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Thursday, November 17, 2022

Parenting

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A father and mother holding their child

Parenting or child rearing promotes and supports the physical, emotional, social, spiritual and intellectual development of a child from infancy to adulthood. Parenting refers to the intricacies of raising a child and not exclusively for a biological relationship.

The most common caretaker in parenting is the father or mother, or both, the biological parents of the child in question. However, a surrogate parent may be an older sibling, a step-parent, a grandparent, a legal guardian, aunt, uncle, other family members, or a family friend. Governments and society may also have a role in child-rearing or upbringing. In many cases, orphaned or abandoned children receive parental care from non-parent or non-blood relations. Others may be adopted, raised in foster care, or placed in an orphanage. Parenting skills vary, and a parent or surrogate with good parenting skills may be referred to as a good parent.

Parenting styles vary by historical period, race/ethnicity, social class, preference, and a few other social features. Additionally, research supports that parental history, both in terms of attachments of varying quality and parental psychopathology, particularly in the wake of adverse experiences, can strongly influence parental sensitivity and child outcomes.

Factors that affect decisions

Social class, wealth, culture and income have a very strong impact on what methods of child rearing parents use. Cultural values play a major role in how a parent raises their child. However, parenting is always evolving, as times, cultural practices, social norms, and traditions change. Studies on these factors affecting parenting decisions have shown just that.

In psychology, the parental investment theory suggests that basic differences between males and females in parental investment have great adaptive significance and lead to gender differences in mating propensities and preferences.

A family's social class plays a large role in the opportunities and resources that will be available to a child. Working-class children often grow up at a disadvantage with the schooling, communities, and level of parental attention available compared to those from the middle-class or upper-class. Also, lower working-class families do not get the kind of networking that the middle and upper classes do through helpful family members, friends, and community individuals or groups as well as various professionals or experts.

Styles

A parenting style is indicative of the overall emotional climate in the home. Developmental psychologist Diana Baumrind identified three main parenting styles in early child development: authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive. These parenting styles were later expanded to four to include an uninvolved style. These four styles involve combinations of acceptance and responsiveness, and also involve demand and control. Research has found that parenting style is significantly related to a child's subsequent mental health and well-being. In particular, authoritative parenting is positively related to mental health and satisfaction with life, and authoritarian parenting is negatively related to these variables. With authoritarian and permissive parenting on opposite sides of the spectrum, most conventional modern models of parenting fall somewhere in between.

Authoritative parenting

Described by Baumrind as the "just right" style, it combines medium level demands on the child and a medium level responsiveness from the parents. Authoritative parents rely on positive reinforcement and infrequent use of punishment. Parents are more aware of a child's feelings and capabilities and support the development of a child's autonomy within reasonable limits. There is a give-and-take atmosphere involved in parent-child communication, and both control and support are balanced. Some research has shown that this style of parenting is more beneficial than the too-hard authoritarian style or the too-soft permissive style. These children score higher in terms of competence, mental health, and social development than those raised in permissive, authoritarian, or neglectful homes.

Authoritarian parenting

Authoritarian parents are very rigid and strict. High demands are placed on the child, but there is little responsiveness to them. Parents who practice authoritarian-style parenting have a non-negotiable set of rules and expectations strictly enforced and require rigid obedience. When the rules are not followed, punishment is often used to promote and ensure future compliance. There is usually no explanation of punishment except that the child is in trouble for breaking a rule. This parenting style is strongly associated with corporal punishment, such as spanking. A typical response to a child’s question of authority would be, "because I said so." This type of parenting seems to be seen more often in working-class families than in the middle class. In 1983, Diana Baumrind found that children raised in an authoritarian-style home were less cheerful, moodier, and more vulnerable to stress. In many cases, these children also demonstrated passive hostility. This parenting style can negatively impact the educational success and career path, while a firm and reassuring parenting style impact positively.

Permissive parenting

Permissive parenting has become a more popular parenting method for middle-class families than working-class families roughly since the end of WWII. In these settings, a child's freedom and autonomy are highly valued, and parents rely primarily on reasoning and explanation. Parents are undemanding, and thus there tends to be little if any punishment or explicit rules in this parenting style. These parents say that their children are free from external constraints and tend to be highly responsive to whatever it is that the child wants. Children of permissive parents are generally happy but sometimes show low levels of self-control and self-reliance because they lack structure at home.

Uninvolved parenting

An uninvolved or neglectful parenting style is when parents are often emotionally or physically absent. They have little to no expectations from the child and regularly have no communication. They are not responsive to a child's needs and have little to no behavioral expectations. If present, they may provide what the child needs for survival with little to no engagement. There is often a large gap between parents and children with this parenting style. Children with little or no communication with their own parents tend to be victimized by other children and may exhibit deviant behavior themselves. Children of uninvolved parents suffer in social competence, academic performance, psychosocial development, and problematic behavior.

Intrusive parenting

Intrusive parenting is when parents use "parental control and inhibition of adolescents’ thoughts, feelings, and emotional expression through the use of love withdrawal, guilt induction, and manipulative tactics." It can disturb the adolescents' development and growth period. Children, especially adolescents, can be victims because they are "unassertive, avoid confrontation, are eager to please others, and suffer from low self-esteem." Intrusive parents may try to set unrealistic expectations on their children, like enrolling them into more extracurricular activities or enrolling them into certain classes that aren't their child's passion. They may compare their children to others, like friends and family, and also force their child to be codependent--to a point where the children feel unprepared when they go into the world. Research has shown that this parenting style can lead to "greater under-eating behaviors, risky cyber behaviors, substance use, and depressive symptoms among adolescents."

Practices

A father and son

A parenting practice is a specific behavior that a parent uses in raising a child. These practices are used to socialize children. Kuppens et al. found that "researchers have identified overarching parenting dimensions that reflect similar parenting practices, mostly by modeling the relationships among these parenting practices using factor analytic techniques." For example, many parents read aloud to their offspring in the hopes of supporting their linguistic and intellectual development. In cultures with strong oral traditions, such as Indigenous American communities and New Zealand Maori communities, storytelling is a critical parenting practice for children.

Parenting practices reflect the cultural understanding of children. Parents in individualistic countries like Germany spend more time engaged in face-to-face interaction with babies and more time talking to the baby about the baby. Parents in more communal cultures, such as West African cultures, spend more time talking to the baby about other people and more time with the baby facing outwards so that the baby sees what the mother sees.

Skills and behaviors

Parenting skills and behaviors assist parents in leading children into healthy adulthood and development of the child's social skills. The cognitive potential, social skills, and behavioral functioning a child acquires during the early years are positively correlated with the quality of their interactions with their parents.

According to the Canadian Council on Learning, children benefit (or avoid poor developmental outcomes) when their parents:

  1. Communicate truthfully about events: Authenticity from parents who explain can help their children understand what happened and how they are involved;
  2. Maintain consistency: Parents that regularly institute routines can see benefits in their children's behavioral patterns;
  3. Utilize resources available to them, reaching out into the community and building a supportive social network;
  4. Take an interest in their child's educational and early developmental needs (e.g., Play that enhances socialization, autonomy, cohesion, calmness, and trust.); and
  5. Keep open communication lines about what their child is seeing, learning, and doing, and how those things are affecting them.

Parenting skills are widely thought to be naturally present in parents; however, there is substantial evidence to the contrary. Those who come from a negative or vulnerable childhood environment frequently (and often unintentionally) mimic their parents' behavior during interactions with their own children. Parents with an inadequate understanding of developmental milestones may also demonstrate problematic parenting. Parenting practices are of particular importance during marital transitions like separation, divorce, and remarriage; if children fail to adequately adjust to these changes, they are at risk of negative outcomes (e.g. increased rule-breaking behavior, problems with peer relationships, and increased emotional difficulties).

