Forgetting

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forgetting 

 

Forgetting
The garden of oblivion, illustration for by Ephraim Moses Lilr the l
Symptoms	Difficulty in remembering recent events, problems with language, disorientation, mood swings
Complications	Dementia

Forgetting or disremembering is the apparent loss or modification of information already encoded and stored in an individual's short or long-term memory. It is a spontaneous or gradual process in which old memories are unable to be recalled from memory storage. Problems with remembering, learning and retaining new information are a few of the most common complaints of older adults. Studies show that retention improves with increased rehearsal. This improvement occurs because rehearsal helps to transfer information into long-term memory.

Forgetting curves (amount remembered as a function of time since an event was first experienced) have been extensively analyzed. The most recent evidence suggests that a power function provides the closest mathematical fit to the forgetting function.

Overview

Failing to retrieve an event does not mean that this specific event has been forever forgotten. Research has shown that there are a few health behaviors that to some extent can prevent forgetting from happening so often. One of the simplest ways to keep the brain healthy and prevent forgetting is to stay active and exercise. Staying active is important because overall it keeps the body healthy. When the body is healthy the brain is healthy and less inflamed as well. Older adults who were more active were found to have had less episodes of forgetting compared to those older adults who were less active. A healthy diet can also contribute to a healthier brain and aging process which in turn results in less frequent forgetting.

History

One of the first to study the mechanisms of forgetting was the German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus (1885). Using himself as the sole subject in his experiment, he memorized lists of three letter nonsense syllable words—two consonants and one vowel in the middle. He then measured his own capacity to relearn a given list of words after a variety of given time period. He found that forgetting occurs in a systematic manner, beginning rapidly and then leveling off. Although his methods were primitive, his basic premises have held true today and have been reaffirmed by more methodologically sound methods. The Ebbinghaus forgetting curve is the name of his results which he plotted out and made 2 conclusions. The first being that much of what we forget is lost soon after it is originally learned. The second being that the amount of forgetting eventually levels off.

Around the same time Ebbinghaus developed the forgetting curve, psychologist Sigmund Freud theorized that people intentionally forgot things in order to push bad thoughts and feelings deep into their unconscious, a process he called "repression". There is debate as to whether (or how often) memory repression really occurs and mainstream psychology holds that true memory repression occurs only very rarely.

One process model for memory was proposed by Richard Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin in the 1960s as a way to explain the operation of memory. This modal model of memory, also known as the Atkinson-Shiffrin model of memory, suggests there are three types of memory: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory. Each type of memory is separate in its capacity and duration. In the modal model, how quickly information is forgotten is related to the type of memory where that information is stored. Information in the first stage, sensory memory, is forgotten after only a few seconds. In the second stage, short-term memory, information is forgotten after about 20 years. While information in long-term memory can be remembered for minutes or even decades, it may be forgotten when the retrieval processes for that information fail.

Concerning unwanted memories, modern terminology divides motivated forgetting into unconscious repression (which is disputed) and conscious thought suppression.

Measurements

Forgetting can be measured in different ways all of which are based on recall:

Recall

See also: Recall (memory)

For this type of measurement, a participant has to identify material that was previously learned. The participant is asked to remember a list of material. Later on they are shown the same list of material with additional information and they are asked to identify the material that was on the original list. The more they recognize, the less information is forgotten.

Free recall and variants

Free recall is a basic paradigm used to study human memory. In a free recall task, a subject is presented a list of to-be-remembered items, one at a time. For example, an experimenter might read a list of 20 words aloud, presenting a new word to the subject every 4 seconds. At the end of the presentation of the list, the subject is asked to recall the items (e.g., by writing down as many items from the list as possible). It is called a free recall task because the subject is free to recall the items in any order that he or she desires.

Prompted (cued) recall

Prompted recall is a slight variation of free recall that consists of presenting hints or prompts to increase the likelihood that the behavior will be produced. Usually these prompts are stimuli that were not there during the training period. Thus in order to measure the degree of forgetting, one can see how many prompts the subject misses or the number of prompts required to produce the behavior.

Relearning method

This method measures forgetting by the amount of training required to reach the previous level of performance. German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus (1885) used this method on himself. He memorized lists of nonsensical syllables until he could repeat the list two times without error. After a certain interval, he relearned the list and saw how long it would take him to do this task. If it took fewer times, then there had been less forgetting. His experiment was one of the first to study forgetting.

Recognition

Participants are given a list of words and that they have to remember. Then they are shown the same list of material with additional information and they are asked to identify the material that was on the original list. The more they recognize, the less information is forgotten.

Theories

The four main theories of forgetting apparent in the study of psychology are as follows:

Cue-dependent forgetting

Cue-dependent forgetting (also, context-dependent forgetting) or retrieval failure, is the failure to recall a memory due to missing stimuli or cues that were present at the time the memory was encoded. Encoding is the first step in creating and remembering a memory. How well something has been encoded in the memory can be measured by completing specific tests of retrieval. Examples of these tests would be explicit ones like cued recall or implicit tests like word fragment completion. Cue-dependent forgetting is one of five cognitive psychology theories of forgetting. This theory states that a memory is sometimes temporarily forgotten purely because it cannot be retrieved, but the proper cue can bring it to mind. A good metaphor for this is searching for a book in a library without the reference number, title, author or even subject. The information still exists, but without these cues retrieval is unlikely. Furthermore, a good retrieval cue must be consistent with the original encoding of the information. If the sound of the word is emphasized during the encoding process, the cue that should be used should also put emphasis on the phonetic quality of the word. Information is available however, just not readily available without these cues. Depending on the age of a person, retrieval cues and skills may not work as well. This is usually common in older adults but that is not always the case. When information is encoded into the memory and retrieved with a technique called spaced retrieval, this helps older adults retrieve the events stored in the memory better. There is also evidence from different studies that show age related changes in memory. These specific studies have shown that episodic memory performance does in fact decline with age and have made known that older adults produce vivid rates of forgetting when two items are combined and not encoded.

Organic causes

Forgetting that occurs through physiological damage or dilapidation to the brain are referred to as organic causes of forgetting. These theories encompass the loss of information already retained in long-term memory or the inability to encode new information again. Examples include Alzheimer's, amnesia, dementia, consolidation theory and the gradual slowing down of the central nervous system due to aging.

