From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Papua conflict |
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Date | - 1 October 1962 – present
- (60 years, 8 months and 28 days)
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Location | |
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Status |
Ongoing |
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Belligerents |
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Indonesia
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The Papua conflict is an ongoing conflict in Western New Guinea between Indonesia and the Free Papua Movement (Indonesian: Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM). Subsequent to the withdrawal of the Dutch administration from the Netherlands New Guinea in 1962 and implementation of Indonesian administration in 1963,
the Free Papua Movement has conducted a low-intensity guerrilla war
against Indonesia through the targeting of its military, police, and civilian populations.
Papuan separatists have conducted protests and ceremonies, raising their flag for independence or calling for federation with Papua New Guinea,
and accuse the Indonesian government of indiscriminate violence and of
suppressing their freedom of expression. Indonesia has been accused of
conducting a genocidal campaign against the indigenous inhabitants. In a 2007 book, author De R. G. Crocombe wrote that it has been estimated that between 100,000 and 300,000 Papuans had been killed by Indonesian security forces, and many women raped or subjected to other sexual violence. Research on violence toward Papuan women
by the Papuan Women's Working Group together with the Asia Justice
Rights (AJAR) found 64 out of 170 (or 4 out of 10) Papuan women surveyed
in 2013, 2017, and the most recent study from 2019, found 65 out of 249 Papuan women experienced some form of state violence.
According to previous study and former political prisoner Ambrosius
Mulait, most violence against Papuan women happened because of domestic
violence by husbands and Papuan cultural views toward wives considering
they have been 'paid'.
Indonesian governance style has been compared to that of a police state, suppressing freedom of political association and political expression, although others have noted conflicts in Papua are instead caused by the near or total absence of state in some area. Women's rights activists, such as Fien Jarangga, support movement towards independence.
The Indonesian authorities continue to restrict foreign access
to the region due to what they officially claim to be "safety and
security concerns". Some organizations have called for a peacekeeping mission in the area.
Historical background
Overview
In December 1949, at the end of the Indonesian National Revolution, the Netherlands agreed to recognise Indonesian sovereignty over the territories of the former Dutch East Indies, with the exception of Western New Guinea, which the Dutch continued to hold as Netherlands New Guinea. The nationalist Indonesian government argued that it was the successor state
to the whole of the Dutch East Indies and wanted to end the Dutch
colonial presence in the archipelago. The Netherlands argued that the
Papuans were ethnically different and that the Netherlands would continue to administer the territory until it was capable of self-determination.
From 1950 onwards, the Dutch and the Western powers agreed that the
Papuans should be given an independent state, but due to global
considerations, mainly the Kennedy administration's concern to keep Indonesia on their side of the Cold War, the United States pressured the Dutch to sacrifice Papua's independence and transfer the territory to Indonesia.
In 1962, the Dutch agreed to relinquish the territory to temporary United Nations administration, signing the New York Agreement, which included a provision that a plebiscite would be held before 1969. The Indonesian military organised this vote, called the Act of Free Choice in 1969 to determine the population's views on the territory's future; the result was in favor of integration into Indonesia.
In violation of the Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands,
the vote was a show of hands in the presence of the Indonesian military,
and only involved 1,025 hand picked people who were "forced at
gunpoint" to vote for integration, much less than 1% of those who should
have been eligible to vote. The legitimacy of the vote is hence
disputed by independence activists who protest the military occupation
of Papua by Indonesia.
Indonesia is regularly accused of human rights abuses. They include
attacks on OPM-sympathetic civilians and jailing people who raise West
Papua's national Morning Star flag for treason.
Through the transmigration program, which since 1969 includes migration to Papua, about half of inhabitants of Indonesian Papua are migrants. Interracial marriages are increasing and the offspring of trans-migrants have come to see themselves as "Papuan" over their parents' ethnic group. As of 2010, 13,500 Papuan refugees live in exile in the neighbouring Papua New Guinea (PNG), and occasionally, the fighting spills over the border. As a result, the Papua New Guinea Defence Force
(PNGDF) has set up patrols along PNG's western border to prevent
infiltration by the OPM. Additionally, the PNG government has been
expelling resident "border crossers" and making a pledge of no
anti-Indonesian activity a condition for migrants' stay in PNG. Since
the late 1970s, the OPM have made retaliatory "threats against PNG
business projects and politicians for the PNGDF's operations against the
OPM". The PNGDF has performed joint border patrols with Indonesia since the 1980s, although the PNGDF's operations against the OPM are "parallel".