Research classifies competence and skills required in parenting as follows:

  • Parent-child relationship skills: quality time spent, positive communications, and delighted show of affection.
  • Encouraging desirable behavior: praise and encouragement, nonverbal attention, facilitating engaging activities.
  • Teaching skills and behaviors: being a good example, incidental teaching, human communication of the skill with role-playing and other methods, communicating logical incentives and consequences.
  • Managing misbehavior: establishing firm ground rules and limits, directing discussion, providing clear and calm instructions, communicating and enforcing appropriate consequences, using restrictive tactics like quiet time and time out with an authoritative stance rather than an authoritarian one.
  • Anticipating and planning: advanced planning and preparation for readying the child for challenges, finding out engaging and age-appropriate developmental activities, preparing the token economy for self-management practice with guidance, holding follow-up discussions, identifying possible negative developmental trajectories.
  • Self-regulation skills: monitoring behaviors (own and children's), setting developmentally appropriate goals, evaluating strengths and weaknesses and setting practice tasks, monitoring and preventing internalizing and externalizing behaviors.
  • Mood and coping skills: reframing and discouraging unhelpful thoughts (diversions, goal orientation, and mindfulness), stress and tension management (own and children's), developing personal coping statements and plans for high-risk situations, building mutual respect and consideration between members of the family through collaborative activities and rituals.
  • Partner support skills: improving personal communication, giving and receiving constructive feedback and support, avoiding negative family interaction styles, supporting and finding hope in problems for adaptation, leading collaborative problem solving, promoting relationship happiness and cordiality.

Consistency is considered the “backbone” of positive parenting skills and “overprotection” the weakness.

Parent training

Parent psychosocial health can have a significant impact on the parent-child relationship. Group-based parent training and education programs have proven to be effective at improving short-term psychosocial well-being for parents. There are many different types of training parents can take to support their parenting skills. Some groups include Parent-Child Interaction Therapy (PCIT), Parents Management Training (PMT), Positive Parenting Program (Triple P), The Incredible Years, and Behavioral and Emotional Skills Training (BEST).  PCIT works with both parents and children in teaching skills to interact more positively and productive. PMT is focused for children aged 3-13, in which parents are the main trainee. They are taught skills to help deal with challenging behaviors from their children. Triple P focus on equipping parents with the information they need to increase confidence and self-sufficiency in managing their children's behavior. The Incredible Years focuses in age infancy-age 12, in which they are broken into small-group-based training in different areas. BEST introduces effective behavior management techniques in one day rather than over the course of a few weeks. Courses are offered to families based on effective training to support additional needs, behavioral guidelines, communication and many others to give guidance throughout learning how to be a parent.

Cultural values

Parents around the world want what they believe is best for their children. However, parents in different cultures have different ideas of what is best. For example, parents in hunter–gatherer societies or those who survive through subsistence agriculture are likely to promote practical survival skills from a young age. Many such cultures begin teaching children to use sharp tools, including knives, before their first birthdays. In some Indigenous American communities, child work provides children the opportunity to absorb cultural values of collaborative participation and prosocial behavior through observation and activity alongside adults. These communities value respect, participation, and non-interference, the Cherokee principle of respecting autonomy by withholding unsolicited advice. Indigenous American parents also try to encourage curiosity in their children via a permissive parenting style that enables them to explore and learn through observation of the world.

Differences in cultural values cause parents to interpret the same behaviors in different ways. For instance, European Americans prize intellectual understanding, especially in a narrow "book learning" sense, and believe that asking questions is a sign of intelligence. Italian parents value social and emotional competence and believe that curiosity demonstrates good interpersonal skills. Dutch parents, however, value independence, long attention spans, and predictability; in their eyes, asking questions is a negative behavior, signifying a lack of independence.

Even so, parents around the world share specific prosocial behavioral goals for their children. Hispanic parents value respect and emphasize putting family above the individual. Parents in East Asia prize order in the household above all else. In some cases, this gives rise to high levels of psychological control and even manipulation on the part of the head of the household. The Kipsigis people of Kenya value children who are innovative and wield that intelligence responsibly and helpfully—a behavior they call ng/om. Other cultures, such as Sweden and Spain, value sociable and happiness as well.

Indigenous American cultures

Baby on back in Lima, Peru

It is common for parents in many Indigenous American communities to use different parenting tools such as storytelling —like myths— Consejos (Spanish for "advice"), educational teasing, nonverbal communication, and observational learning to teach their children important values and life lessons.

Storytelling is a way for Indigenous American children to learn about their identity, community, and cultural history. Indigenous myths and folklore often personify animals and objects, reaffirming the belief that everything possesses a soul and deserves respect. These stories also help preserve the language and are used to reflect certain values or cultural histories.

The Consejo is a narrative form of advice-giving. Rather than directly telling the child what to do in a particular situation, the parent might instead tell a story about a similar situation. The main character in the story is intended to help the child see their decision's implications without directly deciding for them; this teaches the child to be decisive and independent while still providing some guidance.

The playful form of teasing is a parenting method used in some Indigenous American communities to keep children out of danger and guide their behavior. This parenting strategy uses stories, fabrications, or empty threats to guide children in making safe, intelligent decisions. For example, a parent may tell a child that there is a monster that jumps on children's backs if they walk alone at night. This explanation can help keep the child safe because instilling that fear creates greater awareness and lessens the likelihood that they will wander alone into trouble.

In Navajo families, a child's development is partly focused on the importance of "respect" for all things. "Respect" consists of recognizing the significance of one's relationship with other things and people in the world. Children largely learn about this concept via nonverbal communication between parents and other family members. For example, children are initiated at an early age into the practice of an early morning run under any weather conditions. On this run, the community uses humor and laughter with each other, without directly including the child—who may not wish to get up early and run—to encourage the child to participate and become an active member of the community. Parents also promote participation in the morning runs by placing their child in the snow and having them stay longer if they protest.

Indians of Santa Clara Pueblo, New Mexico, making pottery, 1916

Indigenous American parents often incorporate children into everyday life, including adult activities, allowing the child to learn through observation. This practice is known as LOPI, Learning by Observing and Pitching In, where children are integrated into all types of mature daily activities and encouraged to observe and contribute in the community. This inclusion as a parenting tool promotes both community participation and learning.

One notable example appears in some Mayan communities: young girls are not permitted around the hearth for an extended period of time, since corn is sacred. Although this is an exception to their cultural preference for incorporating children into activities, including cooking, it is a strong example of observational learning. Mayan girls can only watch their mothers making tortillas for a few minutes at a time, but the sacredness of the activity captures their interest. They will then go and practice their mother's movements on other objects, such as kneading thin pieces of plastic like a tortilla. From this practice, when a girl comes of age, she is able to sit down and make tortillas without having ever received any explicit verbal instruction.

Immigrants in the United States: Ethnic-racial socialization

Due to the increasing racial and ethnic diversity in the United States, ethnic-racial socialization research has gained some attention. Parental ethnic-racial socialization is a way of passing down cultural resources to support children of color's psychosocial wellness. The goals of ethnic-racial socialization are: to pass on a positive view of one's ethnic group and to help children cope with racism. Through a meta-analysis of published research on ethnic-racial socialization, ethnic-racial socialization positively affects psychosocial well-being. This meta-analytic review focuses on research relevant to four indicators of psychosocial skills and how they are influenced by developmental stage, race and ethnicity, research designs, and the differences between parent and child self-reports. The dimensions of ethnic-racial socialization that are considered when looking for correlations with psychosocial skills are cultural socialization, preparation for bias, promotion of mistrust, and egalitarianism.