Interference theories

Interference theory refers to the idea that when the learning of something new causes forgetting of older material on the basis of competition between the two. This essentially states that memory's information may become confused or combined with other information during encoding, resulting in the distortion or disruption of memories. In nature, the interfering items are said to originate from an overstimulating environment. Interference theory exists in three branches: Proactive, Retroactive and Output. Retroactive and Proactive inhibition each referring in contrast to the other. Retroactive interference is when new information (memories) interferes with older information. On the other hand, proactive interference is when old information interferes with the retrieval of new information. This is sometimes thought to occur especially when memories are similar. Output Interference occurs when the initial act of recalling specific information interferes with the retrieval of the original information. Another reason why retrieval failure occurs is due to encoding failure. The information never made it to long-term memory storage. According to the level of processing theory, how well information is encoded depends on the level of processing a piece of information receives. Certain parts of information are better encoded than others; for example, information this visual imagery or that has a survival value is more easily transferred to the long-term memory storage. This theory shows a contradiction: an extremely intelligent individual is expected to forget more hastily than one who has a slow mentality. For this reason, an intelligent individual has stored up more memory in his mind which will cause interferences and impair their ability to recall specific information. Based on current research, testing interference has only been carried out by recalling from a list of words rather than using situation from daily lives, thus it is hard to generalize the findings for this theory. It has been found that interference related tasks decreased memory performance by up to 20%, with negative effects at all interference time points and large variability between participants concerning both the time point and the size of maximal interference. Furthermore, fast learners seem to be more affected by interference than slow learners. People are also less likely to recall items when intervening stimuli are presented within the first ten minutes after learning. Recall performance is better without interference. Peripheral processes such as encoding time, recognition memory and motor execution decline with age. However proactive interference is similar. Suggesting contrary to earlier reports that the inhibitory processes observed with this paradigm remain intact in older adults.

Trace decay theory

Decay theory states that when something new is learned, a neurochemical, physical "memory trace" is formed in the brain and over time this trace tends to disintegrate, unless it is occasionally used. Decay theory states the reason we eventually forget something or an event is because the memory of it fades with time. If we do not attempt to look back at an event, the greater the interval time between the time when the event from happening and the time when we try to remember, the memory will start to fade. Time is the greatest impact in remembering an event.

Trace decay theory explains memories that are stored in both short-term and long-term memory system, and assumes that the memories leave a trace in the brain. According to this theory, short-term memory (STM) can only retain information for a limited amount of time, around 15 to 30 seconds unless it is rehearsed. If it is not rehearsed, the information will start to gradually fade away and decay. Donald Hebb proposed that incoming information causes a series of neurons to create a neurological memory trace in the brain which would result in change in the morphological and/or chemical changes in the brain and would fade with time. Repeated firing causes a structural change in the synapses. Rehearsal of repeated firing maintains the memory in STM until a structural change is made. Therefore, forgetting happens as a result of automatic decay of the memory trace in brain. This theory states that the events between learning and recall have no effects on recall; the important factor that affects is the duration that the information has been retained. Hence, as longer time passes more of traces are subject to decay and as a result the information is forgotten.

One major problem about this theory is that in real-life situation, the time between encoding a piece of information and recalling it, is going to be filled with all different kinds of events that might happen to the individual. Therefore, it is difficult to conclude that forgetting is a result of only the time duration. It is also important to consider the effectiveness of this theory. Although it seems very plausible, it is about impossible to test. It is difficult to create a situation where there is a blank period of time between presenting the material and recalling it later.

This theory is supposedly contradicted by the fact that one is able to ride a bike even after not having done so for decades. "Flashbulb memories" are another piece of seemingly contradicting evidence. It is believed that certain memories "trace decay" while others do not. Sleep is believed to play a key role in halting trace decay, although the exact mechanism of this is unknown.

Physical and chemical changes in our brain lead to a memory trace, and this is based on the idea of the trace theory of memory. Information that gets into our short-term memory lasts a few seconds (15–20 seconds), and it fades away if it is not rehearsed or practiced as the neurochemical memory trace disappears rapidly. According to the trace decay theory of forgetting, what occurs between the creation of new memories and the recall of these memories is not influenced by the recall. However, the time between these events (memory formation and recalling) decides whether the information can be kept or forgotten. As there is an inverse correlation that if the time is short, more information can be recalled. On the other hand, if the time is long less information can be recalled or more information will be forgotten. This theory can be criticized for not sharing ideas on how some memories can stay and others can fade, though there was a long time between the formation and recall. Newness to something plays a crucial role in this situation. For instance, people are more likely to recall their very first day abroad than all of the intervening days between it and living there. Emotions also play a crucial role in this situation.

Impairments and lack of forgetting

Main article: Memory disorder

Forgetting can have very different causes than simply removal of stored content. Forgetting can mean access problems, availability problems, or can have other reasons such as amnesia caused by an accident.

An inability to forget can cause distress, as with post-traumatic stress disorder and hyperthymesia (in which people have an extremely detailed autobiographical memory).

Social forgetting

Main article: Social amnesia

Psychologists have called attention to "social aspects of forgetting". Though often loosely defined, social amnesia is generally considered to be the opposite of collective memory. "Social amnesia" was first discussed by Russell Jacoby, yet his use of the term was restricted to a narrow approach, which was limited to what he perceived to be a relative neglect of psychoanalytical theory in psychology. The cultural historian Peter Burke suggested that "it may be worth investigating the social organization of forgetting, the rules of exclusion, suppression or repression, and the question of who wants whom to forget what". In an in-depth historical study spanning two centuries, Guy Beiner proposed the term "social forgetting", which he distinguished from crude notions of "collective amnesia" and "total oblivion", arguing that "social forgetting is to be found in the interface of public silence and more private remembrance". The philosopher Walter Benjamin sees social forgetting closely linked to the question of present-day interests, arguing that "every image of the past that is not recognized by the present as one of its own concerns threatens to disappear irretrievably". Building on this, the sociologist David Leupold argued in the context of competing national narratives that what is suppressed and forgotten in one national narrative "might appear at the core of past narrations by the other" - thus often leading to diametrically opposed, mutually exclusive accounts on the past.

Long-term memory

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Long-term_memory 

Long-term memory (LTM) is the stage of the Atkinson–Shiffrin memory model in which informative knowledge is held indefinitely. It is defined in contrast to sensory memory, the initial stage, and short-term or working memory, the second stage, which persists for about 18 to 30 seconds. LTM is grouped into two categories known as explicit memory (declarative memory) and implicit memory (non-declarative memory). Explicit memory is broken down into episodic and semantic memory, while implicit memory includes procedural memory and emotional conditioning.

Stores

The idea of separate memories for short- and long-term storage originated in the 19th century. One model of memory developed in the 1960s assumed that all memories are formed in one store and transfer to another store after a small period of time. This model is referred to as the "modal model", most famously detailed by Shiffrin. The model states that memory is first stored in sensory memory, which has a large capacity but can only maintain information for milliseconds. A representation of that rapidly decaying memory is moved to short-term memory. Short-term memory does not have a large capacity like sensory memory but holds information for seconds or minutes. The final storage is long-term memory, which has a very large capacity and is capable of holding information possibly for a lifetime.

