Christian views on magic vary widely among Christian denominations and among individuals. Many Christians actively condemn magic as satanic, holding that it opens the way for demonic possession. Some Christians simply view it as entertainment. Conversely, some branches of esoteric Christianity actively engage in magical practices.
There are several references to witchcraft in the Bible that strongly condemn such practices. For example, Deuteronomy 18:11–12
condemns anyone who "casts spells, or who is a medium or spiritist or
who consults the dead. Anyone who does these things is detestable to the
Lord, and because of these detestable practices the Lord your God will
drive out those nations before you", and Exodus 22:18 states "Do not allow a sorceress to live" (or in the King James Bible "thou shalt not suffer a witch to live"). It has also been suggested that the word "witch" (Heb. מְכַשֵּׁפָ֖ה məḵaššêp̄āh) might be a mistranslation of "poisoner."
Others point to a primitive idealist belief in a relation between
bewitching and coveting, reflected in the occasional translation of the
Tenth Commandment as 'Thou shalt not covet'. This may suggest that the prohibition related specifically to sorcery or the casting of spells to unnaturally possess something.
Some adherents of near-east religions acted as mediums, channeling messages from the dead or from a familiar spirit. The Bible sometimes is translated as referring to "necromancer" and "necromancy" (Deuteronomy 18:11). However, some lexicographers, including James Strong and Spiros Zodhiates, disagree. These scholars say that the Hebrew word kashaph (כשפ), used in Exodus 22:18 and 5 other places in the Tanakh comes from a root meaning "to whisper". Strong, therefore, concludes that the word means "to whisper a spell, i.e. to incant or practice magic". The Contemporary English Version translates Deuteronomy 18:11 as referring to "any kind of magic".
At the very least, older biblical prohibitions included those against 'sorcery' to obtain something unnaturally; 'necromancy' as the practice of magic or divination through demons or the dead, and any forms of malevolent 'bewitchery'.
The Apostle Paul's Epistle to the Galatians includes sorcery in a list of "works of the flesh". This disapproval is echoed in the Didache, a very early book of church discipline which dates from the mid-late first century.
Christian perspectives began to change with the influential writings of the mystic poet Dante Alighieri and scholastic philosopher Thomas Aquinas, both of whom believed in astrology, whilst condemning sorcery as moral perversion. Dante also condemned then-current forms of alchemy and divination, whilst Aquinas had a more nuanced and sympathetic view.
Towards the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period (post-Reformation), belief in witchcraft became more popular and witches were seen as directly in league with the Devil. This marked the beginning of a period of witch hunts among early Protestants
which lasted about 200 years, and in some countries, particularly in
North-Western Europe, tens of thousands of people were accused of
witchcraft and sentenced to death.
The Inquisition within the Roman Catholic Church had conducted trials against supposed witches in the 13th century, but these trials were to punish heresy, of which belief in witchcraft was merely one variety. Inquisitorial courts only became systematically involved in the witch-hunt during the 15th century: in the case of the Madonna Oriente, the Inquisition of Milan was not sure what to do with two women who in 1384 and in 1390 confessed to have participated in a type of white magic.
Not all Inquisitorial courts acknowledged witchcraft. For
example, in 1610 as the result of a witch-hunting craze the Suprema (the
ruling council of the Spanish Inquisition) gave everybody an Edict of Grace (during which confessing witches were not to be punished) and put the only dissenting inquisitor, Alonso de Salazar Frías,
in charge of the subsequent investigation. The results of Salazar's
investigation was that the Spanish Inquisition did not bother witches
ever again though they still went after heretics and Crypto-Jews.
Martin Luther
Martin Luther shared some of the views about witchcraft that were common in his time. When interpreting Exodus 22:18, he stated that, with the help of the devil, witches could steal milk merely by thinking of a cow. In his Small Catechism, he taught that witchcraft was a sin against the second commandment and prescribed the Biblical penalty for it in a "table talk":
On 25 August 1538 there was much discussion about witches
and sorceresses who poisoned chicken eggs in the nests, or poisoned
milk and butter. Doctor Luther said: "One should show no mercy to these
[women]; I would burn them myself, for we read in the Law that the
priests were the ones to begin the stoning of criminals."
Luther's view of practitioners of magic as quasi-demons was at odds
with the Catholic view that emphasized choice and repentance. He also
argued that one of the most serious perversions wrought by magic was the
threatened degeneration of traditional female roles in the family.
In the era of the Inquisition
and anti-witchcraft sentiment, there was a more acceptable form of
"purely natural" occult and pagan study, the study of "natural"
phenomena in general with no evil or irreligious intent whatsoever.
Renaissance humanism (15th and 16th century) saw a resurgence in hermeticism and Neo-Platonic
varieties of ceremonial magic. Both bourgeoisie and nobility of that
era showed great fascination with these arts, which exerted an exotic charm
by their ascription to Arabic, Jewish, Romani, and Egyptian sources.
There was great uncertainty in distinguishing practices of vain
superstition, blasphemous occultism, and perfectly sound scholarly
knowledge or pious ritual. The people during this time found that the
existence of magic was something that could answer the questions that
they could not explain through science. To them it was suggesting that
while science may explain reason, magic could explain "unreason".
Marsilio Ficino
advocated the existence of spiritual beings and spirits in general,
though many such theories ran counter to the ideas of the later Age of Enlightenment, and were treated with hostility by the Roman Catholic Church. Ficino however theorised a "purely natural" magic that did not require the invocation of spirits, malevolent or malicious. BenedictineabbotJohannes Trithemius reportedly created incantations of his own related to beneficial communication with spirits. His works, including the Steganographia, were immediately placed on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum. However these works were later revealed to be concerned with cryptography and steganography, and the "magical" formulae were cover texts for cryptographic content. Behind their methods however, is an underlying theological motive for their contrivance. The preface to the Polygraphia
establishes the everyday practicability of Trithemian cryptography as a
"secular consequent of the ability of a soul specially empowered by God
to reach, by magical means, from earth to Heaven".
Pico's Hermetic syncretism was further developed by Athanasius Kircher, a Jesuit priest, hermeticist and polymath, who wrote extensively on the subject in 1652, bringing further elements such as Orphism and Egyptian mythology to the mix.
Lutheran Bishop James Heiser recently evaluated the writings of Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola as an attempted "Hermetic Reformation".
John Dee was an intense Christian, but his religiosity was influenced by Hermetic and Renaissance Neo-Platonism and pervasive Pythagorean doctrines. From Hermeticism he drew a belief that man had the potential for divine power that could be exercised through mathematics. He immersed himself in magic, astrology and Hermetic philosophy. Much effort in his last 30 years went into trying to commune with angels, so as to learn the universal language of creation and achieve a pre-apocalyptic unity of mankind. His goal was to help bring forth a unified world religion through the healing of the breach of the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches and the recapture of the pure theology of the ancients.
Modern views
During the Age of Enlightenment, belief in the powers of witches and sorcerers to harm began to die out in the West.
But the reasons for disbelief differed from those of early Christians.
For the early Christians the reason was theological—that Christ had
already defeated the powers of evil. For the post-Enlightenment
Christians in West and North Europe, the disbelief was based on a belief
in rationalism and empiricism.
It was at this time, however, that Western Christianity began
expanding to parts of Africa and Asia where premodern worldviews still
held sway, and where belief in the power of witches and sorcerers to
harm was, if anything, stronger than it had been in Northern Europe. Many African Independent Churches developed their own responses to witchcraft and sorcery.