Ethnic-racial socialization dimensions are defined as follows: cultural socialization is the process of passing down cultural customs, preparation for bias ranges from positive or negative reactions to racism and discrimination, promotion of mistrust conditions synergy when dealing with other races, and egalitarianism puts similarities between races first. Psychosocial competencies are defined as follows: self-perceptions involve perceived beliefs of academic and social capabilities, interpersonal relationships deal with the quality of relationships, externalizing behaviors deal with observable troublesome behavior, and internalizing behavior deals with emotional intelligence regulation. The multiple ways these domains and competencies interact show small correlations between ethnic-racial socialization and psychosocial wellness, but this parenting practice needs further research.

This meta-analysis showed that developmental stages affect how children perceived ethnic-racial socialization. Cultural socialization practices appear to affect children similarly across developmental stages except for preparation for bias and promotion of mistrust which are encouraged for older-aged children. Existing research shows ethnic-racial socialization serves African Americans positively against discrimination. Cross-sectional studies were predicted to have greater effect sizes because correlations are inflated in these kinds of studies. Parental reports of ethnic-racial socialization influence are influenced by “intentions,” so child reports tend to be more accurate.

Among other conclusions derived from this meta-analysis, cultural socialization and self-perceptions had a small positive correlation. Cultural socialization and promotion of mistrust had a small negative correlation, and interpersonal relationships positively impacted cultural socialization and preparation for bias. In regard to developmental stages, ethnic-racial socialization had a small but positive correlation with self-perceptions during childhood and early adolescence. Based on study designs, there were no significant differences, meaning that cross-sectional studies and longitudinal studies both showed small positive correlations between ethnic-racial socialization and self-perceptions. Reporter differences between parents and children showed positive correlations between ethnic-racial socialization when associated with internalizing behavior and interpersonal relationships. These two correlations showed a greater effect size with child reports compared to parent reports.

The meta-analysis on previous research shows only correlations, so there is a need for experimental studies that can show causation amongst the different domains and dimensions. Children's behavior and adaptation to this behavior may indicate a bidirectional effect that can also be addressed by an experimental study. There is evidence to show that ethnic-racial socialization can help children of color obtain social-emotional skills that can help them navigate through racism and discrimination, but further research needs to be done to increase the generalizability of existing research.

Across the lifespan

Pre-pregnancy

Family planning is the decision-making process surrounding whether to become parents or not, and when the right time would be, including planning, preparing, and gathering resources. Prospective parents may assess (among other matters) whether they have access to sufficient financial resources, whether their family situation is stable, and whether they want to undertake the responsibility of raising a child. Worldwide, about 40% of all pregnancies are not planned, and more than 30 million babies are born each year as a result of unplanned pregnancies.

Reproductive health and preconception care affect pregnancy, reproductive success, and the physical and mental health of both mother and child. A woman who is underweight, whether due to poverty, eating disorders, or illness, is less likely to have a healthy pregnancy and give birth to a healthy baby than a woman who is healthy. Similarly, a woman who is obese has a higher risk of difficulties, including gestational diabetes. Other health problems, such as infections and iron-deficiency anemia, can be detected and corrected before conception.

Pregnancy and prenatal parenting

A pregnant woman floats in the corner of a swimming pool
Pregnant women and their unborn children benefit from moderate exercise, sufficient sleep, and high-quality nutrition.

During pregnancy, the unborn child is affected by many decisions made by the parents, particularly choices linked to their lifestyle. The health, activity level, and nutrition available to the mother can affect the child's development before birth. Some mothers, especially in relatively wealthy countries, overeat and spend too much time resting. Other mothers, especially if they are poor or abused, may be overworked and may not be able to eat enough, or may not be able to afford healthful foods with sufficient iron, vitamins, and protein, for the unborn child to develop properly.

Newborns and infants

A mother wishes joy towards her child in William Blake's poem "Infant Joy". This copy, Copy AA, was printed and painted in 1826, is currently held by the Fitzwilliam Museum.

Newborn parenting is where the responsibilities of parenthood begin. A newborn's basic needs are food, sleep, comfort, and cleaning, which the parent provides. An infant's only form of communication is crying, and attentive parents will begin to recognize different types of crying each of which represents different needs such as hunger, discomfort, boredom, or loneliness. Newborns and young infants require feedings every few hours, which is disruptive to adult sleep cycles. They respond enthusiastically to soft stroking, cuddling, and caressing. Gentle rocking back and forth often calms a crying infant, as do massages and warm baths. Newborns may comfort themselves by sucking their thumb or by using a pacifier. The need to suckle is instinctive and allows newborns to feed. Breastfeeding is the recommended method of feeding by all major infant health organizations. If breastfeeding is not possible or desired, bottle feeding is a common alternative. Other alternatives include feeding breastmilk or formula with a cup, spoon, feeding syringe, or nursing supplement.

The forming of attachments is considered the foundation of the infant's capacity to form and conduct relationships throughout life. Attachment is not the same as love or affection, although they often go together. Attachments develop immediately, and a lack of attachment or a seriously disrupted attachment has the potential to cause severe damage to a child's health and well-being. Physically, one may not see symptoms or indications of a disorder, but the child may be affected emotionally. Studies show that children with secure attachments have the ability to form successful relationships, express themselves on an interpersonal basis, and have higher self-esteem. Conversely children who have neglectful or emotionally unavailable caregivers can exhibit behavioral problems such as post-traumatic stress disorder or oppositional defiant disorder. Oppositional-defiant disorder is a pattern of disobedient and rebellious behavior toward authority figures.

Toddlers

A painting by Maud Humphrey of a child at a small table with dolls and toy china

Toddlers are small children between 12 and 36 months old who are much more active than infants and become challenged with learning how to do simple tasks by themselves. At this stage, parents are heavily involved in showing the small child how to do things rather than just doing things for them; it is normal for the toddler to mimic the parents. Toddlers need help to build their vocabulary, increase their communication skills, and manage their emotions. Toddlers will also begin to understand social etiquette, such as being polite and taking turns.

A father and daughter in Trivandrum, India

Toddlers are very curious about the world around them and are eager to explore it. They seek greater independence and responsibility and may become frustrated when things do not go the way that they want or expect. Tantrums begin at this stage, which is sometimes referred to as the 'Terrible Twos'. Tantrums are often caused by the child's frustration over the particular situation, and are sometimes caused, simply because they are not able to communicate properly. Parents of toddlers are expected to help guide and teach the child, establish basic routines (such as washing hands before meals or brushing teeth before bed), and increase the child's responsibilities. It is also normal for toddlers to be frequently frustrated. It is an essential step to their development. They will learn through experience, trial, and error. This means that they need to experience being frustrated when something does not work for them in order to move on to the next stage. When the toddler is frustrated, they will often misbehave with actions like screaming, hitting or biting. Parents need to be careful when reacting to such behaviors; giving threats or punishments is usually not helpful and might only make the situation worse. Research groups led by Daniel Schechter, Alytia Levendosky, and others have shown that parents with histories of maltreatment and violence exposure often have difficulty helping their toddlers and preschool-age children with the very same emotionally dysregulated behaviors which can remind traumatized parents of their adverse experiences and associated mental states.