The exact mechanisms by which this transfer takes place, whether all or only some memories are retained permanently, and even to have the existence of a genuine distinction between stores, remain controversial.

Evidence

Anterograde amnesia

One form of evidence cited in favor of the existence of a short-term store comes from anterograde amnesia, the inability to learn new facts and episodes. Patients with this form of amnesia have an intact ability to retain small amounts of information over short time scales (up to 30 seconds) but have little ability to form longer-term memories (illustrated by patient HM). This is interpreted as showing that the short-term store is protected from damage and diseases.

Distraction tasks

Other evidence comes from experimental studies showing that some manipulations impair memory for the 3 to 5 most recently learned words of a list (it is presumed that they are held in short-term memory). Recall for words from earlier in the list (it is presumed, stored in long-term memory) are unaffected. Other manipulations (e.g., semantic similarity of the words) affect only memory for earlier list words, but do not affect memory for the most recent few words. These results show that different factors affect short-term recall (disruption of rehearsal) and long-term recall (semantic similarity). Together, these findings show that long-term memory and short-term memory can vary independently of each other.

Models

Unitary model

Not all researchers agree that short- and long-term memory are separate systems. The alternative Unitary Model proposes that short-term memory consists of temporary activations of long-term representations (that there is one memory that behaves variously over all time scales, from milliseconds to years). It has been difficult to identify a sharp boundary between short- and long-term memory. Eugen Tarnow, a physics researcher, reported that the recall probability versus latency curve is a straight line from 6 to 600 seconds, with the probability of failure to recall only saturating after 600 seconds. If two different stores were operating in this time domain, it is reasonable to expect a discontinuity in this curve. Other research has shown that the detailed pattern of recall errors looks remarkably similar to recall of a list immediately after learning (it is presumed, from short-term memory) and recall after 24 hours (necessarily from long-term memory).

Further evidence for a unified store comes from experiments involving continual distractor tasks. In 1974, Bjork and Whitten, psychology researchers, presented subjects with word pairs to remember; before and after each word pair, subjects performed a simple multiplication task for 12 seconds. After the final word-pair, subjects performed the multiplication distractor task for 20 seconds. They reported that the recency effect (the increased probability of recall of the last items studied) and the primacy effect (the increased probability of recall of the first few items) was sustained. These results are incompatible with a separate short-term memory as the distractor items should have displaced some of the word-pairs in the buffer, thereby weakening the associated strength of the items in long-term memory.

Ovid Tzeng (1973) reported an instance where the recency effect in free recall did not seem to result from a short-term memory store. Subjects were presented with four study-test periods of 10-word lists, with a continual distractor task (20-second period of counting-backward). At the end of each list, participants had to free recall as many words as possible. After recall of the fourth list, participants were asked to recall items from all four lists. Both the initial and final recall showed a recency effect. These results violated the predictions of a short-term memory model, where no recency effect would be expected.

Koppenaal and Glanzer (1990) attempted to explain these phenomena as a result of the subjects' adaptation to the distractor task, which allowed them to preserve at least some short-term memory capabilities. In their experiment, the long-term recency effect disappeared when the distractor after the last item differed from the distractors that preceded and followed the other items (e.g., arithmetic distractor task and word reading distractor task). Thapar and Greene challenged this theory. In one of their experiments, participants were given a different distractor task after every study item. According to Koppenaal and Glanzer's theory, no recency effect would be expected as subjects would not have had time to adapt to the distractor; yet such a recency effect remained in place in the experiment.

Another explanation

One proposed explanation for recency in a continual distractor condition, and its disappearance in an end-only distractor task is the influence of contextual and distinctive processes. According to this model, recency is a result of the similarity of the final items' processing context to the processing context of the other items and the distinctive position of the final items versus intermediate items. In the end distractor task, the processing context of the final items is no longer similar to that of the other list items. At the same time, retrieval cues for these items are no longer as effective as without the distractor. Therefore, recency recedes or vanishes. However, when distractor tasks are placed before and after each item, recency returns, because all the list items have similar processing context.

Dual-store memory model

According to George Miller, whose paper in 1956 popularized the theory of the "magic number seven", short-term memory is limited to a certain number of chunks of information, while long-term memory has a limitless store.

Atkinson–Shiffrin memory model

According to the dual store memory model proposed in 1968 by Richard C. Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin, memories can reside in the short-term "buffer" for a limited time while they are simultaneously strengthening their associations in LTM. When items are first presented, they enter short-term memory for approximately twenty to thirty seconds, but due to its limited space, as new items enter, older ones are pushed out. The limit of items that can be held in the short-term memory is an average between four and seven, yet, with practice and new skills that number can be increased. However, each time an item in short-term memory is rehearsed, it is strengthened in long-term memory. Similarly, the longer an item stays in short-term memory, the stronger its association becomes in long-term memory.

Baddeley's model of working memory

Main article: Baddeley's model of working memory

In 1974, Baddeley and Hitch proposed an alternative theory of short-term memory, Baddeley's model of working memory. According to this theory, short-term memory is divided into different slave systems for different types of input items, and there is an executive control supervising what items enter and exit those systems. The slave systems include the phonological loop, the visuo-spatial sketchpad, and the episodic buffer (later added by Baddeley).

Encoding of information

LTM encodes information semantically for storage, as researched by Baddeley. In vision, the information needs to enter working memory before it can be stored into LTM. This is evidenced by the fact that the speed with which information is stored into LTM is determined by the amount of information that can be fit, at each step, into visual working memory. In other words, the larger the capacity of working memory for certain stimuli, the faster will these materials be learned.

Synaptic consolidation is the process by which items are transferred from short- to long-term memory. Within the first minutes or hours after acquisition, the engram (memory trace) is encoded within synapses, becoming resistant (though not immune) to interference from outside sources.

As LTM is subject to fading in the natural forgetting process, maintenance rehearsal (several recalls/retrievals of memory) may be needed to preserve long-term memories. Individual retrievals can take place in increasing intervals in accordance with the principle of spaced repetition. This can happen quite naturally through reflection or deliberate recall (also known as recapitulation), often dependent on the perceived importance of the material. Using testing methods as a form of recall can lead to the testing effect, which aids long-term memory through information retrieval and feedback.

