lectures programs. Notably, it was a partner in the 2014
Victoria Strait Expedition that located HMS Erebus, one of two exploration vessels lost on the British Arctic Expedition commanded by Sir John Franklin.
The society's board of governors and its program committees are made
up entirely of volunteers, who are members of the College of Fellows.
Traditionally, Fellows were elected "in recognition of outstanding
service to Canada."
Fellows are entitled to use the post-nominal lettersFRCGS (Fellow of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society).
Organization
The Governor General of Canada serves as the patron of the society.
The society has honorary officers, including honorary presidents and
honorary vice-presidents. A volunteer Board of governors, chaired by the
president of the board, and an executive committee, provide general
oversight.
Day-to-day operations of the society, its programs and business, are provided by its chief executive officer, currently John G. Geiger. The CEO is also responsible for strategic leadership, in consultation with the board of governors.
Presidents
1930–1941: Dr. Charles Camsell,
geologist in charge of explorations for the Geological Survey of
Canada, and commissioner of the Northwest Territories. Oversaw the
exploration of the uncharted parts of Canada's North—a vast area
covering 1.4 million square kilometres or about 25 percent of the
country.
1941–1944: Dr. George J. Desbarats, Deputy Minister of Marine and
Fisheries and of National Defence. He was the Canadian official who
first learned that explorer Vilhjalmur Stefansson was separated from his
ship, and that the Karluk was missing in the Arctic ice.
1944–1950: Mr. Charles C. Cowan, vice president and managing director, British American Bank Note Co.; Dir., National Film Board
1950–1955: Air Marshal Robert Leckie,
an aviation pioneer and Chief of the Air Staff for the Royal Canadian
Air Force. An outstanding fighter pilot during the First World War, he
flew attacks on German Zeppelins, and downed two.
1955–1963: Maj.-Gen. Hugh A. Young, commanded the 6th Canadian
Infantry Brigade at Normandy, and served as Deputy Minister of Public
Works. Commissioner of the Northwest Territories from 1950 to 1953. As
head of the advisory committee on Northern Development, in 1953 he
studied threats to Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic.
1963–1967: Dr. Omond Solandt,
scientist and first chairman of both Canada's Defence Research Board
and the Science Council of Canada. He was a scientific advisor to Lord
Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, and later a member of the
joint military mission sent to Japan to evaluate the effects of the
atomic bomb. He served as Chancellor of the University of Toronto.
1967–1977: Dr. Pierre Camu,
geographer and civil servant. Served as president of the St. Lawrence
Seaway Authority, and later as chair of the Canadian Radio-television
and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC). He is co-founder of the Trans
Canada Trail.
1977–1986: Mr. Denis Coolican,
served as president of the Canadian Bank Note Company and the first
Chair of the Regional Municipality of Ottawa-Carleton. He was also a
Vice President of Brascan.
1986–1992: Dr. Alexander T. Davidson, geographer and civil servant.
Served as chief of resources for the federal Department of Northern
Affairs, and assistant deputy minister of rural development; water;
policy, planning and research for Environment Canada; and Parks Canada.
He also was chairman of the federal Panel Concerning Low Level Military
Flights in Labrador-Goose Bay.
1992–1998: Dr. Denis A. St-Onge, geoscientist with the Geological
Survey of Canada. Conducted pioneering research into the evolution of
landscape under extreme cold climate on Ellef Ringnes Island in the High
Arctic. He is credited with developing a unique method of mapping
geomorphology.
1998–2004: Dr. Arthur E. Collin, served as Scientific Advisor for
the Maritime Forces (1965) and as the Dominion Hydrographer (1968).
From 1971 to 1980 he served as Assistant Deputy Minister of Fisheries
and Oceans and the Environment.
2004–2010: Ms Gisèle Jacob, director general with Environment Canada
and Deputy Secretary General for the Canadian Human Rights Commission.
She also served as chair of the Geographical Names Board of Canada.
2010–2013: Mr. John G. Geiger, author of Frozen In Time: The Fate of The Franklin Expedition and other books, former head of the editorial board of The Globe and Mail, current chief executive officer of the RCGS.