Origins
Prior to the arrival of the Dutch, two Indonesian principalities known as the Sultanate of Tidore and the Sultanate of Ternate claimed dominion over Western New Guinea.
In 1660, the Dutch recognized the Sultan of Tidore's sovereignty over
New Guinea. It thus became notionally Dutch as the Dutch held power over
Tidore. A century later, in 1793, Britain attempted a failed settlement
near Manokwari. After almost 30 years, in 1824 Britain and the
Netherlands agreed to divide the land; rendering the eastern half of the
island as being under British control and the western half would become
part of the Dutch East Indies.
In 1828, the Dutch established a settlement in Lobo (near Kaimana) which also failed. Almost 30 years later, the Germans established the first missionary settlement on an island near Manokwari.
While in 1828 the Dutch claimed the south coast west of the 141st
meridian and the north coast west of Humboldt Bay in 1848, Dutch
activity in New Guinea was minimal until 1898 when the Dutch established
an administrative center, which was subsequently followed by
missionaries and traders. Under Dutch rule, commercial links were
developed between West New Guinea and Eastern Indonesia. In 1883, New
Guinea was divided between the Netherlands, Britain, and Germany; with
Australia occupying the German territory in 1914. In 1901, the
Netherlands formally purchased West New Guinea from the Sultanate of
Tidore, incorporating it into the Dutch East Indies. During World War II, the territory was occupied by Japan but was later recaptured by the Allies, who restored Dutch rule.
The unification of Western New Guinea with Papua New Guinea was official Australian government policy for a short period of time in the 1960s, before Indonesia's annexation of the region.
Generally, proposals regarding federation with Papua New Guinea are a
minority view in the freedom movement. Arguments for federation
generally focus around shared cultural identity between the two halves
of the island.
Four years after the 17 August 1945 proclamation of Indonesian independence, the Indonesian National Revolution ended with the Dutch–Indonesian Round Table Conference in late 1949 at which the Netherlands agreed to transfer sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia,
the successor state to the Dutch East Indies. However, the Dutch
refused to include Netherlands New Guinea in the new Indonesian Republic
and decided to assist and prepare it for independence as a separate
country. It was agreed that the present status quo of the territory
would be maintained and then negotiated bilaterally one year after the
date of the transfer of sovereignty. This transfer formally occurred on
27 December 1949.
A year later, both Indonesia and the Netherlands were still unable to resolve their differences, which led Indonesian President Sukarno
to accuse the Dutch of reneging on their promises to negotiate the
handover of the territory. The Dutch were persistent in their argument
that the territory did not belong to Indonesia because the Melanesian
Papuans were ethnically and geographically different from Indonesians,
and that the territory had always been administrated separately. On top
of that, some Papuans did not participate in the Indonesian Revolution,
and that educated Papuans at the time were split between those
supporting Indonesian integration, those supporting Dutch colonial
rules, and those supporting Papuan independence.
While at face-value, the Dutch seemed to have the Papuans’ interest at heart, political scientist Arend Lijphart
disagreed. He argued that other underlying Dutch motives to prevent
West New Guinea from joining Indonesia included the territory's
lucrative economic resources, its strategic importance as a Dutch naval
base, and its potential role for creating a Eurasian homeland, housing
the Eurasians who had become displaced by the Indonesian National
Revolution. The Dutch also wanted to maintain a regional presence and to
secure their economic interests in Indonesia.
On the other hand, Indonesia regarded West New Guinea as an
intrinsic part of the country on the basis that Indonesia was the
successor state to the Dutch East Indies. Papuans participated in the
momentous 1928 Youth Pledge,
which is the first proclamation of an "Indonesian identity" which
symbolically was attended by numerous ethnic youth groups from all over
Indonesia.