In LTM, brain cells fire in specific patterns. When someone experiences something in the world, the brain responds by creating a pattern of specific nerves firing in a specific way to represent the experience. This is called distributed representation. Distributed representation can be explained through a scientific calculator. At the top of the calculator is an opening in which the numbers typed in show up. This small slot is compiled by many blocks that light up to show a specific number. In that sense, certain blocks light up when prompted to show the number 4, but other blocks light up to show the number 5. There may be overlap in the blocks used, but ultimately, these blocks are able to generate different patterns for each specific situation. The encoding of specific episodic memories can be explained through distributed representation. When you try to remember an experience, perhaps your friend's birthday party a year ago, your brain is activating a certain pattern of neurons. If you try to remember your mother's birthday party, another pattern of neurons is fired but there may be overlap because they are both birthday parties. This kind of remembering is the idea of retrieval because it involves recalling the specific distributed representation created during the encoding of the experience.

Sleep

Some theories consider sleep to be an important factor in establishing well-organized long-term memories. (See also sleep and learning.) Sleep plays a key function in the consolidation of new memories.

According to Tarnow's theory, long-term memories are stored in dream format (reminiscent of Penfield & Rasmussen's findings that electrical excitations of the cortex give rise to experiences similar to dreams). During waking life an executive function interprets LTM consistent with reality checking (Tarnow 2003). It is further proposed in the theory that the information stored in memory, no matter how it was learned, can affect performance on a particular task without the subject being aware that this memory is being used. Newly acquired declarative memory traces are believed to be reactivated during NonREM sleep to promote their hippocampo-neocortical transfer for long-term storage. Specifically, new declarative memories are better remembered if recall follows Stage II non-rapid eye movement sleep. The reactivation of memories during sleep can lead to lasting synaptic changes within certain neural networks. It is the high spindle activity, low oscillation activity, and delta wave activity during NREM sleep that helps to contribute to declarative memory consolidation. In learning before sleep, spindles are redistributed to neuronally active up-states within slow oscillations during NREM sleep. Sleep spindles are thought to induce synaptic changes and thereby contribute to memory consolidation during sleep. Here, we examined the role of sleep in the object-place recognition task, a task closely comparable to tasks typically applied for testing human declarative memory: It is a one-trial task, hippocampus-dependent, not stressful and can be repeated within the same animal. Sleep deprivation reduces vigilance or arousal levels, affecting the efficiency of certain cognitive functions such as learning and memory.

The theory that sleep benefits memory retention is not a new idea. It has been around since Ebbinghaus's experiment on forgetting in 1885. More recently studies have been done by Payne and colleagues and Holtz and colleagues. In Payne and colleague's experiment participants were randomly selected and split into two groups. Both groups were given semantically related or unrelated word pairs, but one group was given the information at 9 A.M. and the other group received theirs at 9 P.M. Participants were then tested on the word pairs at one of three intervals 30 minutes, 12 hours, or 24 hours later. It was found that participants who had a period of sleep between the learning and testing sessions did better on the memory tests. This information is similar to other results found by previous experiments by Jenkins and Dallenbach (1924). It has also been found that many domains of declarative memory are affected by sleep such as emotional memory, semantic memory, and direct encoding.

Holtz found that not only does sleep affect consolidation of declarative memories, but also procedural memories. In this experiment, fifty adolescent participants were taught either word pairs (which represents declarative memory) and a finger tapping task (procedural memory) at one of two different times of day. What they found was that the procedural finger tapping task was best encoded and remembered directly before sleep, but the declarative word pairs task was better remembered and encoded if learned at 3 in the afternoon.

Divisions

The brain does not store memories in one unified structure. Instead, different types of memory are stored in different regions of the brain. LTM is typically divided up into two major headings: explicit memory and implicit memory.

Explicit memory

Explicit memory (or declarative memory) refers to all memories that are consciously available. These are encoded by the hippocampus, entorhinal cortex, and perirhinal cortex, but consolidated and stored elsewhere. The precise location of storage is unknown, but the temporal cortex has been proposed as a likely candidate. Research by Meulemans and Van der Linden (2003) found that amnesiac patients with damage to the medial temporal lobe performed more poorly on explicit learning tests than did healthy controls. However, these same amnesiac patients performed at the same rate as healthy controls on implicit learning tests. This implies that the medial temporal lobe is heavily involved in explicit learning, but not in implicit learning.

Declarative memory has three major subdivisions:

Episodic memory

Episodic memory refers to memory for specific events in time, as well as supporting their formation and retrieval. Some examples of episodic memory would be remembering someone's name and what happened at your last interaction with each other. Experiments conducted by Spaniol and colleagues indicated that older adults have worse episodic memories than younger adults because episodic memory requires context dependent memory. It is said that episodic memories are not as detailed or accurate as people grow older in age. Some people may begin to have issues with identification or presentation related things as they age. They may not be able to recall things from their memory or have as good of a storage for details as they may have been able to do in the past. The Hippocampus is responsible for the functions of episodic memory and research suggests that the use of exercise can be effective in improving brain functions such as the episodic memory. According to Damien Moore and Paul D. Loprinzi, episodic memory can be improved using long-term potentiation, which is when synapses are made to be more durable with exercise. The durability and healthiness of the synapses will in time be able to pick up more connections with neurons and eventually help with episodic memory. Mnemonic training has also been proven to be effective with the sharpening of episodic memory. These trainings include things like the alphabet, music, numerical systems, and other learning systems. Studies by Shuyuan Chen and Zhihui Cai have shown that mnemonic training has shown to be able to improve episodic memory long term.

Semantic memory

Semantic memory refers to knowledge about factual information, such as the meaning of words. Semantic memory is independent information such as information remembered for a test. In contrast with episodic memory, older adults and younger adults do not show much of a difference in semantic memory, presumably because semantic memory does not depend on context memory.

Autobiographical memory

Autobiographical memory refers to knowledge about events and personal experiences from an individual's own life. Autographical memories are facilitated by aids including verbal, face-evoked, picture-evoked, odour-evoked, and music-evoked autobiographical memory cues. Though similar to episodic memory, it differs in that it contains only those experiences which directly pertain to the individual, from across their lifespan. Conway and Pleydell-Pearce (2000) argue that this is one component of the self-memory system.

Implicit memory

Implicit memory (procedural memory) refers to the use of objects or movements of the body, such as how exactly to use a pencil, drive a car, or ride a bicycle. This type of memory is encoded, and it is presumed stored by the striatum and other parts of the basal ganglia. The basal ganglia is believed to mediate procedural memory and other brain structures and is largely independent of the hippocampus. Research by Manelis, Hanson, and Hanson (2011) found that the reactivation of the parietal and occipital regions was associated with implicit memory. Procedural memory is considered non-declarative memory or unconscious memory which includes priming and non-associative learning. The first part of nondeclarative memory (implicit memory) involves priming. Priming occurs when you do something faster after you have already done that activity, such as writing or using a fork. Other categories of memory may also be relevant to the discussion of LTM. For example:

Emotional memory, the memory for events that evoke a particularly strong emotion, is a domain that can involve both declarative and procedural memory processes. Emotional memories are consciously available, but elicit a powerful, unconscious physiological reaction. Research indicates that the amygdala is extremely active during emotional situations and acts with the hippocampus and prefrontal cortex in the encoding and consolidation of emotional events.