The situation was further complicated by the rise of new religious movements
that considered witchcraft to be a religion. These perspectives do not
claim that witches actually consciously enter into a pact with Satan
because Satan is not normally believed to exist in Wicca or other modern neo-pagan witchcraft practices.
Christian opposition to witchcraft
Several Christian groups continue to believe in witchcraft and view it as a negative force. Much of the criticism originates among Evangelical Christian groups, especially those which have a fundamentalist tendency, which believe that witchcraft is a danger to children. The 2006 documentary Jesus Camp, which depicts the life of young children attending Becky Fischer's summer camp, shows Fischer condemning the Harry Potter novels and telling the students that "Warlocks are enemies of God" (see also Religious debates over the Harry Potter series). While Fischer's summer camp has sometimes been incorrectly identified as Pentecostal, Fischer is most closely associated with the neo-Pentecostal movement known as the New Apostolic Reformation.
Among Christian tendencies, the NAR is especially aggressive in
efforts to counter alleged acts of witchcraft; the NAR's globally
distributed "Transformations" pseudo-documentaries by filmmaker George
Otis, Jr. show charismatic Christians creating mini-utopias by driving
off "territorial spirits" and by banishing or even killing accused
witches. During the 2008 United States presidential election, footage
surfaced from a 2005 church ceremony in which a NAR apostle, Kenyan
bishop Thomas Muthee laid hands on Sarah Palin and called upon God to protect her from "every form of witchcraft".
In 2009, Pope Benedict XVI denounced belief in witchcraft during a visit to Angola.
Magic in literature, while condemned by some Christians, is often
viewed by Christians as non-evil. The key distinction would be between
real-life magic and pretend magic. This view holds that in real life,
the practice of supernatural abilities (i.e. magic) must have a
supernatural power source or origin, which would be either holy or evil.
Thus born of Holy Spirit or of demons. (See Spiritual gift and Christian demonology
for details on these teachings.) Thus, magic in the Biblical context
would be viewed as only an act of evil, whereas in literature, pretend
magic is a morally neutral tool available to conduct both good and bad
behaviors.
In literature, magical abilities have many different power sources. Technological ability (science) can appear as magic.
Often, wielding magic is accomplished by imposing one's will by
concentration and/or use of devices to control an external magical
force. This explanation is offered for the Force in Star Wars, magic in Dungeons & Dragons, and magic in The Chronicles of Narnia and The Lord of the Rings.
The latter two works are by notable Christians, C. S. Lewis and J. R. R. Tolkien, respectively. In the first book in The Chronicles of Narnia, The Magician's Nephew,
Lewis specifically explains that magic is a power readily available in
some other worlds, less so on Earth. The Empress Jadis (later, the White Witch)
was tempted to use magic for selfish reasons to retain control of her
world Charn, which ultimately led to the destruction of life there.
Lewis related questions of the morality of magic to the same category as
the morality of technology, including whether it is real, represents an
'unhealthy interest', or contravenes the basic divine plan for our
universe.
Tolkien, a devout Catholic, had strict rules imposed by the
ruling powers, angels who had assumed the 'raiment of the earth', for
the use of magic by their servants. These included a general
discouragement of magic in all but exceptional circumstances, and also
prohibitions against use of magic to control others, to set the self up
as a political power, or to create a world that violates the natural
order. He did however allow his wizard character to entertain children with magical fireworks.
Syncretic religions involving Christianity and magic
From the Middle Ages, many Hermeticists combined Christianity with occult practices (mostly alchemy). These Christo-pagan perspectives have a long history in the Middle East and Europe, from the neo-Platonists right through to Mirandola in the 15th century, but also through freemasonry, Mormonism, to the early Rosicrucian Golden Dawn of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Another notable example of syncretism is Santería, a syncretic hybrid of African animism and Christianity. Also American Hoodoo
(by certain practitioners using the Bible) among other similar
religions. There are also those who practice from a combination of
Neopagan/Wiccan and Christian perspectives, as for example in Christian Wicca or in some Gaian 'Goddess' communities. Other modern syncretic traditions include mesoamerican folk healing traditions, such as the curanderismo practices found in Mexico, and Andean folk healing traditions of Peru and Bolivia.
Indigenous education specifically focuses on teaching
Indigenous knowledge, models, methods, and content within formal or
non-formal educational systems. The growing recognition and use of
Indigenous education methods can be a response to the erosion and loss
of Indigenous knowledge through the processes of colonialism,
globalization, and modernity.
Indigenous peoples' right to education is recognized in Article 14 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
The United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
makes particular reference to the educational rights of Indigenous
peoples in Article 14.
It emphasizes the responsibility of states to adequately provide access
to education for Indigenous people, particularly children, and when
possible, for education to take place within their own culture and to be
delivered in their own language.
Cultural context of Indigenous learning in the Americas
A growing body of scientific literature has described Indigenous ways
of learning, in different cultures and countries. Learning in
Indigenous communities is a process that
involves all members in the community.
The learning styles that children use in their Indigenous
schooling are the same ones that occur in their community context. These
Indigenous learning styles often include: observation, imitation, use of narrative/storytelling, collaboration, and cooperation, as seen among American Indian, Alaska Native and Latin American communities.
This is a hands on approach that emphasizes direct experience and
learning through inclusion.The child feels that they are a vital member
of the community, and they are encouraged to participate in a meaningful
way by community members. Children often effectively learn skills through this system, without being taught explicitly or in a formal manner.
This differs from Western learning styles, which tend to include
methods such as explicit instruction in which a figure of authority
directs the learner's attention, and testing/ quizzing.
Creating an educational environment for Indigenous children that is
consistent with upbringing, rather than an education that follows a
traditionally Western format, allows for a child to retain knowledge
more easily, because they are learning in a way that was encouraged from
infancy within their family and community.
Robinson further said that traditional Western methods of
education generally disregard the importance Indigenous cultures and
environmental contributions, which results in a lack of relevance for
students of aboriginal backgrounds.
Modern schools have a tendency to teach skills stripped of context
which has a detrimental impact on Indigenous students because they
thrive off educational environments in which their cultures and
languages are respected and infused in learning.
Various aspects of Indigenous culture need to be considered when
discussing Indigenous learning, such as: content (how culture is
portrayed in text and through language), social culture/ interactions
(relations between class interactions and interactions within Indigenous
communities), and cognitive culture (differences in worldview,
spiritual understandings, practical knowledge, etc.).
Classroom structure
According
to Akhenoba Robinson (2019), the structure of Indigenous American
classrooms that reflect the organization of Indigenous communities
eliminates the distinction between the community and classroom and makes
it easier for students to assimilate the material.
Effective classrooms modeled off of the social structure of Indigenous
communities are typically focused on group or cooperative learning that
provide an inclusive environment. Between traditional Aboriginal
education and the western system of education. A key factor for
successful Indigenous education practices is the student-teacher
relationship. Classrooms are socially constructed in a way that the
teacher shares the control of the classroom with the students. Rather
than taking an authoritative role, the teacher is viewed as a co-learner
to the students, and they maintain a balance between personal warmth
and demand for academic achievement. In Mexico, teachers have been
observed to let their students move freely about the classroom while
working in order to consult with other students, as well as using their
instructors for occasional guidance.
Teachers in Indigenous classrooms in a community in Alaska rely
on group work, encourage the students to watch each other as a way to
learn, and avoid singling out students for praise, criticism, or
recitation.