Indonesian irredentist sentiments were also inflamed by the fact that
several Indonesian political prisoners (mainly leftist and communist
from the failed 1926 uprising) had been interned at a remote prison camp
north of Merauke called Boven-Digoel
in 1935 prior to World War II. They made contact with many Papuan civil
servants which formed Indonesian revolution groups in Papua. Some support also came from native kingdoms mainly around Bomberai Peninsula which had extensive relationship with Sultanate of Tidore, these efforts was led by Machmud Singgirei Rumagesan, King of Sekar.
These sentiments were also reflected in the popular Indonesian
revolutionary slogan "Indonesia Merdeka- dari Sabang sampai Merauke"
"Indonesia Free—from Sabang to Merauke.
The slogan indicates the stretch of Indonesian territory from the most
western part in Sumatra, Sabang, and the most eastern part in Merauke, a
small city in West New Guinea. Sukarno also contended that the
continuing Dutch presence in West New Guinea was an obstacle to the
process of nation-building in Indonesia and that it would also encourage
secessionist movements.
Bilateral negotiations (1950–1953)
The
Netherlands and Indonesia tried to resolve the West New Guinea dispute
through several rounds of bilateral negotiations between 1950 and 1953.
These negotiations ended up to become unsuccessful and led the two
governments to harden their stance and position. On 15 February 1952, the Dutch Parliament
voted to incorporate New Guinea into the realm of the Netherlands and
shortly after, the Netherlands refused further discussion on the
question of sovereignty and considered the issue to be closed.
In response, President Sukarno adopted a more forceful stance towards
the Dutch. Initially, he unsuccessfully tried to force the Indonesian
government to abrogate the Round Table agreements and to adopt economic
sanctions but was rebuffed by the Natsir Cabinet.
Undeterred by this setback, Sukarno made recovering the territory a top
priority of his presidency and sought to harness popular support from
the Indonesian public for this goal throughout many of his speeches
between 1951 and 1952.
By 1953, the dispute had become the central issue in Indonesian
domestic politics. All political parties across the political spectrum,
particularly the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), supported Sukarno's efforts to integrate the territory into Indonesia. According to historians Audrey and George McTurnan Kahin,
the PKI's pro-integration stance helped the party to rebuild its
political base and to further its credentials as a nationalist Communist
Party that supported Sukarno.
United Nations (1954–1957)
In
1954, Indonesia decided to take the dispute to the United Nations and
succeeded in having it placed on the agenda for the upcoming ninth
session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). In response, the Dutch Ambassador to the United Nations, Herman van Roijen, warned that the Netherlands would ignore any recommendations which might be made by the UN regarding the dispute. During the Bandung Conference
in April 1955, Indonesia succeeded in securing a resolution supporting
its claim to West New Guinea from African and Asian countries. In
addition, Indonesia was also supported by the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies.
In terms of international support, the Netherlands was supported by the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and several Western European
and Latin American countries. However, these countries were unwilling
to commit to providing military support in the event of a conflict with
Indonesia. The Eisenhower administration
were open to non-violent territorial changes but rejected the use of
any military means to resolve the dispute. Until 1961, the United States
pursued a policy of strict neutrality and abstained on every vote on
the dispute. According to the historian Nicholas Tarling,
the United Kingdom took the position that it was "strategically
undesirable" for control of the territory to pass to Indonesia because
it created a precedent for encouraging territorial changes based on
political prestige and geographical proximity.
The Australian Menzies government
welcomed the Dutch presence in the region as an "essential link" in its
national defense since it also administrated a trust territory in the
eastern half of New Guinea. Unlike the Labor Party which had supported
the Indonesian nationalists, the Prime Minister Robert Menzies
viewed Indonesia as a potential threat to its national security and
distrusted the Indonesian leadership for supporting Japan during World War II.