Working memory is not part of LTM but is important for it to function. Working memory holds and manipulates information for a short period of time, before it is either forgotten or encoded into LTM. Then, in order to remember something from LTM, it must be brought back into working memory. If working memory is overloaded, it can affect the encoding of LTM. If one has a good working memory, they may have a better LTM encoding.

Disorders of memory

Main article: Memory disorder

Minor slips and lapses of memory are fairly commonplace and may increase naturally with age, when ill, or under stress. Some women may experience more memory lapses following the onset of the menopause. In general, more serious problems with memory occur due to traumatic brain injury or neurodegenerative disease.

Traumatic brain injury

The majority of findings on memory have been the result of studies that lesioned specific brain regions in rats or primates, but some of the most important work has been the result of accidental or inadvertent brain trauma. The most famous case in recent memory studies is the case study of HM, who had parts of his hippocampus, parahippocampal cortices, and surrounding tissue removed in an attempt to cure his epilepsy. His subsequent total anterograde amnesia and partial retrograde amnesia provided the first evidence for the localization of memory function, and further clarified the differences between declarative and procedural memory.

Neurodegenerative diseases

Many neurodegenerative diseases can cause memory loss. Some of the most prevalent (and, as a consequence, most intensely researched) include Alzheimer's disease, dementia, Huntington's disease, multiple sclerosis, and Parkinson's disease. None act specifically on memory; instead, memory loss is often a casualty of generalized neuronal deterioration. Currently, these illnesses are irreversible, but research into stem cells, psychopharmacology, and genetic engineering holds much promise.

Those with Alzheimer's disease generally display symptoms such as getting momentarily lost on familiar routes, placing possessions in inappropriate locations, and distortions of existing memories or completely forgetting memories. Researchers have often used the Deese–Roediger–McDermott paradigm (DRM) to study the effects of Alzheimer's disease on memory. The DRM paradigm presents a list of words such as doze, pillow, bed, dream, nap, etc., but no theme word is presented. In this case, the theme word would have been "sleep." Alzheimer's disease patients are more likely to recall the theme word as being part of the original list than healthy adults. There is a possible link between longer encoding times and increased false memory in LTM. The patients end up relying on the gist of the information instead of the specific words themselves. Alzheimer's disease leads to an uncontrolled inflammatory response brought on by extensive amyloid deposition in the brain, which leads to cell death in the brain. This gets worse over time and eventually leads to cognitive decline after the loss of memory. Pioglitazone may improve cognitive impairments, including memory loss, and may help protect long-term and visuospatial memory from neurodegenerative diseases.

Parkinson's disease patients have problems with cognitive performance; these issues resemble those seen in frontal lobe patients and can often lead to dementia. It is thought that Parkinson's disease is caused by degradation of the dopaminergic mesocorticolimbic projection originating from the ventral tegmental area. It has also been indicated that the hippocampus plays an important role in episodic and spatial (parts of LTM) memory, and Parkinson's disease patients have abnormal hippocampuses resulting in abnormal LTM functioning. L-dopa injections are often used to try to relieve Parkinson's disease symptoms, as well as behavioral therapy.

Schizophrenia patients have trouble with attention and executive functions, which in turn affects LTM consolidation and retrieval. They cannot encode or retrieve temporal information properly, which causes them to select inappropriate social behaviors. They cannot effectively use the information they possess. The prefrontal cortex, where schizophrenia patients have structural abnormalities, is involved with the temporal lobe and also affects the hippocampus, which causes their difficulty in encoding and retrieving temporal information (including LTM).

Biological underpinnings at the cellular level

Long-term memory, unlike short-term memory, is dependent upon the synthesis of new proteins. This occurs within the cellular body, and concerns the particular transmitters, receptors, and new synapse pathways that reinforce the communicative strength between neurons. The production of new proteins devoted to synapse reinforcement is triggered after the release of certain signaling substances (such as calcium within hippocampal neurons) in the cell. In the case of hippocampal cells, this release is dependent upon the expulsion of magnesium (a binding molecule) that is expelled after significant and repetitive synaptic signaling. The temporary expulsion of magnesium frees NMDA receptors to release calcium in the cell, a signal that leads to gene transcription and the construction of reinforcing proteins. For more information, see long-term potentiation (LTP).

One of the newly synthesized proteins in LTP is also critical for maintaining LTM. This protein is an autonomously active form of the enzyme protein kinase C (PKC), known as PKMζ. PKMζ maintains the activity-dependent enhancement of synaptic strength and inhibiting PKMζ erases established long-term memories, without affecting short-term memory or, once the inhibitor is eliminated, the ability to encode and store new long-term memories is restored.

Also, BDNF is important for the persistence of long-term memories.

The long-term stabilization of synaptic changes is also determined by a parallel increase of pre- and postsynaptic structures such as synaptic boutons, dendritic spines, and postsynaptic density. On the molecular level, an increase of the postsynaptic scaffolding proteins PSD-95 and HOMER1c has been shown to correlate with the stabilization of synaptic enlargement.

The cAMP response element-binding protein (CREB) is a transcription factor which is believed to be important in consolidating short- to long-term memories, and which is believed to be downregulated in Alzheimer's disease.

DNA methylation and demethylation

Rats exposed to an intense learning event may retain a life-long memory of the event, even after a single training session. The LTM of such an event appears to be initially stored in the hippocampus, but this storage is transient. Much of the long-term storage of the memory seems to take place in the anterior cingulate cortex. When such an exposure was experimentally applied, more than 5,000 differently methylated DNA regions appeared in the hippocampus neuronal genome of the rats at one and at 24 hours after training. These alterations in methylation pattern occurred at many genes that were down-regulated, often due to the formation of new 5-methylcytosine sites in CpG rich regions of the genome. Furthermore, many other genes were upregulated, likely often due to hypomethylation. Hypomethylation often results from the removal of methyl groups from previously existing 5-methylcytosines in DNA. Demethylation is carried out by several proteins acting in concert, including TET enzymes as well as enzymes of the DNA base excision repair pathway (see Epigenetics in learning and memory). The pattern of induced and repressed genes in brain neurons subsequent to an intense learning event likely provides the molecular basis for a LTM of the event.

Contradictory evidence

A couple of studies have had results that contradict the dual-store memory model. Studies showed that in spite of using distractors, there was still both a recency effect for a list of items and a contiguity effect.