Praise, by Western standards, is minimal in Indigenous classrooms, and
when it is given it is for effort, not for providing a correct answer to
a question. Classroom discourse in Indigenous classrooms is an example
of how the teacher shares control with the students. Observations in the
Yup'ik and Mazahua communities show that Indigenous teachers are less
likely to solicit an answer from an individual student, but rather
encourage all of the students to participate in classroom discourse.
In the Yup'ik classroom, direct questions are posed to the group as
whole, and the flow of the discussion is not the sole responsibility of
the teacher. Classrooms in Indigenous communities that incorporate
Indigenous ways of learning utilize open-ended questioning,
inductive/analytical reasoning, and student participation and
verbalization, in group settings.
Escuela Unitaria (one-room one-teacher)
In
2019, A. Robinson wrote that Escuela Unitaria is a one-room one-teacher
style of schooling that is used in some rural communities, which
utilizes ways of learning common in some Indigenous or
Indigenous-heritage communities in the Americas. The school serves up to
six grades in a single classroom setting with smaller groups (divided
by grade level) in the classroom.
Community involvement is strongly implemented in the management of the
school. Learning activities are not just inside the classroom but also
outside in the agricultural environment. Children are self-instructed
and the content involves the students' rural community and family
participation. The school is structured to meet cultural needs and match
available resources.
This classroom setting allows for a collaborative learning environment
that includes the teacher, the students, and the community. Integration
of cultural knowledge within the curriculum allows students to
participate actively and to have a say in the responsibilities for
classroom activities.
Spirituality
Indigenous students make meaning of what they learn through spirituality.
Spirituality in learning involves students making connections between
morals, values and intellect rather than simply acquiring knowledge. Knowledge to Indigenous people is personal and involves emotions, culture, traditional skills, nature, etc.
For this reason, Indigenous students need time to make connections in
class, and often benefit from a safe and respectful environment that
encourages discussions among students.
Gilliard and Moore (2007) presented the experiences of eight
Native American educators, focusing on the impact of having family and
community culture included in the curriculum.
Typically, tribal K-12 schools on the reservation have majority
European American teachers. This study differs in that sense by studying
educators who are all of Native American background and their
interactions with students and families. These educators reported that
their interactions with families stem from respect and understanding.
There were three categories that surfaced when understanding and
defining culture; (1) respect of children, families, and community, (2)
building a sense of belonging and community through ritual, and (3) the
importance of family values and beliefs.
Respect of children, families, and community; educators
approached interactions in a reflective and respectful way when talking
with children, families, and the community. Educators accepted practices
concerning death in individual families. Educators made it a point to
be aware of curricular activities that may offend certain tribes.
Lastly, educators spoke in a soft, quiet, and gentle way to the
children.
Building a sense of belongingness and community through ritual; specific to the tribe on Flathead Reservation, powwows are a community ritual that bring together families and community. Educators worked with families and their children to make moccasins,
ribbon shirts and dresses, and shawls prior to the powwow, and included
elements of a powwow into their classroom. For example, they keep a
drum in the classroom to use for drumming, singing, and dancing.
Importance of family values and beliefs; educators give the
opportunity to parent's to be involved in the day-to-day activities in
and around the classroom. Such as, meal times, play time, holidays, and
celebrations. Educators collaborate with parents regarding curriculum
around holidays and cultural celebrations, reinforced importance of
speaking their tribal languages, and clarified with parents what their
home language is, and had respectful discussions around traditional
values and beliefs that led to compromise, not isolation or separation.
The educators in this study worked on a daily basis to respect, plan,
and learn about parent beliefs and values so they can create a
community culture linked to school curriculum.
Similar to the previous study mentioned, Vaughn (2016) conducted a
multiple case study of four Native American teachers and two European
American teachers at Lakeland Elementary.
The participants were asked to draw from influences, relationships, and
resources of the local tribe, local and state practices, and knowledge
of effective pedagogies to co-construct knowledge.
At the time this study was conducted, Lakeland Elementary was failing to meet No Child Left Behind's
yearly progress in reading. State officials would come to observe
teachers, unannounced, to make sure they were teaching the mandated
literacy curriculum. This required the teachers to follow the literacy
program, even though the curriculum seldom met the individual and
specific linguistic and cultural needs of the majority of Native
American students at the school.
So the researcher focused on two questions. The first one being,
“In what ways did these teachers approach developing a curriculum to
support their students’ social, cultural, and linguistic needs?”
One theme that came up was “pedagogical re-envisioning”, which are
pedagogies and understandings of culturally responsive teaching to
address writing and understand that each student has individual needs.
With understanding this, teachers are able to give students the
opportunity to include oral storytelling so students have their own
personal twist on their learning. The second question was “What shifts
in teachers’ pedagogical practices resulted from this collaboration?"
Four themes came up; cultural resources, working with community,
multimodal approaches, and integrating students’ experiences and
interests from their lives outside of school into the curriculum. By
addressing these four themes, teachers were able to re-envision how
curriculum can meet individual needs for many Native American students
without leaving out their interests, culture, or resources.
Holistic approach to learning
Holistic education
focuses on the "whole picture" and how concepts and ideas are
interrelated, then analyzes and makes meaning of certain ideas. This
form of education is beneficial for all students, especially Indigenous
students. Traditionally, Indigenous forms of learning were/are holistic
in nature, focusing on interconnections with context (especially
culture, nature, and experiences).
According to a study by Stevenson et al. (2014), challenges that
arise with using technology consistently can stem from a weak
relationship between spending time outdoors and environmental knowledge
and behavior in middle school aged students in North Carolina.
This weak relationship may be due to a change in relationship between
children and nature. Instead of children having a natural interaction
with nature, outdoor activities are based on organized sport or
technology.
Inclusion of Arts education constitutes a big part of student learning, it's an activity-based experiential subject
Middle school aged Native American students reported higher
levels of environmental behavior than Caucasian students, urging
environmental education professionals to continue to close achievement
gaps in classrooms.
Environmental education professionals continue to ensure that the same
factors creating inequity don't affect environmental knowledge. Along
with creating a classroom that strives to include environmental
knowledge, promoting outdoor activities, and direct interaction with
nature gives a chance for Native American students to voice their
knowledge to the teacher, and to their peers.
Another form of holistic approach to learning includes parental
and community advocacy. As reported by Pedro (2015), parents of students
expressed concern that the high school their children attended
neglected their children's voices, knowledge, and perspectives in the
school.
The school districts diversity specialist sought advice to construct a
curriculum that would validate, teach, and support the perspective of
Native American peoples of the Southwest United States. This team
constructed a curriculum based on three ideas; (1) Native American
students are harmed when their curriculum is void of knowledge that
reflect their identity, culture, and heritage, (2) students who are not
Native American are harmed as they learn about narrowed and historicized
depictions of Indigenous
peoples of the United States, and (3) teaching knowledge from a variety
of perspectives should be fundamental to any learning environment.
Pedro suggested, with the foundation of parents’ values, that
students are able to engage in conversation, in their mind, through
critical dialogic listening in silence.
Just because students weren't engaging verbally in the discussion,
didn't mean students weren't receptive to the points being made by other
students who were verbally engaged. Students can share their beliefs
and identities through meta-conversations in connection with the voiced
realities between other students. After hearing different sides of other
students’ stories, they were able to construct their own identities and
understandings into the debate, silently.