In addition, New Zealand and South Africa also opposed Indonesia's
claim to the territory. New Zealand accepted the Dutch argument that the
Papuans were culturally different from the Indonesians and thus
supported maintaining Dutch sovereignty over the territory until the
Papuans were ready for self-rule. By contrast, newly independent India, another Commonwealth member supported Indonesia's position.
Between 1954 and 1957, Indonesia and their Afro-Asian allies made
three attempts to get the United Nations to intervene. All these three
resolutions, however, failed to gain a two–thirds majority in the UNGA.
On 30 November 1954, the Indian representative Krishna Menon initiated a
resolution calling for Indonesia and the Netherlands to resume
negotiations and to report to the 10th UNGA Session. This resolution was
sponsored by eight countries (Argentina, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, India, Syria, and Yugoslavia) but failed to secure a two-thirds majority (34–23–3).
In response to growing tensions between Jakarta and the Hague,
Indonesia unilaterally dissolved the Netherlands-Indonesian Union on 13
February 1956, and also rescinded compensation claims to the Dutch.
Undeterred by this setback, Indonesia resubmitted the dispute to the
UNGA agenda in November 1965.
On 23 February 1957, a 13 country–sponsored resolution (Bolivia, Burma, Ceylon, Costa Rica, Ecuador, India, Iraq, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan,
Syria, and Yugoslavia) calling for the United Nations to appoint a
"good offices commission" for West New Guinea was submitted to the UNGA.
Despite receiving a plural majority (40–25–13), this second resolution
failed to gain a two-thirds majority. Undeterred, the Afro-Asian caucus
in the United Nations lobbied for the dispute to be included on the UNGA
agenda. On 4 October 1957, Indonesia's Foreign Minister Subandrio
warned that Indonesia would embark on "another cause" if the United
Nations failed to bring about a solution to the dispute that favoured
Indonesia. That month, the PKI and affiliated trade unions lobbied for
retaliatory economic measures against the Dutch. On 26 November 1957, a
third Indonesian resolution on the West New Guinea dispute was put to
the vote but failed to gain a two-thirds majority (41–29–11).
West Papua's national identity
Following the recent defeat at the UN, Indonesia embarked on a national campaign targeting Dutch interests in Indonesia; leading to the withdrawal of the Dutch flag carrier KLM's landing rights, mass demonstrations, and the seizure of the Dutch shipping line Koninklijke Paketvaart-Maatschappij
(KPM), Dutch-owned banks, and other estates. By January 1958, 10,000
Dutch nationals had left Indonesia, many returning to the Netherlands.
This spontaneous nationalisation had adverse repercussions on
Indonesia's economy, disrupting communications and affecting the
production of exports. President Sukarno also abandoned efforts to raise
the dispute at the 1958 UNGA, claiming that reason and persuasion had
failed.
Following a sustained period of harassment against Dutch diplomatic
representatives in Jakarta, Indonesia formally severed relations with
the Netherlands in August 1960.
In response to Indonesian aggression, the Netherlands stepped up
its efforts to prepare the Papuans for self-determination in 1959. These
efforts culminated in the establishment of a hospital in Hollandia
(modern–day Jayapura), a shipyard in Manokwari, agricultural research sites, plantations, and a military force known as the Papuan Volunteer Corps. By 1960, a legislative New Guinea Council
had been established with a mixture of legislative, advisory and policy
functions had been established. Half of its members were to be elected
and elections for this council were held the following year.
Most importantly, the Dutch also sought to create a sense of West
Papuan national identity and these efforts led to the creation of a
national flag (the Morning Star flag), a national anthem, and a coat of
arms. The Dutch had planned to transfer independence to West New Guinea
in 1970.
Preparation for independence
By
1960, other countries in the Asia-Pacific had taken notice of the
dispute and began proposing initiatives to end it. During a visit to the
Netherlands, the New Zealand Prime Minister Walter Nash
suggested the idea of a united New Guinea state, consisting of both
Dutch and Australian territories. This idea received little support from
both Indonesia and other Western governments. Later that year, the
Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman
proposed a three-step initiative, which involved West New Guinea coming
under United Nations trusteeship. The joint administrators would be
three non-aligned nations Ceylon, India, and Malaya, which supported
Indonesia's position. This solution involved the two belligerents,
Indonesia and the Netherlands, re-establishing bilateral relations and
the return of Dutch assets and investments to their owners. However,
this initiative was scuttled in April 1961 due to opposition from
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Subandrio, who publicly attacked Tunku's
proposal.