Another study revealed that how long an item spends in short-term memory is not the key determinant in its strength in long-term memory. Instead, whether the participant actively tries to remember the item while elaborating on its meaning determines the strength of its store in LTM.

Single-store memory model

An alternative theory is that there is only one memory store with associations among items and their contexts. In this model, the context serves as a cue for retrieval, and the recency effect is greatly caused by the factor of context. Immediate and delayed free recall will have the same recency effect because the relative similarity of the contexts still exists. Also, the contiguity effect still occurs because contiguity also exists between similar contexts.

Emotion and memory

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emotion_and_memory

 

Emotion can have a powerful effect on humans and animals. Numerous studies have shown that the most vivid autobiographical memories tend to be of emotional events, which are likely to be recalled more often and with more clarity and detail than neutral events.

The activity of emotionally enhanced memory retention can be linked to human evolution; during early development, responsive behavior to environmental events would have progressed as a process of trial and error. Survival depended on behavioral patterns that were repeated or reinforced through life and death situations. Through evolution, this process of learning became genetically embedded in humans and all animal species in what is known as flight or fight instinct.

Artificially inducing this instinct through traumatic physical or emotional stimuli essentially creates the same physiological condition that heightens memory retention by exciting neuro-chemical activity affecting areas of the brain responsible for encoding and recalling memory. This memory-enhancing effect of emotion has been demonstrated in many laboratory studies, using stimuli ranging from words to pictures to narrated slide shows, as well as autobiographical memory studies. However, as described below, emotion does not always enhance memory.

Arousal and valence in memory

One of the most common frameworks in the emotions field proposes that affective experiences are best characterized by two main dimensions: arousal and valence. The dimension of valence ranges from highly positive to highly negative, whereas the dimension of arousal ranges from calming or soothing to exciting or agitating.

The majority of studies to date have focused on the arousal dimension of emotion as the critical factor contributing to the emotional enhancement effect on memory. Different explanations have been offered for this effect, according to the different stages of memory formation and reconstruction. Memory has been shown to be better with arousal linked with emotion than without emotion. The use of a PET scan has allowed scientists to see that pictures with an "emotional-stimulus" have significantly larger amount of activity in the amygdala. In a study using fluoro-2-deoxyglucose (FDG-PET) to examine the brain during recall of films that were both neutral and aversive, there was a positive correlation between the brain glucose and metabolic rate in the amygdala. The activity in the amygalda is part of the episodic memory that was being created due to the adverse stimuli.

However, a growing body of research is dedicated to the emotional valence dimension and its effects on memory. It has been claimed that this is an essential step towards a more complete understanding of emotion effects on memory. The studies that did investigate this dimension have found that emotional valence alone can enhance memory; that is, nonarousing items with positive or negative valence can be better remembered than neutral items.

Emotion and encoding

From an information processing perspective, encoding refers to the process of interpreting incoming stimuli and combining the processed information. At the encoding level the following mechanisms have been suggested as mediators of emotion effects on memory:

Selectivity of attention

Easterbrook's (1959) cue utilization theory predicted that high levels of arousal will lead to attention narrowing, defined as a decrease in the range of cues from the stimulus and its environment to which the organism is sensitive. According to this hypothesis, attention will be focused primarily on the arousing details (cues) of the stimulus, so that information central to the source of the emotional arousal will be encoded while peripheral details will not.

Accordingly, several studies have demonstrated that the presentation of emotionally-arousing stimuli (compared to neutral stimuli) results in enhanced memory for central details (details central to the appearance or meaning of the emotional stimuli) and impaired memory for peripheral details. Also consistent with this hypothesis are findings of weapon focus effect, in which witnesses to a crime remember the gun or knife in great detail but not other details such as the perpetrator's clothing or vehicle. In laboratory replications it was found that participants spend a disproportionate amount of time looking at a weapon in a scene, and this looking time is inversely related to the likelihood that individuals will subsequently identify the perpetrator of the crime. Other researchers have suggested arousal may also increase the duration of attentional focusing on the arousing stimuli, thus delaying the disengagement of attention from it. Ochsner (2000) summarized the different findings and suggested that by influencing attention selectivity and dwell time, arousing stimuli are more distinctively encoded, resulting in more accurate memory of those stimuli.

While these previous studies focused on how emotion affects memory for emotionally arousing stimuli, in their arousal-biased competition theory, Mather and Sutherland (2011) argue that how arousal influences memory for non-emotional stimuli depends on the priority of those stimuli at the time of the arousal. Arousal enhances perception and memory of high priority stimuli but impairs perception and memory of low priority stimuli. Priority can be determined by bottom-up salience or by top-down goals.

Prioritized processing

Emotional items also appear more likely to be processed when attention is limited, suggesting a facilitated or prioritized processing of emotional information. This effect was demonstrated using the attentional blink paradigm in which 2 target items are presented in close temporal proximity within a stream of rapidly presented stimuli.

The typical finding is that participants often miss the second target item, as if there were a "blink" of attention following the first target's presentation, reducing the likelihood that the second target stimulus is attended. However, when the second target stimulus elicits emotional arousal (a "taboo" word), participants are less likely to miss the target's presentation, which suggests that under conditions of limited attention, arousing items are more likely to be processed than neutral items.

Additional support for the prioritized processing hypothesis was provided by studies investigating the visual extinction deficit. People suffering from this deficit can perceive a single stimulus in either side visual field if it is presented alone but are unaware of the same stimulus in the visual field opposed to the lesional side, if another stimulus is presented simultaneously on the lesional side.

Emotion has been found to modulate the magnitude of the visual extinction deficit, so that items that signal emotional relevance (e.g., spiders) are more likely to be processed in the presence of competing distractors than nonemotional items (e.g., flowers).

Emotion and storage

In addition to its effects during the encoding phase, emotional arousal appears to increase the likelihood of memory consolidation during the retention (storage) stage of memory (the process of creating a permanent record of the encoded information). A number of studies show that over time, memories for neutral stimuli decrease but memories for arousing stimuli remain the same or improve.

Others have discovered that memory enhancements for emotional information tend to be greater after longer delays than after relatively short ones. This delayed effect is consistent with the proposal that emotionally-arousing memories are more likely to be converted into a relatively permanent trace, whereas memories for nonarousing events are more vulnerable to disruption.

A few studies have even found that emotionally arousing stimuli enhance memory only after a delay. The most famous of these was a study by Kleinsmith and Kaplan (1963) that found an advantage for numbers paired with arousing words over those paired with neutral words only at delayed test, but not at immediate test. As outlined by Mather (2007), the Kleinsmith and Kaplan effects were most likely due to a methodological confound. However, Sharot and Phelps (2004) found better recognition of arousing words over neutral words at a delayed test but not at an immediate test, supporting the notion that there is enhanced memory consolidation for arousing stimuli. According to these theories, different physiological systems, including those involved in the discharge of hormones believed to affect memory consolidation, become active during, and closely following, the occurrence of arousing events.