To validate the silence, the teacher in this instance, writes
down quotes and questions students had asked in small and whole group
conversations. At the end of each unit, the teacher would use these
quotes and questions to ask students to reflect upon their writings,
using notes they took and readings/handouts given to them. Through this
option, students were able to contribute their identities, knowledge,
and understandings into the classroom space. This process was called
Literacy Events, in which students were given the opportunity to absorb
and make sense of different perspectives and ideas from verbal
discussions in class and readings.
Silence helped the students relate internally, and through writing,
their perspectives became known. Essentially, in the end, their stories
were in their minds and contributing to the conversation as they chose
whose ideas to accept and reject or a combination of both. Parents
advocated for their children, so next time a student chooses silence, it
might not mean that they are disengaged or uninterested. Instead, give
them another avenue to express their thoughts.
Indigenous American ways of learning
Indigenous
education involves oral traditions (such as listening, watching,
imitating), group work, apprenticeship, and high levels of cultural
context.
Additionally, knowledge to Indigenous people is sacred, centers on the
idea that each student constructs knowledge individually, and is rooted
in experience and culture.
Learning is believed to be life-long and involves a unique sense of
self-identity and passion, as well as focuses on the importance of
community survival and contributions to life and community
sustainability.
The Indigenous ways of learning occur when diverse perspectives are
interconnected through spiritual, holistic, experiential and
transformative methods.
The optimal learning environment for Indigenous students incorporates:
the land (and traditional skills), Indigenous languages, traditions,
cultures, people (self, family, elders, and community), and
spirituality.
Active participation
In
many Indigenous communities of the Americas, children often begin to
learn through their eagerness to be active participants in their
communities. Through this, children feel incorporated as valued members
when given the opportunity to contribute to everyday social and cultural
activities.
For example, in a traditional village in Yucatán, Mexico, great
importance is placed on engaging in mature activities to help children
learn how to participate and contribute appropriately. Adults rarely
force children to contribute; rather, they provide children with a great
range of independence in deciding what to do with their time.
Therefore, children are likely to demonstrate that they want to be a
productive member of the community because they have been a part of a
social, collaborative culture that views everyday work as something that
everyone can partake and help in.
A main model of learning is to incorporate children in various
activities where they are expected to be active contributors. The
different forms of activities can vary from momentary interactions to
broad societal foundations and how those complement their community's
traditions.
In Maya Belize culture, girls as young as four can work alongside their
mothers when washing clothes in the river – rather than being given
verbal instructions, they observe keenly, imitate to the best of their
ability, and understand that their inclusion is crucial to the
community.
Rather than being separated and directed away from the mature work and
the Indigenous heritage, children are expected to observe and pitch in.
Indigenous communities in the Americas emphasize the ability for
community members of all ages to be able to collaborate. In this kind of
environment, children learn not only how to participate alongside
others, but are also likely to demonstrate an eagerness to contribute as
a part of their community. Integration of younger and older children
provides the opportunity for different levels of observation, listening,
and participation to occur [Rogoff et al. (2010)]. Soon after or even
during an activity, children are often seen to take it upon themselves
to participate in the same previous social and cultural activities that
they observed and participated in.
By encouraging child immersion in activities rather than specifically
asking for their participation, children have the freedom to construct
their own knowledge with self-motivation to continue cultural practices
alongside others.
Children in many Indigenous cultures of the Americas actively
participate and contribute to their community and family activities by
observing and pitching in (link to LOPI pageArchived 14 October 2018 at the Wayback Machine)
while informally learning to socialize and gaining a sense of
responsibility amongst other skills. A mother reported that being an
active participant in everyday activities provides children with the
opportunity to gain direction in learning and working that other
environments may not provide.
For instance, 15-year-old Josefina and her family own a small
restaurant in an Indigenous community in Nocutzepo, Mexico where the
entire family collaborates to ensure the restaurant functions smoothly.
This includes everyone from the grandmother who tends to the fire for
cooking to 5-year-old Julia who contributes by carrying the pieces of
firewood. Josefina is one of the seven family members that pitches in
towards the family food stand. Through observation and listening, she
learned that the food stand was the family's main source of income.
Overtime, Josefina took it upon herself to pitch in and take over the
food stand, thus learning responsibility, cooperation, and commitment.
Nobody instructed or demanded her to help with the family business, but
she learned the community's expectations and way of living.
The inclusive and welcoming environment of the marketplace setting
encourages children to participate in everyday social practices and take
initiative to learn about their culture, facilitating communal
collaboration.
Motivation
In
Indigenous American communities, the inclusion of children in communal
activities motivates them to engage with their social world, helping
them to develop a sense of belonging. Active participation involves children undertaking initiative and acting autonomously.
Similarly, Learning by Observing and Pitching In (LOPI) supports informal learning which generates self-sovereignty.
The combination of children's inclusion, development of independence,
and initiative for contribution are common elements identified in
Indigenous American ways of learning.
Education in Indigenous communities is primarily based on joint
engagement in which children are motivated to "pitch-in" in collective
activities through developing solidarity within family, resulting in
reciprocal bonds. Learning is viewed as an act of meaningful and productive work, not as a separate activity.
When asked to self-report about their individual contributions,
Indigenous Mexican heritage children placed emphasis on the community
rather than on individual role. Their contributions emphasized
collaboration and mutual responsibility within the community.
A study was conducted with children who had immigrated from Indigenous
communities in rural Mexico. The children were less likely to view
activities that Westernized culture regarded as "chores" to be a type of
work. These children felt that activities such as taking care of
siblings, cooking, and assisting in cleaning were activities that help
the family.
When asked how they viewed participation in household work, children
from two Mexican cities reported they contribute because it is a shared
responsibility of everyone in the family. They further reported that
they want to pitch in to the work because helping and contributing
allows them to be more integrated in ongoing family and community
activities.
Many Mexican-heritage children also reported being proud of their
contributions, while their families reported the contributions of
children are valued by everyone involved.
Learning through collaborative work is often correlated with
children learning responsibility. Many children in Indigenous Yucatec
families often attempt and are expected to help around their homes with
household endeavors. It is common to see children offer their help of
their own accord, such as Mari, an 18-month-old child from an Indigenous
family who watched her mother clean the furniture with a designated
cleaning leaf. Mari then took it upon herself to pick a leaf from a
nearby bush and attempt to scrub the furniture as well.
Although Mari was not using the proper type of leaf, by attempting to
assist in cleaning the furniture, she demonstrated that she wanted to
help in a household activity. Mari's mother supported and encouraged
Mari's participation by creating an environment where she is able to
pitch in, even if not in a completely accurate manner. Parents often
offer guidance and support in Indigenous American cultures when the
child needs it—as they believe this encourages children to be
self-motivated and responsible.
Children from Indigenous communities of the Americas are likely
to pitch in and collaborate freely without being asked or instructed to
do so. For example, P'urepecha children whose mothers followed more
traditional Indigenous ways of living demonstrated significantly more
independent collaboration when playing Chinese checkers than
middle-class children whose mothers had less involvement in Indigenous
practices of the Americas.
Similarly, when mothers from the Mayan community of San Pedro were
instructed to construct a 3-D jigsaw puzzle with their children, mothers
who practiced traditional Indigenous culture showed more cooperative
engagements with their children than mothers with less traditional
practices.