2013–2016: Dr. Paul Ruest, former president of the Université de Saint-Boniface.
2016–present: Mr. Gavin Fitch, QC, lawyer.
Notable Vice-Presidents
1930–1934:
J. Mackintosh Bell, geologist, explorer and writer. His field work
included pioneer exploration in Arctic Canada for the Geological Survey
of Canada. He later became director of the Geological Survey of New Zealand.
1939–1941: Senator W. A. Buchanan, former Member of Parliament and publisher of the Lethbridge Herald.
1968–Dr. John Tuzo Wilson, geophysicist and geologist who achieved worldwide acclaim for his contributions to the theory of plate tectonics.
Awards
The society awards the following awards:
Gold Medal
Recognizing
a particular achievement by one or more individuals in the general
field of geography or a significant national or international event. It
was first awarded in 1972.
2014: Canada's Astronauts, including Roberta Bondar, David
Saint-Jacques, Marc Garneau, Steve MacLean, Dafydd Rhys "Dave" Williams,
Robert Thirsk, Jeremy Hansen, Bjarni Tryggvason and the Canadian Space Agency
The Sir Christopher Ondaatje Medal for Exploration, named after Gold Medal and Camsell Medal recipient Sir Christopher Ondaatje, was established in 2013.
The 3M Environmental Innovation Award was established in 2009 by the Royal Canadian Geographical Society (RCGS) and 3M
Canada to recognize outstanding individuals in business, government,
academia or community organizations whose innovative contributions to
environmental change are benefiting Canada and Canadians.
The
Royal Canadian Geographical Society awards the Camsell Medal to bestow
recognition upon, and to express the society's appreciation to,
individuals who have given outstanding service to the society. The award
was established by the society's board of governors in 1992.
Recipients
2018: Paul Ruest and Élisabeth Nadeau
2017: Jody Decker and Philip Howarth
2016: Mark Graham, Peter Harrison and Christine Duverger-Harrison
The Martin Bergmann Medal for Excellence in Arctic Leadership and Science
Established
by the Royal Canadian Geographical Society in 2012, the medal
recognizes achievement for "excellence in Arctic leadership and
science." It is named in honour of Martin "Marty" Bergmann, a public servant.
Established
by the society in 2013, this medal is awarded to recognize outstanding
contribution to the general advancement of geography, or to other
achievement that greatly enhances the ability of the society to fulfill
its mission.
2014: Marc-André Bernier, Ryan Harris, Jonathan Moore and Andrew Campbell (Parks Canada)
Massey Medal
The Massey Medal
recognizes outstanding personal achievement in the exploration,
development or description of the geography of Canada. The award was
established in 1959 by the Massey Foundation, named for industrialist
Hart Massey.
Established
in 2013, the Innovation in Geography Teaching Award is presented to
K-12 teachers who have "gone above and beyond their job description to
further geographic literacy".
Recent recipients
2018: Breanna Heels
2017: Paula Huddy-Zubkowski
2016: Greg Neil
2015: Janet Ruest
2014: Mike Farley
2013: Andrew Young
Louie Kamookak Medal
Established in 2018, the medal is named for Louie Kamookak, an Inuit historian involved in the search for Franklin's lost expedition,
and is awarded for those who have "been brought to the attention of the
Executive Committee, Awards Committee, or to the CEO, as having made
Canada’s geography better known to Canadians and to the world".
2018: Gregory Copley, Jared Harris, Josephine Kamookak, Anne Kari Hansen Ovind, Michael Palin, Kim Wallace
Canadian Geographic Education
Canadian Geographic Education—formerly
the Canadian Council for Geographic Education (CCGE)—is a joint
initiative of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society and the National Geographic Society
of Washington, D.C., established in 1993. The programs of the Can Geo
Education aim to strengthen geographic education in the classroom. In
addition to increasing the emphasis on geography within the school
system, the Can Geo Education endeavours to increase the public
awareness of the importance of geographical literacy.