Another possible explanation for the findings of the emotional arousal delayed effect is post-event processing regarding the cause of the arousal. According to the post stimulus elaboration (PSE) hypothesis, an arousing emotional experience may cause more effort to be invested in elaboration of the experience, which would subsequently be processed at a deeper level than a neutral experience. Elaboration refers to the process of establishing links between newly-encountered information and previously-stored information.

It has long been known that when individuals process items in an elaborative fashion, such that meaning is extracted from items and inter-item associations are formed, memory is enhanced. Thus, if a person gives more thought to central details in an arousing event, memory for such information is likely to be enhanced. However, these processes could also disrupt consolidation of memories for peripheral details. Christianson (1992) suggested that the combined action of perceptual, attentional, and elaborative processing, triggered by an emotionally arousing experience, produces memory enhancements of details related to the emotion laden stimulus, at the cost of less elaboration and consolidation of memory for the peripheral details.

Emotion and elaboration

The processes involved in this enhancement may be distinct from those mediating the enhanced memory for arousing items. It has been suggested that in contrast to the relatively automatic attentional modulation of memory for arousing information, memory for non-arousing positive or negative stimuli may benefit instead from conscious encoding strategies, such as elaboration. This elaborative processing can be autobiographical or semantic.

Autobiographical elaboration is known to benefit memory by creating links between the processed stimuli, and the self, for example, deciding whether a word would describe the personal self. Memory formed through autobiographical elaboration is enhanced as compared to items processed for meaning, but not in relation to the self.

Since words such as "sorrow" or "comfort" may be more likely to be associated with autobiographical experiences or self-introspection than neutral words such as "shadow", autobiographical elaboration may explain the memory enhancement of non-arousing positive or negative items. Studies have shown that dividing attention at encoding decreases an individual's ability to utilize controlled encoding processes, such as autobiographical or semantic elaboration.

Thus, findings that participants' memory for negative non-arousing words suffers with divided attention, and that the memory advantage for negative, non-arousing words can be eliminated when participants encode items while simultaneously performing a secondary task, has supported the elaborative processing hypothesis as the mechanism responsible for memory enhancement for negative non-arousing words.

Emotion and retrieval

Retrieval is a process of reconstructing past experiences; this phenomenon of reconstruction is influenced by a number of different variables described below.

Trade-off between details

Kensinger argues there are two trade-offs: central/peripheral trade-off of details and a specific/general trade-off. Emotional memories may include increased emotional details often with the trade-off of excluding background information. Research has shown that this trade-off effect cannot be explained exclusively by overt attention (measured by eye-tracking directed to emotional items during encoding) (Steinmetz & Kensinger, 2013).

Contextual effects of emotion on memory

Contextual effects occur as a result of the degree of similarity between the encoding context and the retrieval context of an emotional dimension. The main findings are that the current mood we are in affects what is attended, encoded and ultimately retrieved, as reflected in two similar but subtly different effects: the mood congruence effect and mood-state dependent retrieval. Positive encoding contexts have been connected to activity in the right fusiform gyrus. Negative encoding contexts have been correlated to activity in the right amygdala (Lewis & Critchley, 2003). However, Lewis and Critchley (2003) claim that it is not clear whether involvement of the emotional system in encoding memory differs for positive or negative emotions, or whether moods at recall lead to activity in the corresponding positive or negative neural networks.

Mood congruence effect

The mood congruence effect refers to the tendency of individuals to retrieve information more easily when it has the same emotional content as their current emotional state. For instance, being in a depressed mood increases the tendency to remember negative events (Drace, 2013).

This effect has been demonstrated for explicit retrieval as well as implicit retrieval.

Mood-state dependent retrieval

Another documented phenomenon is the mood-state dependent retrieval, a type of context-dependent memory. The retrieval of information is more effective when the emotional state at the time of retrieval is similar to the emotional state at the time of encoding.

Thus, the probability of remembering an event can be enhanced by evoking the emotional state experienced during its initial processing. These two phenomena, the mood congruity effect, and mood-state dependent retrieval, are similar to the context effects which have been traditionally observed in memory research. It may also relate to the phenomena of state-dependent memory in neuropsychopharmacology.

When recalling a memory, if someone is recalling an event by themselves or within a group of people, the emotions that they remember may change as well recall of specific details. Individuals recall events with stronger negative emotions than when a group is recalling the same event. Collaborative recall, as it can be referred to, causes strong emotions to fade. Emotional tone changes as well, with a difference of individual or collaborative recall so much that an individual will keep the tone of what was previously felt, but the group will have a more neutral tone. For example, if someone is recalling the negative experience of taking a difficult exam, then they will talk in a negative tone. However, when the group is recalling taking the exam, they will most likely recount it in a positive tone as the negative emotions and tones fade. Detail recount is also something that changed based on the emotion state a person is in when they are remembering an event. If an event is being collaboratively recalled the specific detail count is higher than if an individual is doing it. Detail recall is also more accurate when someone is experiencing negative emotion; Xie and Zhang (2016) conducted a study in which participants saw a screen with five colors on it and when presented with the next screen were asked which color was missing. Those who were experiencing negative emotions were more precise than those in the positive and neutral conditions. Aside from emotional state, mental illness like depression relates to people's ability to recall specific details. Those who are depressed tend to overgeneralize their memories and are not able to remember as many specific details of any events as compared to those without depression.

Thematic vs. sudden appearance of emotional stimuli

A somewhat different contextual effect stemmed from the recently made distinction between thematical and sudden appearance of an emotionally arousing event, suggesting that the occurrence of memory impairments depends on the way the emotional stimuli are induced. Laney et al. (2003) argued that when arousal is induced thematically (i.e., not through the sudden appearance of a discrete shocking stimulus such as a weapon but rather through involvement in an unfolding event plot and empathy with the victim as his or her plight becomes increasingly apparent), memory enhancements of details central to the emotional stimulus need not come at the expense of memory impairment of peripheral details.

Laney et al. (2004) demonstrated this by using an audio narrative to give the presented slides either neutral or emotional meaning, instead of presenting shockingly salient visual stimuli. In one of the experiments, participants in both the neutral and emotional conditions viewed slides of a date scenario of a woman and man at a dinner date. The couple engaged in conversation, then, at the end of the evening, embraced. The event concluded with the man leaving and the woman phoning a friend.

The accompanying audio recording informed participants in the neutral condition that the date went reasonably well, while participants in the emotional condition heard that, as the evening wore on, the man displayed some increasingly unpleasant traits of a type that was derogatory to women, and the embrace at the end of the evening was described as an attempt to sexually assault the woman.