These studies exemplify the idea that children from families that
practice traditional Indigenous American cultures are likely to exhibit a
motivation to collaborate without instruction. Therefore, being in an
environment where collaboration is emphasized, serves as an example for
children in Indigenous American communities to pitch in out of their own
self-motivation and eagerness to contribute.
Assessment
In many Indigenous communities of the Americas children rely on assessment
to master a task. Assessment can include the evaluation of oneself as
well as evaluation from external influences like parents, family
members, or community members. Assessment involves feedback
given to learners from their support; this can be through acceptance,
appreciation or correction. The purpose of assessment is to assist the
learner as they actively participate in their activity. While
contributing in the activity, children are constantly evaluating their
learning progress based on the feedback of their support. With this
feedback, children modify their behavior in mastering their task.
In the Mexican Indigenous heritage community of Nocutzepo, there
is available feedback to a learner by observing the results of their
contribution and by observing if their support accepted or corrected
them. For example, a 5-year-old girl shapes and cooks tortillas with her
mother, when the girl would make irregular tortilla shapes her mother
would focus her daughter's attention to an aspect of her own shaping. By
doing this, the young girl would imitate her mother's movements and
improve her own skills. Feedback given by the mother helped the young
girl evaluate her own work and correct it.
In traditional Chippewa
culture, assessment and feedback are offered in variety of ways.
Generally, Chippewa children are not given much praise for their
contributions. On occasion, the parents offer assessment through rewards
given to the child. These rewards are given as feedback for work well
done, and come in the form of a toy carved out of wood, a doll of grass,
or maple sugar. When children do not meet expectations, and fail in
their contributions, Chippewa parents make sure not to use ridicule as a
means of assessment. The Chippewa also recognize the harmful effects of
excessive scolding to a child's learning process. Chippewa parents
believes that scolding a child too much would "make them worse", and
holds back the child's ability to learn.
For the Chillihuani community in Peru,
parents bring up children in a manner that allows them to grow maturely
with values like responsibility and respect. These values ultimately
influence how children learn in this community. Parents from the
Chillihuani community offer assessment of their children through praise,
even if the child's contribution is not perfect. Additionally, feedback
can come in the form of responsibility given for a difficult task, with
less supervision. This responsibility is an important aspect of the
learning process for children in Chillihuani because it allows them
advance their skills. At only five years old, children are expected to
herd sheep, alpaca and llamas
with the assistance of an older sibling or adult relative. By age 8,
children take on the responsibility of herding alone even in unfavorable
weather conditions. Children are evaluated in terms of their ability to
handle difficult tasks and then complemented on a job well done by
their parents. This supports the learning development of the child's
skills, and encourages their continued contributions.
Criticisms of the Western educational model
Omitting indigenous knowledge amounts to cultural assimilation.
The government stigmatizes indigenous learning, culture, and language
to assimilate indigenous peoples and create a more homogenized country.
A study on Malaysian post secondary students found that indigenous
children struggled with social and academic adaptation as well as
self-esteem.
The study also found that indigenous students had much more difficulty
transitioning to university and other new programs compared to
non-indigenous students.
These challenges are rooted in the fact that indigenous students are
underrepresented in higher education and face psychological challenges,
such as self-esteem.
Globally, there is a large gap in educational attainment between indigenous and non-indigenous people.
A study in Canada found that this gap is widened by the residential
school system and traditionally Eurocentric curriculum and teaching
methods.
Stemming from the negative psychological impacts of attending
residential schools in 1883, which were heavily influenced by Christian
missionaries and European ideals and customs, a feeling of distrust
towards Canadian schools has been passed down through generations.
As a result of experiencing racism, neglect, and forced assimilation,
the cycle of distrust has pervaded children and grandchildren, and so
on. There is a continued lack of teaching of indigenous knowledge, perspective, and history.
As mentioned above, there has been a modern-day global shift
towards recognizing the importance of Indigenous education. One reason
for this current awareness is the rapid spread of Western educational
models throughout the world. Critics of the Western educational model
believe that due to colonial histories and lingering cultural
ethnocentrism, the Western model can not substitute for an Indigenous
education. Throughout history, Indigenous Peoples have experienced, and
continue many negative interactions Western society (for example, the
Canadian Residential School System), which has led to the oppression and marginalization of Indigenous people.
The film "Schooling the World: The White Man's Last Burden" addresses
this issue of modern education and its destruction of unique, Indigenous
cultures and individuals' identities. Shot in the Buddhist culture of
Ladakh in the northern Indian Himalayas, the film fuses the voices of
the Ladakhi people and commentary from an anthropologist/ethnobotanist, a
National Geographical Explorer-in-Residence, and an architect of
education programs. In essence, the film examines the definitions of
wealth and poverty, in other words, knowledge and ignorance.
Furthermore, it reveals the effects of trying to institute a global
education system or central learning authority, which can ultimately
demolish "traditional sustainable agricultural and ecological knowledge,
in the breakup of extended families and communities, and in the
devaluation of ancient spiritual traditions."
Finally, the film promotes a deeper dialogue between cultures,
suggesting that there is no single way to learn. No two human beings are
alike because they develop under different circumstances, learning, and
education.
The director and editor of the film Carol Black writes, "One of
the most profound changes that occurs when modern schooling is
introduced into traditional societies around the world is a radical
shift in the locus of power and control over learning from children,
families, and communities to ever more centralized systems of
authority."
Black continues by explaining that in many non-modernized societies,
children learn in a variety of ways, including free play or interaction
with multiple children, immersion in nature, and directly helping adults
with work and communal activities.
"They learn by experience, experimentation, trial and error, by
independent observation of nature and human behavior, and through
voluntary community sharing of information, story, song, and ritual."
Most importantly, local elders and traditional knowledge systems are
autonomous in comparison to a strict Western education model. Adults
have little control over children's "moment-to-moment movements and
choices."
Once learning is institutionalized, both the freedom of the individual
and his/her respect for the elder's wisdom are ruined. "Family and
community are sidelined…The teacher has control over the child, the
school district has control over the teacher, the state has control over
the district, and increasingly, systems of national standards and
funding create national control over states."
When Indigenous knowledge is seen as inferior to a standard school
curriculum, an emphasis is placed on an individual's success in a
broader consumer culture instead of on an ability to survive in his/her
own environment. Black concludes with a comment, "We assume that this
central authority, because it is associated with something that seems
like an unequivocal good – 'education' – must itself be fundamentally
good, a sort of benevolent dictatorship of the intellect."
From a Western perspective, centralized control over learning is
natural and consistent with the principles of freedom and democracy; and
yet, it is this same centralized system or method of discipline that
does not take into account the individual, which in the end stamps out
local cultures.
Colonialism and Western methods of learning
The
education system in the Americas reinforces western cultures, prior
knowledge and learning experiences which leads to the marginalization
and oppression of various other cultures.Teaching students primarily through European perspectives results in
non-European students believing that their cultures have not contributed
to the knowledge of societies. Often, Indigenous students resist
learning because they do not want to be oppressed or labeled as
'incapable of learning' due to neo-colonial knowledge and teaching. The act of decolonization
would greatly benefit Indigenous students and other marginalized
students because it involves the deconstruction of engagement with the
values, beliefs and habits of Europeans.
Pedagogical approaches to Indigenous education
Decentralization
requires a shift in education that steps away from Western practices.
The following are pedagogical approaches aimed at empowering Indigenous
students and Indigenous communities through education that does not rely
on western culture.