Regarding gender differences in parenting, data from the US in 2014 states that, on an average day, among adults living in households with children under age 6, women spent 1.0 hours providing physical care (such as bathing or feeding a child) to household children. By contrast, men spent 23 minutes providing physical care.

Child

Sprinter Miriam Siderenski running alongside her daughter.

Younger children start to become more independent and begin to build friendships. They are able to reason and can make their own decisions in many hypothetical situations. Young children demand constant attention but gradually learn how to deal with boredom and begin to be able to play independently. They enjoy helping and also feeling useful and capable. Parents can assist their children by encouraging social interactions and modeling proper social behaviors. A large part of learning in the early years comes from being involved in activities and household duties. Parents who observe their children in play or join with them in child-driven play have the opportunity to glimpse into their children's world, learn to communicate more effectively with their children, and are given another setting to offer gentle, nurturing guidance. Parents also teach their children health, hygiene, and eating habits through instruction and by example.

Parents are expected to make decisions about their child's education. Parenting styles in this area diverge greatly at this stage, with some parents they choose to become heavily involved in arranging organized activities and early learning programs. Other parents choose to let the child develop with few organized activities.

Children begin to learn responsibility and consequences for their actions with parental assistance. Some parents provide a small allowance that increases with age to help teach children the value of money and how to be responsible.

Parents who are consistent and fair with their discipline, who openly communicate and offer explanations to their children, and who do not neglect the needs of their children in any way often find they have fewer problems with their children as they mature.

When child conduct problems are encountered, behavioral and cognitive-behavioral group-based parenting interventions have been found to be effective at improving child conduct, parenting skills, and parental mental health.

Adolescents

Parents often feel isolated and alone when parenting adolescents. Adolescence can be a time of high risk for children, where newfound freedoms can result in decisions that drastically open up or close off life opportunities. There are also large changes that occur in the brain during adolescence; the emotional center of the brain is now fully developed, but the rational frontal cortex hasn't matured fully and still is not able to keep all of those emotions in check. Adolescents tend to increase the amount of time spent with peers of the opposite gender; however, they still maintain the amount of time spent with those of the same gender—and do this by decreasing the amount of time spent with their parents.

Although adolescents look to peers and adults outside the family for guidance and models for how to behave, parents can remain influential in their development. Studies have shown that parents can have a significant impact, for instance, on how much teens drink.

During adolescence children begin to form their identity and start to test and develop the interpersonal and occupational roles that they will assume as adults. Therefore, it is important that parents treat them as young adults. Parental issues at this stage of parenting include dealing with rebelliousness related to a greater desire to partake in risky behaviors. In order to prevent risky behaviors, it is important for the parents to build a trusting relationship with their children. This can be achieved through behavioral control, parental monitoring, consistent discipline, parental warmth and support, inductive reasoning, and strong parent-child communication.

When a trusting relationship is built up, adolescents are more likely to approach their parents for help when faced with negative peer pressure. Helping children build a strong foundation will ultimately help them resist negative peer pressure. Not only will a positive relationship between adolescent and parent benefit when faced with peer pressure, it will help with identity-processing in early adolescents. Research by Berzonsky et al. found that adolescents that were open and trusting of their parents were given more freedom and their parents were less likely to track them and control their behavior.

Adults

Parenting does not usually end when a child turns 18. Support may be needed in a child's life well beyond the adolescent years and can continue into middle and later adulthood. Parenting can be a lifelong process. Parents may provide financial support to their adult children, which can also include providing an inheritance after death. The life perspective and wisdom given by a parent can benefit their adult children in their own lives. Becoming a grandparent is another milestone and has many similarities with parenting. Roles can be reversed in some ways when adult children become caregivers to their elderly parents.

Assistance

Parents may receive assistance with caring for their children through child care programs.

Childbearing and happiness

Data from the British Household Panel Survey and the German Socio-Economic Panel suggests that having up to two children increases happiness in the years around the birth, and mostly only for those who have postponed childbearing. However, having a third child is not shown to increase happiness.

Platonic love

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Platonic love (often lowercased as platonic love) is a type of love in which sexual desire or romantic features are nonexistent or has been suppressed or sublimated, but it means more than simple friendship

The term is derived from the name of Greek philosopher Plato, though the philosopher never used the term himself. Platonic love, as devised by Plato, concerns rising through levels of closeness to wisdom and true beauty, from carnal attraction to individual bodies to attraction to souls, and eventually, union with the truth.

Platonic love is contrasted with romantic love.

Classical philosophical interpretation

Platonic love is examined in Plato's dialogue, the Symposium, which has as its topic the subject of love, or more generally the subject of Eros. It explains the possibilities of how the feeling of love began and how it has evolved, both sexually and non-sexually, and defines genuine platonic love as inspiring a person's mind and soul and directing their attention towards spiritual matters. Of particular importance is the speech of Socrates, who attributes to the prophet Diotima an idea of platonic love as a means of ascent to contemplation of the divine, an ascent known as the "Ladder of Love". For Diotima and Plato generally, the most correct use of love of human beings is to direct one's mind to love of divinity. Socrates defines love based on separate classifications of pregnancy (to bear offspring); pregnancy of the body, pregnancy of the soul, and direct connection to existence. Pregnancy of the body results in human children. Pregnancy of the soul, the next step in the process, produces "virtue"—which is the soul (truth) translating itself into material form.

"... virtue for the Greeks means self-sameness ... in Plato's terms, Being or idea."(106)

Eros

Pausanias, in Plato's Symposium (181b–182a), defines two types of the love known as "Eros": vulgar Eros, or earthly love, and divine Eros, or divine love. Pausanias defines vulgar Eros as material attraction towards a person's beauty for the purposes of physical pleasure and reproduction, and divine Eros as starting from physical attraction but transcending gradually to love for supreme beauty, placed on a similar level to the divine. This concept of divine Eros was later transformed into the term "platonic love".

Vulgar Eros and divine Eros were both considered to be connected, and part of the same continuous process of pursuing perfection of one's being, with the purpose of mending one's human nature and eventually reaching a point of unity where there is no longer an aspiration or need to change.

"Eros is ... a moment of transcendence ... in so far as the other can never be possessed without being annihilated in its status as the other, at which point both desire and transcendence would cease ... (84)

Eros as a god

In the Symposium, Eros is discussed as a Greek god—more specifically, the king of the gods, with each guest of the party giving a eulogy in praise of Eros.

Virtue

Virtue, according to Greek philosophy, is the concept of how closely reality and material form equates good, positive, or benevolent. This can be seen as a form of linguistic relativity.

Some modern authors' perception of the terms "virtue" and "good" as they are translated into English from the Symposium are a good indicator of this misunderstanding. In the following quote, the author simplifies the idea of virtue as simply what is "good".

"... what is good is beautiful, and what is beautiful is good ..."

Ladder of Love

The Ladder of Love is a metaphor that relates each step toward Being as consecutive rungs of a ladder. Each step closer to the truth further distances love from beauty of the body toward love that is more focused on wisdom and the essence of beauty.

The ladder starts with carnal attraction of body for body, progressing to a love for body and soul. Eventually, in time, with consequent steps up the ladder, the idea of beauty is eventually no longer connected with a body, but entirely united with Being itself.

"[...] decent human beings must be gratified, as well as those that are not as yet decent, so that they might become more decent; and the love of the decent must be preserved." (187d, 17) - Eryximachus' "completion" of Pausanias' speech on Eros

Tragedy and comedy

Plato's Symposium defines two extremes in the process of platonic love; the entirely carnal and the entirely ethereal. These two extremes of love are seen by the Greeks in terms of tragedy and comedy. According to Diotima in her discussion with Socrates, for anyone to achieve the final rung in the Ladder of Love, they would essentially transcend the body and rise to immortality—gaining direct access to Being. Such a form of love is impossible for a mortal to achieve.