As expected, the results revealed that details central to the event were remembered more accurately when that event was emotional than when neutral, However, this was not at the expense of memory for peripheral (in this case, spatially peripheral or plot-irrelevant) details, which were also remembered more accurately when the event was emotional. Based on these findings it has been suggested that the dual enhancing and impairing effects on memory are not an inevitable consequence of emotional arousal.

Memory of felt emotion

Many researchers use self-report measures of felt emotion as a manipulation check. This raises an interesting question and a possible methodological weakness: are people always accurate when they recall how they felt in the past? Several findings suggest this is not the case. For instance, in a study of memory for emotions in supporters of former U.S. presidential candidate Ross Perot, supporters were asked to describe their initial emotional reactions after Perot's unexpected withdrawal in July 1992 and again after the presidential election that November.

Between the two assessment periods, the views of many supporters changed dramatically as Perot re-entered the race in October and received nearly a fifth of the popular vote. The results showed that supporters recalled their past emotions as having been more consistent with their current appraisals of Perot than they actually were.

Another study found that people's memories for how distressed they felt when they learned of the 9/11 terrorist attacks changed over time and moreover, were predicted by their current appraisals of the impact of the attacks (Levine et al., 2004). It appears that memories of past emotional responses are not always accurate, and can even be partially reconstructed based on their current appraisal of events.

Studies have shown that as episodic memory becomes less accessible over time, the reliance on semantic memory to remember past emotions increases. In one study Levine et al. (2009) primes of the cultural belief of women being more emotional than men had a greater effect on responses for older memories compared to new memories. The long-term recall of emotions was more in line with the primed opinions, showing that long-term recall of emotions was heavily influenced by current opinions.

Emotion regulation effects on memory

An interesting issue in the study of the emotion-memory relationship is whether our emotions are influenced by our behavioral reaction to them, and whether this reaction—in the form of expression or suppression of the emotion—might affect what we remember about an event. Researchers have begun to examine whether concealing feelings influences our ability to perform common cognitive tasks, such as forming memories, and found that the emotion regulation efforts do have cognitive consequences. In the seminal work on negative affect arousal and white noise, Seidner found support for the existence of a negative affect arousal mechanism through observations regarding the devaluation of speakers from other ethnic origins."

In a study of Richards and Gross (1999) and Tiwari (2013), participants viewed slides of injured men that produced increases in negative emotions, while information concerning each man was presented orally with his slide. The participants were assigned to either an expressive suppression group (where they were asked to refrain from showing emotion while watching the slides) or to a control group (where they were not given regulatory instructions at all). As predicted by the researchers, suppressors showed significantly worse performance on a memory test for the orally presented information.

In another study, it was investigated whether expressive suppression (i.e., keeping one's emotions subdued) comes with a cognitive price. They measured expressive suppression when it spontaneously occurred while watching a movie of surgeries. After the movie, memory was tested and was found to be worse with a higher usage of suppression. In a second study, another movie was shown of people arguing. Memory of the conversation was then measured. When gauging the magnitude of cognitive cost, expressive suppression was compared with self-distraction, which was described as simply not trying to think about something. It was concluded that experimentally-induced suppression was associated with worse memory.

There is evidence that emotion enhances memory but is more specific towards arousal and valence factors. To test this theory, arousal and valence were assessed for over 2,820 words. Both negative and positive stimuli were remembered higher than neutral stimuli. Arousal also did not predict recognition memory. In this study, the importance of stimulus controls and experimental designs in research memory was highlighted. Arousal-related activities when affiliated with heightened heart rate (HR) stimulate prediction of memory enhancement. It was hypothesized that tonic elevations in HR (meaning revitalization in HR) and phasic HR (meaning quick reaction) declaration to help the memory. Fifty-three men's heart rates were measured while looking at unpleasant, neutral, and pleasant pictures and their memory tested two days later. It was concluded that tonic elevations created more accurate memory recall.

Several related studies have reached similar results. It was demonstrated that the effects of expressive suppression on memory generalize to emotionally positive experiences and to socially relevant contexts.

One possible answer to the question "why does emotion suppression impair memory?" might lay in the self monitoring efforts invested in order to suppress emotion (thinking about the behavior one is trying to control). A recent study found heightened self- monitoring efforts among suppressors relative to control participants.

That is, suppressors were more likely to report thinking about their behavior and the need to control it during a conversation. Increases in self-monitoring predicted decreases in memory for what was said, that is, people who reported thinking a lot about controlling their behavior had particularly impoverished memories. However, additional research is needed to confirm whether self-monitoring actually exerts a causal effect on memory

Emotion-induced forgetting

Further information: Motivated forgetting

Emotionally arousing stimuli can lead to retrograde amnesia for preceding events and anterograde amnesia for subsequent events. This has been demonstrated in lab studies with lists of words or pictures, in which people show impaired memory for stimuli appearing before or after arousing stimuli.

Depression and memory

Memory recall tends to be congruent with one's current mood, with depressed people more likely to recall negative events from the past. In addition, depression is often associated with poor memory in general, as outlined here.

Dementia and emotional memory

Several studies have demonstrated emotional memory enhancement in Alzheimer's patients suggesting that emotional memory enhancement might be used in the daily management of Alzheimer's patients. One study found that objects are recalled significantly better in Alzheimer's patients if they were presented as birthday presents to AD patients.

Aging and emotional memory

The enhancing effects of emotional arousal on later memory recall tend to be maintained among older adults and the amygdala shows relatively less decline than many other brain regions. However, older adults also show somewhat of a shift towards favoring positive over negative information in memory, leading to a positivity effect.

Emotional memory and sleep

Emotional memory and sleep has been a well-researched association. Emotional memories are consolidated greater during sleep, rather than neutral memories. Studies have investigated high valence and arousing words, in comparison to neutral words. Sleep enhances the consolidation of the high valence and arousing words and therefore these are remembered more post-sleep. This concept has been demonstrated in many studies using a variety of media such as pictures, film clips, and words.

Memories of 'future relevance' are also consolidated greater during sleep. In a study by Wilhelm et al., 2011, memories of items that participants knew were needed for the future (for the testing session) were remembered more after sleep. Sleep consolidated these memories of future relevance to a greater extent. Memories that are emotionally significant and relevant for the future are therefore preferentially consolidated during sleep. This can translate to mean that memories that are more meaningful or valuable to a person are consolidated more.

The concept of emotional memory and sleep can be applied to real-life situations e.g. by developing more effective learning strategies. One could integrate the memorization of information that possesses high emotional significance (highly salient) with information that holds little emotional significance (low salience), prior to a period of sleep.