Culturally relevant pedagogy
Culturally
relevant pedagogy involves curriculum tailored to the cultural needs of
students and participants involved. Culture is at the core of CRP and
teachers and educators aim for all students to achieve academic success,
develop cultural competence, and develop critical consciousness to
challenge the current social structures of inequality that affect
Indigenous communities in particular. Culturally relevant pedagogy also extends to culturally sustaining and revitalizing pedagogy
which actively works to challenge power relations and colonization by
reclaiming, through education, what has been displaced by colonization
and recognizing the importance of community engagement in such efforts.
Critical Indigenous pedagogy
Critical
Indigenous pedagogy focuses on resisting colonization and oppression
through education practices that privilege Indigenous knowledge and
promote Indigenous sovereignty. Beyond schooling and instruction, CIP is
rooted in thinking critically about social injustices and challenging
those through education systems that empower youth and teachers to
create social change.
The goal of teachers and educators under CIP is to guide Indigenous
students in developing critical consciousness by creating a space for
self-reflection and dialogue as opposed to mere instruction. This form of pedagogy empowers Indigenous youth to take charge and responsibility to transform their own communities.
Under critical Indigenous pedagogy, schools are considered sacred
landscapes since they offer a sacred place for growth and engagement.
Western-style schooling is limited in engaging Indigenous knowledge and
languages but schools that embrace critical Indigenous pedagogy
recognize Indigenous knowledge and epistemologies which is why
Indigenous schools should be considered sacred landscape.
Land-based pedagogy
Land
as pedagogy recognizes colonization as dispossession and thus aims to
achieve decolonization through education practices that connect
Indigenous people to their native land and the social relations that
arise from those lands.
Land-based pedagogy encourages Indigenous people to center love for the
land and each other as the core of education in order to contest
oppression and colonialism that is aimed at deterring Indigenous people
from their land.
Land-based pedagogy has no specific curriculum because education
and knowledge come from what the land gives. Unlike western practices
with a standard curriculum, land-based pedagogy is based on the idea of
abstaining from imposing an agenda to another living being. Intelligence is considered a consensual engagement
where children consent to learning and having a set curriculum is
thought to normalize dominance and non-consent within schooling and
inevitably extended to societal norms.
Western style education is seen as coercive because in order to achieve
something, one must follow the set guidelines and curriculum enforced
by educators. Individuals show interest and commitment on their own thus
achieving self-actualization and sharing their knowledge with others
through modeling and “wearing their teachings.”
The values of land-based pedagogy are important to Indigenous people
groups who believe that “raising Indigenous children in a context where
their consent, physically and intellectually, is not just required but
valued, goes a long way to undoing the replication of colonial gender
violence” (Simpson, 31)
Community-based pedagogy
Community-based
education is central to the revival of Indigenous cultures and diverse
languages. This form of pedagogy allows community members to participate
and influence the learning environment in local schools.
Community-based education embraces the ideas of Paolo Freirie who
called for individuals to “become active participants in shaping their
own education” (May, 10).
The main effects of instilling community-based pedagogy in schools are as follows:
Parent involvement in decision making encourages children to become closer to their teachers
Indigenous parents themselves gain confidence and positively impacts their children's learning
Teacher-parent collaboration eliminates stereotypes non-Indigenous teachers may have about Indigenous people.
Communities collectively gain self-respect and achieve political influence as they take responsibility for their local schools
The school environment under a community-based education system
requires communication and collaboration between the school and the
community. The community must share leadership within the schools and
must be involved in decision-making, planning, and implementation.
Children learn through the guidance rather than determinants of their
teachers or elders and are taught skills of active participation. Out of community-based education arises community-based participatory research (CBPR),
an approach to research that facilitates co-learning co-partnership
between researchers and community members to promote community-capacity
building. CBPR
requires having youth-researcher partnerships, youth action-groups, and
local committees made up of youth, tribal leaders, and elders. This approach to research builds strength and empowers community members.
Culturally sustaining and revitalizing pedagogy
McCarty and Lee (2014) express that tribal sovereignty (Indigenous people's as peoples, not populations or national minorities), must include education sovereignty.
The authors report that Culturally Sustaining and Revitalizing Pedagogy
(CSRP) is necessary in education, based on three items; (1)
asymmetrical power relations and the goal of transforming legacies of
colonization, (2) reclaim and revitalize what has been disrupted and
displaced by colonization, and (3) the need for community-based
accountability.
CSRP is meant to off balance dominant policy dialogue. This
research follows two case studies at two different schools, one in
Arizona and one in New Mexico. Tiffany Lee reports for Native American
Community Academy (NACA) in Albuquerque, New Mexico. The core values for
the school include; respect, responsibility, community service,
culture, perseverance, and reflection. These core values reflect tribal
communities as well. NACA offers three languages; Navajo, Lakota, and Tiwa, and the school also seeks outside resources to teach local languages.
This study emphasizes that teaching language is culturally sustaining
and revitalizing; which creates a sense of belonging and strengthens
cultural identities, pride, and knowledge. At NACA, teachers know they
possess inherent power as Indigenous education practitioners. They make a
difference in revitalizing Native languages through culturally
sustaining practices.
The second case study was reported by Teresa McCarty at Puente de Hozho
(PdH), that language has a different role for members of various
cultural communities. At PdH, the educators reflect parents’ influence
(Dine and Latino/a) for culturally sustaining and revitalizing
education. The goal is to heal forced linguistic wounds and convey
important cultural and linguistic knowledge that connects to the
school's curriculum and pedagogy.
Balancing academic, linguistic, and cultural interests is based
on accountability to Indigenous communities. The authors describe the
need for linguistic teachings as a “fight for plurilingual and
pluricultural education.” Educators can attempt to balance state and federal requirements with local communities and Indigenous nations.
Language revitalization efforts
Many
Native American and Indigenous communities in the United States are
working to revitalize their Indigenous languages. These language
revitalization efforts often take place in schools, via language
immersion programs. In Guatemala, teachers have had a sense of agency to
teach students' the Indigenous language as well as about Indigenous
culture in order to prevent language loss and maintain cultural
identity.
Importance
Researchers
have brought up the importance of language revitalization efforts to
preserve Native culture. The extinction of Native languages has been
brought up as one of the reasons that revitalization efforts are
necessary and McCarty, Romero, and Zepeda have noted that “84% of all
Indigenous languages in the United States and Canada have no new
speakers to pass them on."
Native language is seen as a path to preserving Native heritage such as
“knowledge of medicine, religion, cultural practices and traditions,
music, art, human relationships and child-rearing practices, as well as
Indigenous ways of knowing about the sciences, history, astronomy,
psychology, philosophy, and anthropology.”
“Duane Mistaken Chief, a member of the Blackfeet tribe, explains that
American Indians use words and phrases to reconstruct their cultures and
to heal themselves. By studying the Indian words, they learn to respect
themselves. From the Indian point of view, the traditional language is a
sacred gift, the symbol of one’s identity, the embodiment of one’s
culture and traditions, a means for expressing inner thoughts and
feelings, and the source of ancestral wisdom."
Additionally, linguists and community members believe in the importance
of revitalizing Native languages because “it is at once a direction for
research, action, and documentation."
Finally, it has been suggested that it is especially important to
recognize Native languages in school settings because this leads to
teachers recognizing the people, which leads to self-esteem and academic
success for the students.