What Plato describes as "pregnancy of the body" is entirely carnal and seeks pleasure and beauty in bodily form only. This is the type of love, that, according to Socrates, is practiced by animals.

"Now, if both these portraits of love, the tragic and the comic, are exaggerations, then we could say that the genuine portrayal of Platonic love is the one that lies between them. The love described as the one practiced by those who are pregnant according to the soul, who partake of both the realm of beings and the realm of Being, who grasp Being indirectly, through the mediation of beings, would be a love that Socrates could practice."

Tragedy

Diotima considers the carnal limitation of human beings to the pregnancy of the body to be a form of tragedy, as it separates someone from the pursuit of truth. One would be forever limited to beauty of the body, never being able to access the true essence of beauty.

Comedy

Diotima considers the idea of a mortal having direct access to Being to be a comic situation simply because of the impossibility of it. The offspring of true virtue would essentially lead to a mortal achieving immortality.

Historical views of platonic love

In the Middle Ages, new interest in the works of Plato, his philosophy and his view of love became more popular, spurred on by Georgios Gemistos Plethon during the Councils of Ferrara and Firenze in 1438–1439. Later in 1469, Marsilio Ficino put forward a theory of neo-platonic love, in which he defined love as a personal ability of an individual, which guides their soul towards cosmic processes, lofty spiritual goals and heavenly ideas. The first use of the modern sense of platonic love is considered to be by Ficino in one of his letters.

Though Plato's discussions of love originally centered on relationships which were sexual between members of the same sex, scholar Todd Reeser studies how the meaning of platonic love in Plato's original sense underwent a transformation during the Renaissance, leading to the contemporary sense of nonsexual heterosexual love.

The English term "platonic" dates back to William Davenant's The Platonick Lovers, performed in 1635, a critique of the philosophy of platonic love which was popular at Charles I's court. The play was derived from the concept in Plato's Symposium of a person's love for the idea of good, which he considered to lie at the root of all virtue and truth. For a brief period, platonic love was a fashionable subject at the English royal court, especially in the circle around Queen Henrietta Maria, the wife of King Charles I. Platonic love was the theme of some of the courtly masques performed in the Caroline era, though the fashion for this soon waned under pressures of social and political change.

Seven types of love

Throughout these eras, platonic love was slowly categorized into seven different classical definitions. These were:

  • Eros: sexual or passionate love, or a modern perspective of romantic love.
  • Philia: the love of friendship or goodwill, often met with mutual benefits that can also be formed by companionship, dependability, and trust.
  • Storge: the love found between parents and children, often a unilateral love.
  • Agape: the universal love, consisting of love for strangers, nature, or God.
  • Ludus: playful and uncommitted love, intended for fun with no resulting consequences.
  • Pragma: love founded on duty and reason, and one's longer-term interests.
  • Philautia: self-love, both healthy or unhealthy; unhealthy if one places oneself above the gods (to the point of hubris), and healthy if it is used to build self-esteem and confidence.

Despite the variety and number of definitions, the different distinctions between types of love were not considered concrete and mutually exclusive, and were often considered to blend into one another at certain points.

Modern interpretations

Definition

"Platonic love in its modern popular sense is an affectionate relationship into which the sexual element does not enter, especially in cases where one might easily assume otherwise." "Platonic lovers function to underscore a supportive role where the friend sees [their] duty as the provision of advice, encouragement, and comfort to the other person ... and do not entail exclusivity."

Complications

One of the complications of platonic love lies within the persistence of the use of the title itself "platonic love" versus the use of "friend". It is the use of the word love that directs us towards a deeper relationship than the scope of a normal friendship.

Queerplatonic love

Some in the aromantic and asexual communities, within the broader LGBT community, have coined the term "queerplatonic" to refer to formal intimate relationships between significant others that do not involve romance. Queerplatonic feelings are often described, like romance, as involving a deeper and more profound emotional connection than friendship.

Julie Sondra Decker writes that queerplatonic love often "looks indistinguishable from romance when outside the equation", but should not be "assigned a romantic status if participants say it is not romantic". She also notes that it can also be misread by observers as close friendship in circumstances where overtly romantic gestures are socially expected. For Decker, the essence of queerplatonic attraction is its ambiguous position in relation to normative categories: she writes that QPR "is a platonic relationship, but it is 'queered' in some way—not friends, not romantic partners, but something else".

Relationship science

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Relationship science is an interdisciplinary field dedicated to the scientific study of interpersonal relationship processes. Due to its interdisciplinary nature, relationship science is made-up of researchers of various professional backgrounds within psychology (e.g., clinical, social, and developmental psychologists) and outside of psychology (e.g., anthropologists, sociologists, economists, and biologists), but most researchers who identify with the field are psychologists by training. Additionally, the field's emphasis has historically been close and intimate relationships, which includes predominantly dating & married couples, parent-child relationships, and friendships & social networks, but some also study less salient social relationships such as colleagues and acquaintances.

History

Early 20th century

Empirically studying interpersonal relationships and social connection traces back to the early 20th century when some of the earliest focuses were on family relationships from a sociological perspective—specifically, marriage and parenting. In fact, in 1938 the National Council on Family Relations (NCFR) was formed and, in 1939, what is now the Journal of Marriage and Family (JMF) was established to publish peer-reviewed research with this emphasis. In the 30s, 40s, and 50s, researchers such as John Bowlby, Harry Harlow, Robert Hinde, and Mary Ainsworth began pursuing the study of mother-infant attachment. In 1949, Reuben Hill developed the ABC-X model, which is a theoretical framework used to examine how families manage and adapt to crises given the resources they have. Then, in the late 50s and early 60s, the purview of relationship research began to expand more, beyond the idea of just family research. In 1959, Stanley Schachter published the book The Psychology of Affiliation: Experimental Studies of the Sources of Gregariousness, where he discussed human's general affiliative needs and how they are intensified by biological responses (e.g, anxiety and hunger). That same year, Harold (Hal) Kelley and John Thibaut published a book, The Social Psychology of Groups, that outlined interdependence theory—an interdisciplinary theory that would become an essential framework for understanding close relationships from a cost-benefit perspective in the years to come. However, this prior interest in relationships was infrequent, and it was not until the late 60s and early 70s that the study of relationships truly began to blossom and gain popularity, which was in large part due to the influence of Ellen Berscheid and Elaine Hatfield.

1960s to 2000s

Roughly two decades after the aforementioned work of Hill and a decade after the works of Schachter, Kelley, and Thibaut, Ellen Berscheid and Elaine Hatfield (professors at the Universities of Minnesota and Wisconsin, respectively) began studying how two individuals become attracted to one another. Yet, their work went beyond just attraction and began to explore other domains such as the processes of choosing a romantic partner and falling in love, and the centrality of relationships in human health and well-being. However, being a female professor and researcher during this era (when academia was overwhelmingly dominated by white males) was incredibly difficult, and was only made more difficult by the public reception to their phenomena of interest. In 1974, their work came under fire after the senator of Wisconsin at the time alleged their research was a waste of taxpayer dollars, in light of Berscheid receiving $84,000 from the National Science Foundation to study love. Despite this immense scrutiny, they nevertheless persisted in pioneering the nascent field of relationship science through the 70s and into the 80s through seminal developments such as the distinction between passionate and companionate love and a scale to measure the former. Meanwhile, researchers from across different disciplines had begun to dedicate themselves to the study of relationships.