By 1961, the Netherlands was struggling to find adequate
international support for its policy to prepare West New Guinea for
independent status under Dutch guidance. While the Netherlands'
traditional Western allies—the United States, Great Britain, Australia,
and New Zealand—were sympathetic to Dutch policy, they were unwilling to provide any military support in the event of conflict with Indonesia. On 26 September 1961, the Dutch Foreign Minister Joseph Luns
offered to hand over the territory to a United Nations trusteeship.
This proposal was firmly rejected by his Indonesian counterpart Subandrio,
who likened the dispute to Katanga's attempted secession from the
Republic of Congo during the Congo Crisis. By October 1961, Britain was
open to transferring West New Guinea to Indonesia while the United
States floated the idea of a jointly-administered trusteeship over the
territory.
Call for resumption of Dutch–Indonesian talks
On
23 November 1961, the Indian delegation at the United Nations presented
a draft resolution calling for the resumption of Dutch–Indonesian talks
on terms which favoured Indonesia. Two days later, several Francophone
countries in Africa tabled a rival resolution which favoured an
independent West New Guinea. Indonesia favoured India's resolution while
the Dutch, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand supported the
Francophone African one. On 27 November 1961, both the Francophone
African (52–41–9) and Indian (41–40–21) resolutions were put to the
vote, but neither succeeded in gaining a two–thirds majority at the
UNGA. The failure of this final round of diplomacy in the UN convinced
Indonesia to prepare for a military invasion.
New York Agreement, UN administration and Act of Free Choice
By 1961, the United States had become concerned about the Indonesian
military's purchase of Soviet weapons and equipment for a planned
invasion of West New Guinea. The Kennedy administration feared an
Indonesian drift towards Communism and wanted to court Sukarno away from
the Soviet bloc and Communist China. The United States also wanted to
repair relations with Jakarta, which had deteriorated due to the
Eisenhower administration's covert support for regional uprisings
in Sumatra and Sulawesi. These factors convinced the Kennedy
administration to intervene diplomatically to bring about a peaceful
solution to the dispute, which favored Indonesia.
Throughout 1962, US diplomat Ellsworth Bunker
facilitated top–secret high–level negotiations between Indonesia and
the Netherlands. This produced a peace settlement known as the New York
Agreement on 15 August 1962. As a face-saving measure, the Dutch would
hand over West New Guinea to a provisional United Nations Temporary Executive Authority
(UNTEA) on 1 October 1962, which then ceded the territory to Indonesia
on 1 May 1963; formally ending the dispute. As part of the agreement, it
was stipulated that a popular plebiscite would be held in 1969 to
determine whether the Papuans would choose to remain in Indonesia or
seek self-determination. Implementation of Indonesian governance was followed by sporadic fighting between Indonesian and pro-Papuan forces until 1969.
Following the Act of Free Choice plebiscite in 1969, Western New
Guinea was formally integrated into the Republic of Indonesia. Instead
of a referendum of the 816,000 Papuans, only 1,022 Papuan tribal
representatives were allowed to vote, and they were coerced into voting
in favour of integration. While several international observers
including journalists and diplomats criticised the referendum as being
rigged, the U.S. and Australia support Indonesia's efforts to secure
acceptance in the United Nations for the pro-integration vote. That same
year, 84 member states voted in favour for the United Nations to accept
the result, with 30 others abstaining.
A number of Papuans refused to accept the territory's integration into
Indonesia, which anti-independence supporters and foreign observers
attributed to the Netherlands' efforts to promote a West Papuan national
identity among right-leaning Papuans and suppressed left-leaning
Papuans pro-Indonesian sympathies. These formed the separatist Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Free Papua Movement) and have waged an insurgency against the Indonesian authorities, which continues to this day.