School Based Language-Immersion Models
Aguilera
and LeCompte (2007) compared case studies of three different
language-immersion programs in schools in Alaska, Hawaii, and the Navajo
Nation. They examined evidence from prior research studies, examined
descriptive documents from the study participants, conducted phone
interviews and email exchanges with executive directors and school
district administrators, and utilized other research on
language-immersion models. In addition to qualitative evidence, they
analyzed quantitative data such as school test scores and demographic.
Through their comparison of test data, Aguilera and LeCompte
found that there was an increase in performance on state benchmark exam
scores by the Ayaprun- and Dine’- immersion students. On the flip side,
there was lower performance in these schools on the norm-referenced
tests. However, the researchers note that these tests are often biased,
negatively impacting Indigenous students.
Ultimately, the researchers did not find that one immersion model had a
higher academic achievement impact on Native students than the other
studies. However, they “agree with language experts that total immersion
is a more effective approach to achieving proficiency in a Native
language."
Through their study, Aguilera and LeCompte (2007) examined the
language nest and two-way immersion models. Another researcher, Lee
(2007), examined “compartmentalizing” through both quantitative and
qualitative measures.
Quantitatively, Lee examined language levels, language usage, and
lifespan experiences of Navajo students. Qualitatively, Lee interviewed
Navajo students to learn more about their feelings and opinions on
learning the Navajo language. Below are descriptions of the three school
models used in the studies by Aguilera, LeCompte, and Lee.
Language nest – This model is used by the Native Hawaiian Aha
Punana Leo consortium and begins in preschools. “In the language nest
preschools, the Indigenous language is considered the student’s first
language, and children converse and study in that language, every day
and all day." These students are taught in English only after they are literate in their Indigenous language.
Two-Way Language-Immersion Model – In this model, maintenance of the
Native language is promoted, while students also learn a second
language. This model typically lasts from five to seven years. One form
of a two-way language immersion model is the 50-50 model, in which
students use English half of the class time and the target Native
language the other half of the class time. The other model is a 90-10
model, in which students use the target Native language 90% of the time
beginning in kindergarten. These students then increase the use of
English “by 10% annually until both languages are used equally—a 50-50
split by fourth grade.”
Compartmentalizing— Schools that do not have full immersion programs
often use compartmentalizing. Compartmentalizing refers to the
Indigenous language being taught as a separate topic of study as opposed
to having students instructed in the Native language for their academic
content areas. According to Lee (2007), compartmentalizing is the most
common approach for teaching Navajo language in schools today.
Through her study, Lee (2007) concluded that “Navajo-language use in
the home was the strongest influence over the students’ current
Navajo-language level and Navajo-language use."
She noted that “schools need to become more proactive in language
revitalization” and shared that she found the compartmentalizing
language-immersion programs in her study “modest” and “the language was
mostly taught as though all the students were monolingual English
speakers."
Ultimately, the researcher asserts that in order for language-immersion
programs to be done well, schools need to invest in more resources,
improved teaching pedagogy, and the development of students’ critical
thinking and critical consciousness skills."
Difficulties of Implementation
Despite
much interest in language revitalization efforts in Native communities,
it can be challenging when it comes to program implementation. Research
suggests several factors in the United States that make it difficult to
implement language immersion programs in schools.
Aguilera and LeCompte (2007) found the following difficulties in their study:
An “overwhelming pressure to teach English, especially due to the “recent emphasis on high-stakes testing in English"
“Lack of importance given to cultural aspects of language by non-native educators and policymakers”
Lack of family participation, due to parents’ fears that their
children will not learn English or be successful if they participate in
an immersion program
Securing long term funding to sustain programs
Other studies found additional difficulties in implementation:
Hostile Policies: McCarty and Nicholas (2014) conducted
qualitative research on language revitalization efforts for the Mohawk,
Navajo, Hawaiian, and Hopi people and found one difficulty in
implementation was hostile policies toward bi/multilingual education
efforts.
Scarcity of Indigenous Staff and Resources: Mary Hermes opened
Waadookodaading, a language immersion school centered around the Ojibwe
language. The school is located near a reservation of about 3,000
enrolled members, but as of 2007, there were only approximately 10
fluent speakers.
Because of massive language loss among Indigenous groups, it can be
difficult to find fluent native speakers. It is necessary to have high
language proficiency in order to teach in an immersion school.
Not only do immersion teachers need to be fluent in the language, but
they also need to be skilled in pedagogy which presents additional
challenges. Requirements from the NCLB state that paraprofessionals need
to have at least an associate degree, and those working in the primary
grades to have early childhood education coursework. Oftentimes, the
people who would serve in these positions in language immersion schools
are elders, and they do not have these requirements.
Additionally, a lack of materials in Indigenous languages results in a
demand on educators to produce the materials along the way.
Conflicting Perspectives: Ngai (2008) conducted qualitative research
on Salish language revitalization efforts by speaking with 89
participants through 101 interviews in three different school districts
on the Flathead Indian Reservation. His goal through his research was to
produce a framework that could be used for Native language education in
districts that had a mix of Native and non-Native students.
Ngai found that, “Language revitalization is particularly challenging
in school districts with a mix of AI/AN and non-Native populations
because of the co-existence of diverse and often conflicting
perspectives."
Helpful Factors in Implementation
Despite
the challenges of creating and maintaining immersion programs, there
are many schools in existence today. Researchers suggest the following
factors as helpful in leading to implementation of immersion models.
Leadership and community activism – Aguilera and LeCompte (2007)
noted in their study that having Indigenous leaders who are invested in
implementing these models is critical.
In another study, Ngai (2008) notes that, “In public schools, the
continuation of Salish language instruction since the 1970s can be
attributed to the efforts of Salish-language teachers who are willing to
step into a traditionally hostile setting in order to pass the language
on to the young.”
School Autonomy – Many schools have applied for charter status in
order to protect language-immersion schools from being closed by school
members who object to the programs. Charter status also allows schools
the flexibility to gain more funding.
Partnerships with higher education systems—In order to implement a
language immersion model, schools must have trained teachers. Several of
the communities where language immersion models have been successful
are, “situated in communities where there is access to higher education
degree programs, and some of these postsecondary institutions offer
Native language classes."
Benefits
For
Indigenous learners and instructors, the inclusion of these methods into
schools often enhances educational effectiveness by providing an
education that adheres to an Indigenous person's own inherent
perspectives, experiences, language, and customs, thereby making it
easier for children to transition into the realm of adulthood.
For non-Indigenous students and teachers, such an education often has
the effect of raising awareness of individual and collective traditions
surrounding Indigenous communities and peoples, thereby promoting
greater respect for and appreciation of various cultural realities.
In terms of educational content, the inclusion of Indigenous
knowledge within curricula, instructional materials, and textbooks has
largely the same effect on preparing students for the greater world as
other educational systems, such as the Western model.
There is value in including Indigenous knowledge and education in
the public school system. Students of all backgrounds can benefit from
being exposed to Indigenous education, as it can contribute to reducing
racism in the classroom and increase the sense of community in a
diverse group of students.
There are a number of sensitive issues about what can be taught (and
by whom) that require responsible consideration by non-Indigenous
teachers who appreciate the importance of interjecting Indigenous
perspectives into standard mainstream schools. Concerns about
misappropriation of Indigenous ways of knowing without recognizing the
plight of Indigenous Peoples and "giving back" to them are legitimate.