Along with the fast growing interest came high-impact works. Urie Bronfenbrenner's late 70s and mid-80s social-ecological model established key principles that researchers would eventually use ubiquitously to study the impact of socio-contextual factors on relationships. Graham Spanier published the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS) in JMF, which is currently the most widely cited scale of intimate relationship quality. John Bowlby's attachment theory, formalized in the late 60s and early 70s, laid the groundwork for the study of parent-child relationships and also helped shape the study of adult relationships in the field. Notably, in 1983, Harold Kelley, Ellen Berscheid, Andrew Christensen, Anne Peplau and their colleagues wrote the book Close Relationships, which provided a comprehensive overview of the field of relationship science in its early stages, and identified the typologies of relationships studied. Also in the 80s and into the 90s, Toni Antonucci began exploring friendships and social support among adults, while Arthur Aron was examining the role of relationships with romantic partners, siblings, friends, and parents in individual self-expansion. Additionally, Thomas Malloy and David Kenny developed the social relations model (an early analytic approach to understanding the roles of a person and their partner in their interactions) and Kenny later published his work on Models of Non-independence in Dyadic Research in 1996. With a growing interest in marriage and family therapy in relationship science, in the late 80s and 90s, researchers such as Howard Markman, Frank Floyd, and Scott Stanley began developing romantic relationship (with a primary focus on marriages) interventions; specifically, in 1995, Floyd and colleagues published the program they developed called "Prevention Intervention and Relationship Enhancement" (PREP).

Although there were many theoretical and empirical contributions of the 1970s and 80s, the professional evolution of relationship science was simultaneously taking place. The first international conference specifically dedicated to relationship processes took place in 1977 in Swansea, Wales, hosted by Mark Cook (a social psychologists) and Glen Wilson (a psychotherapist). In 1982, the first of the eventually bi-annual International Conference of Personal Relationships (ICPR) took place in Madison, Wisconsin under the direction of Robin Gilmour and Steve Duck, and with about 100 attendees. Two years later, in 1984, the International Society for the Study of Personal Relationships (ISSPR) was borne out of the ICPR and the Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, the first peer-reviewed journal unique to the field of relationship science, was established. Then in 1987, the Iowa Network of Personal Relationships (which would later be known as the International Network of Personal Relationships; INPR) was formed and Hal Kelley was elected president of ISSPR that same year. A few years later in 1991, Ellen Berscheid (the then president of ISSPR) announced a merger of ISSPR and INPR, which ultimately fell through until the idea was reignited over a decade later. In 1994, the journal Personal Relationships was formally established by ISSPR and began publishing work in relationship science with Pat Noller as the editor.Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page). The changing of roles only persisted when Dan Perlman became president of ISSPR in 1996 and began discussing with the president of INPR (at the time, Barbara Sarason) how they might work to better integrate the efforts and goals of the two organizations; in 1998, Jeffry Simpson took over as editor of Personal Relationships.

The decades-long, interdisciplinary study of relationships culminated in Ellen Berscheid's 1999 article The Greening of Relationship Science. Here, Berscheid took the opportunity to close out the 20th-century with an overview of the field's past, present, and future. She described the uniqueness and benefits of a well-integrated interdisciplinary field and the advancements that have cemented the field as an "essential science" (Berscheid, 1999, p. 262). However, she also discussed the shortcomings that were stifling the progress of the field, and provided specific advice for overcoming such limitations in the upcoming century. Some of this advice included leaving behind traditional analytic approaches that fail to consider non-independence of individuals in relationships, and prioritizing the implementation of existing methods that consider interdependent and dyadic data as well as "creatively constructing new ones" (Berscheid, 1999, p. 261). Additionally, she stressed the dire need of the field to inform public opinion and policy related specifically to intimate relationship stability (e.g., quality, dissolution/divorce) -- at the time, a hotly debated topic informed by partisan politics rather than empirical evidence, and for scientists to place greater emphasis on the environments in which relationships operate. Her article foreshadowed and influenced the evolution of the field in the 21st-century, and its structure has since been adapted by other relationship researchers to reflect on how far the field has come and where it is going.

2000s

The year 2000 included new developments in the field such as Nancy Collins and Brooke Feeney's work on partner support-seeking and caregiving in romantic relationships from an attachment theory perspective, and Reis, Sheldon, Gable, and colleagues' article Daily Well-being: The Role of Autonomy, Competence, & Relatedness. A couple of years later, Rena Repetti, Shelley Taylor, and Teresa Seaman published work that addressed some of Berscheid's 1999 article concerns as well as used health psychology perspectives to inform relationship science. They empirically demonstrated the negative effects of family home environments with significant conflict and aggression on the mental and physical health of individuals in both childhood and adulthood. Simultaneously, the early 21st-century was a time for major changes in the professional development of the field. In 2004, after previously unsuccessful attempts, ISSPR and INPR merged to form the International Association for Relationship Research (IARR).

In 2007, Harry Reis published Steps Toward the Ripening of Relationship Science, an article, inspired by Ellen Berscheid's 1999 article, that recapped and made suggestions for furthering the field. He discussed important works that could be used as framework for guiding the field, including Thomas Bradbury's 2002 article, Research on Relationships as a Prelude to Action—an article focussed on the mechanisms for improvement of relationship research including better integration of research findings, more ethnically and culturally diverse sampling, and interdisciplinary, problem-centered approaches to research. Reis argued the need for integrating and organizing theories, for paying more attention to non-romantic relationships (the primary focus of the area) in research and intervention development, and the use of his theory of perceived partner responsiveness to enable this progress. Fast-forwarding to 2012, relationship researchers again heeded Berscheid's advice of using relationships science to inform real-world issues. Eli Finkel, Paul Eastwick, Benjamin Karney, Harry Reis, and Susan Sprecher wrote an article discussing the impact of online dating on relationship formation and both its positive and negative implications for relationship outcomes compared to traditional offline dating. Additionally, in 2018, Emily Impett and Amy Muise published their follow-up to Berscheid's article, The Sexing of Relationship Science: Impetus for the Special Issue on Sex and Relationships. Here, they called on the field to draw more attention to and place greater weight on the role of sexual satisfaction; they identified this area of research as nascent but fertile territory to explore sexuality in relationships and establish it as an integral part of relationship science.

Types of relationships studied

The field recognizes that, for two individuals to be in the most basic form of a social relationship, they must be interdependent—that is, have interconnected behaviors and mutual influence on one another.

Personal relationships

A relationship is said to be personal when there is not only interdependence (the defining feature of all relationships), but when two people recognize each other as unique and unable to be replaced. Personal relationships can include colleagues, acquaintances, family members, and others, so long as the criteria for the relationship are met.

Close relationships

The definition of close relationships that is frequently referred back to is one from Harold Kelley and colleague's 1983 book, Close Relationships. This asserts that a close relationship is "one of strong, frequent, and diverse interdependence that lasts over a considerable period of time" (Kelley et al., 1983, p. 38). This definition indicates that not even all personal relationships may be considered close relationships. Close relationships can include family relationships (e.g., parent-child, siblings, grandparent-grandchild, in-laws, etc.) and friendships.

Intimate relationships

What defines a relationship as intimate are the same features that comprise a close relationship (i.e., must be personal, must have bidirectional interdependence, and must be close), but there must also be a shared sexual passion or the potential to be sexually intimate. Intimate relationships can include married couples, dating partners, and other relationships that satisfy the aforementioned criteria.