Since most educators are non-Indigenous, and because Indigenous
perspectives may offer solutions for current and future social and
ecological problems, it is important to refer to Indigenous educators
and agencies to develop curriculum and teaching strategies while at the
same time encouraging activism on behalf of Indigenous Peoples. One way
to bring authentic Indigenous experiences into the classroom is to work
with community elders. They can help facilitate the incorporation of authentic knowledge and experiences into the classroom.
Teachers must not shy away from bringing controversial subjects into
the classroom. The history of Indigenous people should be delved into
and developed fully.
There are many age appropriate ways to do this, including the use of
children's literature, media, and discussion. Individuals are
recommended to reflect regularly on their teaching practice to become
aware of areas of instruction in need of Indigenous perspectives.
21st century skills
Incorporating
Indigenous ways of learning into educational practices has potential to
benefit both Indigenous and non-Indigenous learners. The 21st century skills
needed in modern curriculum include: collaboration, creativity,
innovation, problem-solving, inquiry, multicultural literacy, etc.
Indigenous ways of learning incorporate all these skills through
experiential and holistic methods. Additionally, aboriginal education
styles align with 21st century skills though involving teachers and
students as co-constructors of education, and by valuing the
interconectidness of content and context.
Educational gap
Some
Indigenous people view education as an important tool to improve their
situation by pursuing economic, social and cultural development; it
provides them with individual empowerment and self-determination.
Education is also a means for employment; it is a way for socially
marginalized people to raise themselves out of poverty. However, some
education systems and curricula lack knowledge about Indigenous peoples
ways of learning, causing an educational gap for Indigenous people.
Factors for the education gap include lower school enrollments, poor
school performance, low literacy rates, and higher dropout rates.
Some schools teach Indigenous children to be "socialized" and to be a
national asset to society by assimilating, "Schooling has been
explicitly and implicitly a site of rejection of Indigenous knowledge
and language, it has been used as a means of assimilating and
integrating Indigenous peoples into a 'national' society and identity at
the cost of their Indigenous identity and social practices". Intercultural learning is an example of how to build a bridge for the educational gap.
Other factors that contribute to the education gap in Indigenous cultures are socioeconomic
disadvantage, which includes access to healthcare, employment,
incarceration rates, and housing. According to the Australian Government
Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet in their 2015 Closing the Gap Report, the country was not on track to halve the gap in reading, writing and numeracy achievements for Indigenous Australian students. The government reported that there had been no overall improvement in Indigenous reading and numeracy since 2008.
Importance
Indigenous
knowledge is particularly important to modern environmental management
in today's world. Environmental and land management strategies
traditionally used by Indigenous peoples have continued relevance.
Indigenous cultures usually live in a particular bioregion for many
generations and have learned how to live there sustainably. In modern
times, this ability often puts truly Indigenous cultures in a unique
position of understanding the interrelationships, needs, resources, and
dangers of their bioregion. This is not true of Indigenous cultures that
have been eroded through colonialism or genocide or that have been
displaced.
The promotion of Indigenous methods of education and the
inclusion of traditional knowledge also enables those in Western and
post-colonial societies to re-evaluate the inherent hierarchy of
knowledge systems. Indigenous knowledge systems were historically
denigrated by Western educators; however, there is a current shift
towards recognizing the value of these traditions. The inclusion of
aspects of Indigenous education requires us to acknowledge the existence
of multiple forms of knowledge rather than one, standard, benchmark
system.
A prime example of how Indigenous methods and content can be used
to promote the above outcomes is demonstrated within higher education
in Canada. Due to certain jurisdictions' focus on enhancing academic
success for Aboriginal learners and promoting the values of
multiculturalism in society, the inclusion of Indigenous methods and
content in education is often seen as an important obligation and duty
of both governmental and educational authorities.
Many scholars in the field assert that Indigenous education and
knowledge has a "transformative power" for Indigenous communities that
can be used to foster "empowerment and justice."
The shift to recognizing Indigenous models of education as legitimate
forms is therefore important in the ongoing effort for Indigenous
rights, on a global scale.
Implications for teachers
Educators
need to foster a respectful learning environment that promotes
confidence and openness as well as an authentic dialogue to help
students come to understand content through spirituality and cultural
infusion.
It is also important for educators to realize that time is crucial for
students to connect intellect, spirituality and their understanding of
the physical world.
Many educators have stated that educational programs do not prepare
them with enough support and materials for effectively teaching
Indigenous students.
Therefore, it is important for educators to seek out ongoing teach
development programs directed toward improving teaching so that
marginalized groups do not suffer.
Challenges (as seen with the Na)
There
are numerous practical challenges to the implementation of Indigenous
education. Incorporating Indigenous knowledge into formal Western
education models can prove difficult. However, the discourse surrounding
Indigenous education and knowledge suggests that integrating Indigenous
methods into traditional modes of schooling is an "ongoing process of
'cultural negotiation.'"
Indigenous education often takes different forms than a typical
Western model, as the practices of the Na ethnic group of southwest
China illustrate. Because Na children learn through example, traditional
Na education is less formal than the standard Western model. In
contrast to structured hours and a classroom setting, learning takes
places throughout the day, both in the home and in adults' workplaces.
Based on the belief that children are "fragile, soulless beings", Na
education focuses on nurturing children rather than on punishing them.
Children develop an understanding of cultural values, such as speech
taboos and the "reflection" of individual actions "on the entire
household."
Playing games teaches children about their natural surroundings and
builds physical and mental acuity. Forms of Indigenous knowledge,
including weaving, hunting, carpentry, and the use of medicinal plants,
are passed on from adult to child in the workplace, where children
assist their relatives or serve as apprentices for several years.
However, increasing modernity is a challenge to such modes of
instruction. Some types of Indigenous knowledge are dying out because of
decreased need for them and a lack of interest from youth, who
increasingly leave the village for jobs in the cities. Furthermore,
formal Chinese state schooling "interferes with informal traditional
learning."
Children must travel a distance from their villages to attend state
schools, removing them from traditional learning opportunities in the
home and workplace. The curriculum in state schools is standardized
across China and holds little relevance to the lives of the Na. Na
children are required to learn Mandarin Chinese, Chinese and global
history, and Han values, as opposed to their native language, local
history, and Indigenous values. Methods of instruction rely on rote
learning rather than experiential learning, as employed in Na villages.
Several individuals and organizations pay for children's school
fees and build new schools in an attempt to increase village children's
access to education. Yet such well-intended actions do not affect the
schools' curriculum, which means there is no improvement in the
sustainability of the children's native cultures. As a result, such actions may actually "be contributing to the demise of the very culture" they are trying to preserve.
Organizations
Many
organizations work to promote Indigenous methods of education.
Indigenous peoples have founded and actively run several of these
organizations. On a global scale, many of these organizations engage in
active knowledge transfer in an effort to protect and promote Indigenous
knowledge and education modes.
One such organization, the Indigenous Education Institute (IEI),
aims to apply Indigenous knowledge and tradition to a contemporary
context, with a particular focus on astronomy and other science
disciplines.
Another such organization is the World Indigenous Nations Higher
Education Consortium (WINHEC), which was launched during the World
Indigenous Peoples Conference on Education (WIPCE) at Delta Lodge,
Kananakis Calgary in Alberta, Canada in August 2002.
The founding members were Australia, Hawai'i, Alaska, the American
Indian Higher Education Consortium of the United States, Canada, the
Wänanga of Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Saamiland (North Norway).
The stated aims of WINHEC include the provision of an international
forum for Indigenous peoples to pursue common goals through higher
education.