Theories

Social exchange theory

Social exchange theory was developed in the late 50s and early 60s as an economic approach to describing social experiences. It addresses the transactional nature of relationships whereby people determine how to proceed in a relationship after assessing the costs versus the benefits. A prominent subset that secured the place of social exchange theory in relationship science is interdependence theory, which was articulated in 1959 by Harold Kelley and John Thibaut in The Social Psychology of Groups. Even though Kelley and Thibaut's intent was to discuss this theory as it applied to groups, they began by exploring the effects of mutual influence as it pertains to two people together (i.e., a dyad). They expanded upon this process at the dyadic level in later years, further developing the idea that people in relationships 1) compare the overall positive to overall negative outcomes of their relationship (i.e., OUTCOME = REWARDS - COSTS), which they then 2) compare to what they expect to get or think they should be getting out of the relationship (i.e., comparison level or "CL") to determine how satisfied they are (i.e., SATISFACTION = OUTCOME - CL), and finally 3) compare the outcome of their relationship to the possible options of being either in another relationship or not in any relationship at all (i.e., comparison level for alternatives or "CLalt") to determine how dependent they are on the relationship/their partner (i.e., DEPENDENCE = OUTCOME - CLalt). They described this as having practical and important implications for commitment in a relationship such that those less satisfied by and less dependent on their partner may be more inclined to end the relationship (e.g., divorce, in the context of a marriage).

Interdependence theory has also been the basis of other influential works, such as Caryl Rusbult's investment model theory. The investment model (later known as the 'investment model of commitment processes') directly adopts the principles of interdependence theory and extends it by asserting that the magnitude of an individual's investment of resources in the relationship increases the costs of leaving the relationship, which decreases the value of alternatives, and therefore increases commitment to the relationship.

Social learning theory

Social learning theory can be traced back to the 1940s and originated from the ideas of behaviorists like Clark L. Hull and B.F. Skinner. However, it was notably articulated by Albert Bandura in his 1971 book, Social Learning Theory. It is closely related to social exchange theory (and the subsequently developed interdependence theory), but focuses more on drawbacks and rewards found directly in behavior and interactions (e.g., distant vs. displays affection) opposed to broad costs and benefits. In the context of close and intimate relationships, it emphasizes that partners' behaviors (e.g., displays of empathy during a conversation) are central in that they not only invoke an immediate response, but teach one another what to believe and how to feel about their relationship (e.g., feeling secure and trusting), which affects how satisfied one is—a process that is described as cyclical.

Social learning theory as it applies to relationship science led to the development of other prominent theories such as Gerald Patterson's coercion theory, outlined in his book, Coercive Family Process.[20][56] Coercion theory focuses on why people end up in and stay in unhealthy relationships by explaining that individuals unintentionally reinforce each other's bad behaviors. This pattern is also described as cyclical where partners will continue to behave in a certain, negative way (e.g., nagging) when their partner reinforces said behavior (e.g., does what partner is requesting through nagging), which tells them that their negative behavior is effective at getting the outcome they desired.

Attachment theory

Attachment theory was formalized in a trilogy of books, Attachment and Loss, published in 1969, 1973, and 1980 by John Bowlby. The theory was originally developed to pertain to parent-child relationships, and more specifically during infancy. This idea that children rely on a primary caregiver—an attachment figure—to feel safe and confident to explore the world (a secure base) and come back to being loved, accepted, and supported (a safe haven) has been applied extensively to adult relationships. This was first applied by Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver in 1987, specifically in the context of romantic relationships. Their research found that not only were attachment styles (i.e., secure, avoidant, anxious/ambivalent) relatively stable from infancy and into adulthood, but that these three major styles predicted the ways in which adults experienced romantic relationships. This spawned nearly three-and-a-half decades of research exploring the importance of attachment processes in childhood (i.e., parent-child relationships) and their predictive value in adult relationship formation and maintenance (i.e., romantic partnerships, friendships).

Influential people who have studied close and intimate relationships from an attachment perspective include Nancy Collins, Jeffry Simpson, and Chris Fraley. Nancy Collins and Stephen Read (1990) developed one of the most widely-cited and used scales assessing adult attachment styles and, additionally, their dimensions. Their work found three dimensions and investigated the extent to which they applied to individual self-esteem, trust, etc. as well as gender differences in their relevance to relationship quality in dating couples. Jeffry Simpson has conducted extensive research on the influence of attachment styles on relationships, including documenting more negative and less positive emotions expressed in a relationship by individuals who were either anxious or avoidant. Chris Fraley's work on attachment includes a prominent study that used item-response theory (IRT) to explore the psychometric properties of self-report adult attachment scales. His findings indicated very low levels of desirable psychometric properties in three out of four of the most commonly used adult attachment scales. Among improvements to existing scales, he made suggestions for the future development of adult attachment scales, including more discriminating items in the secure region and additional items to tap into the low ends of anxiety and avoidance dimensions.

Evolutionary theories

Evolutionary psychology as it pertains to relationship science is a collection of theories that aim to understand mating behaviors as a product of our ancestral past and adaptation. This set of perspectives has a common thread that links the modern-day study of relationship processes and behaviors to adaptive responses and features that were developed to maximize reproductive fitness. Sexual selection says that success in competition for mates happens for those who possess traits that are more attractive to potential mating partners. Researchers have also considered the theory of parental investment, where females (compared to males) have more to lose and ancestrally were therefore more selective in mate selection; this is one facet of many observed sex differences in mate selection where male and females seek and prefer certain traits. These theoretical perspectives have been implemented widely in the study of relationships both on their own and in an integrated approach (e.g., considering cultural context).

Prominent works that have taken the evolutionary approach to studying relationship formation and processes include a review of existing research by Steven Gangstead and Martie Haselton (2015) that revealed differences in both women's sexual desires and men's reactions to women across the ovulation cycle. David Buss has extensively studied sex differences in cross-cultural mate selection, jealousy, and other relationship processes through research that integrates evolutionary perspectives with socio-cultural contexts (e.g., Sex differences in human mate preferences: Evolutionary hypotheses tested in 37 cultures; Sex differences in jealousy: Evolution, physiology, and psychology, etc.). Additionally, Jeffry Simpson and Steven Gangstead have published widely cited work on relationship processes from an evolutionary lens, including research on human mating that discusses trade-offs (faced by females selecting a mate) between a potential mate's genetic fitness for having children and their willingness to help in child-rearing.

Figure 1. ABC-X Model (Adapted from McCubbin & Patterson, 1983)
 
Figure 2. Bronfenbrenner's Social Ecological Model (Adapted from Bradbury & Karney, 2019)

Social ecological theories

Social ecology—derived from sociology and anthropology—approaches the study of people in a way that considers the environment or context in which people live. Social ecological models, as they pertain to relationships, explain relationship processes from a lens that consider external forces acting upon people in a relationship, whether they be family members, romantic partners, or friends.

Reuben Hill articulated one of the earliest documented social ecological models pertaining to relationship science—specifically families—in 1949. This is known as the ABC-X model or crisis theory. The 'A' in the model indicates a stressor; the 'B' indicates resources available to handle the stressor (both tangible and emotional); the 'C' indicates the interpretation of the stressor (whether it is perceived as a threat or manageable obstacle); finally, the 'X' indicates the crisis (the overall experience and response to the stressor that either strengthens or weakens families/couples). See Figure 1.

In 1977, 1979, and 1986, Urie Bronfenbrenner published a model that integrated the multiple different levels or domains of an individuals environment. It was first developed to apply to child development, but has been widely applied in relationship science. The first level is the microsystem, which contains the single, immediate context people or dyads (e.g., couple, parent-child, friends) directly find themselves in—such as a home, school, or work. The second level is the mesosystem, which considers the combined effects of two or more contexts/settings. The third level is the exosystem, which also considers the effects of two or more contexts, but specifically contains at least one context that the individual or dyad is not directly in (e.g., government, social services) but affects an environment they are directly in (e.g., home, work). The fourth level is the macrosystem, which is the broader cultural and social attitudes that affect an individual. Finally, the chronosystem is the broadest level that is specifically the dimension of time as it relates to an individuals' context changes and life events. See Figure 2.

Figure 3. Vulnerability-Stress-Adaptation (VSA) Model (Adapted from Karney and Bradbury, 1995)

Researchers in relationship science have used social ecological models to study changes and stressors in relationships over time, and how couples, families, or even friends manage them given the contexts they evolve in. Application of social ecological models in relationship research have been seen in influential works such as Benjamin Karney and Thomas Bradbury's Vulnerability-Stress-Adaptation (VSA) model. The VSA model is a theoretical approach that enables researchers to study the impact of stressful events on relationship quality and stability over time (e.g., determine risk of divorce/relationship dissolution), given a couple's capacity to manage and adapt to such events. See Figure 3.

Relational mobility

In the early 2000's, a Japan-based research team defined relational mobility as a measure of how much choice individuals have in terms of who to form relationships with, including friendships, romantic partnerships, and work relations. Relational mobility is low in cultures with a subsistence economy that requires tight cooperation and coordination, such as farming, while it is high in cultures based on nomadic herding and in urban industrial cultures. A cross-cultural study found that the relational mobility is lowest in East Asian countries where rice farming is common, and highest in South American countries. Differences in relational mobility can explain cultural differences in certain norms and behaviors, including conformity, shame, and business strategies, as well as differences in social cognition, including attribution and locus of control.

Methodologies

Relationship science has relied on a variety of methods for both data collection and analysis. This includes but is not limited to: cross-sectional data, longitudinal data, self-report study, observational study, experimental study, repeated measures design, and mixed-methods procedures.

Self-report data

Relationship science relies predominantly on individuals' self-reported evaluations and descriptions of their own relationship processes. This method of data collection often comes in the form of answering a questionnaire that requires either selection from a set of fixed responses or providing open-ended responses. It is often the simplest way to study relationships, but researchers have cautioned against solely relying on this form of measurement. Some issues that arise with the use of self-report data is the difficulty of accurately answering retrospective questions or questions that require introspection. Recently, particularly in light of the anti-false positive movement in psychology, relationship scientists are encouraging the use of multiple methods (e.g., self-report data, observational data) to study the same or similar constructs in different ways. However, an identified benefit of using specifically self-report questionnaires is that many of the measures used to study relationships are standardized and are therefore used in multiple different studies, where findings across studies can provide insight into replicability.

Experimental data

Some of the earliest studies conducted in relationship science were done using laboratory experiments. The field has since used experimental methods in order to infer causality about a relationship phenomenon of interest. This requires identification of a dependent variable that will be the measured effect (e.g., performance on a stressful task) and an independent variable that will be what is manipulated (e.g., social support vs. no social support). However, a common concern with experimental study of relationship phenomena is the potential lack of generalizability of laboratory setting findings to real-world contexts.

Observational data

Observational (or, behavioral) data in relationship science is a method of making inferences about relationship processes that relies on an observer's reports, rather than a participant's own reports of their relationship. This is often done through videotaping or audio recording participants' interactions with one another and having outside observers systematically identify (i.e., code) aspects of interest dependent upon the type of relationship being studied (e.g., patience exhibited during a parent-child activity; affection exhibited during a romantic couple's discussion). This method enables researchers to study aspects of a relationship that may be sub-conscious to participants or would otherwise not be detectable through self-report measures. However, a hurdle of observational research is establishing strong inter-rater reliability—that is, the level of agreement between observers who are coding the observations. Additionally, as participants often know they are being watched or recorded and such interactions often take place in laboratory settings, observational data collection presents the issue of reactivity—when individuals change their natural response or behavior because they are being watched.

Longitudinal data

A cornerstone of the research done in relationship science is the use of multi-wave assessments and subsequent repeated measures design, multi-level modeling (MLM), and structural equation modeling (SEM). As relationships themselves are longitudinal, this approach enables researchers to assess change across time within and/or between relationships. However, it must be noted that most of the longitudinal research in relationship science focuses on marriages and some on parent-child relationships, while relatively few longitudinal studies on friendships or other types of relationships exist. Within longitudinal research, there is additional variation in the length of time of the study; while some studies follow individuals, couples, parents and children, etc. over the course of a few years, some study change processes across the lifespan and in multiple different relationships (e.g., from infancy into adulthood). Additionally, the frequency of and intervals of time between multi-wave assessments has considerable variation in longitudinal research; one might employ intensive longitudinal methods that require daily assessments, methods that require monthly assessments, or methods that require annual or bi-annual assessments.

Figure 4. Common Fate Model (Adapted from Kenny, 1996 and Iida, Seidman, & Shrout, 2018)

Interdependent and dyadic data

An important turning point in the analytic approach to studying relationships came at the advent of statistically modeling interdependence and dyadic processes—that is, studying two individuals (or even two groups of individuals) simultaneously to account for the overlap in or interdependence of relationship processes. In 2006, David Kenny, Deborah Kashy, and William Cook published the book Dyadic Data Analysis, which has been widely cited as a tool of understanding and measuring non-independence. This book includes information and instructions on using MLM, SEM, and other statistical methods to study both between and within dyad phenomena. Several models have been articulated for these purposes in both journal articles and the 2006 Kenny, Kashy, & Cook text, including 1) the common fate model, 2) the mutual influence (or dyadic feedback) model, 3) the dyadic score model, and the most commonly used 4) actor-partner interdependence model (APIM).

Figure 5. Mutual Influence Model (Adapted from Kenny, 1996)

Common fate model

The common fate model is a method of estimating not how two people influence one another, but how two people are similarly influenced by an external force. Dyadic means are computed for both the independent and dependent variable to estimate the effects of the dyad as a single unit. The between-dyad correlations are adjusted by the within-dyad correlations in order to remove individual-level variation. The two partners' predictor and outcome variables are observed variables that are used to compute latent variables (i.e., the 'common fate variables'). See Figure 4.

Figure 6. Dyadic Score Model (Adapted from Iida, Seidman, & Shrout, 2018)

Mutual influence (dyadic feedback) model

The mutual influence or dyadic feedback model is a method of considering reciprocal influence of partners' predictor(s) on one another's and partners' outcome on one another's. Compared to the APIM, this model assumes there are no partner effects and no other types of non-independence, as seen in the predictor-predictor and outcome-outcome paths. Additionally, it assumes equal effects of partner's influence on one another (i.e., 1 influences 2 equally as 2 influences 1). See Figure 5.

Dyadic score model

Figure 7. Actor-partner Interdependence Model (Adapted from Kenny, 1996 and Iida, Seidman, & Shrout, 2018)

The dyadic score model uses two partners observed predictor and outcome variables to compute both dyadic 'level' and 'difference' latent variables. The level variables are similar to the common fate latent variables while the difference variables represent the within-dyad contrast. See Figure 6.

Actor-partner interdependence model (APIM)

The APIM is a method of accounting for dyadic interdependence via both actor and partner effects. Specifically, it considers the influence of one partner's predictor(s) on the other partner's predictor(s) and outcome. This is modeled using regression, MLM, or SEM procedures. See Figure 7.

Inequality (mathematics)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inequality...