After the French Revolution, the new rulers became interested in using the balloon to observe enemy manoeuvres and appointed scientist Charles Coutelle to conduct studies using the balloon L'Entreprenant, the first military reconnaissance aircraft. The balloon found its first use in the 1794 conflict with Austria, where in the Battle of Fleurus
they gathered information. Moreover, the presence of the balloon had a
demoralizing effect on the Austrian troops, which improved the
likelihood of victory for the French troops. To operate such balloons, a new unit of the French military, the French Aerostatic Corps, was established; this organisation has been recognised as being the world's first air force.
After the invention of photography, primitive aerial photographs were
made of the ground from manned and unmanned balloons, starting in the
1860s, and from tethered kites from the 1880s onwards. An example was Arthur Batut's kite-borne camera photographs of Labruguière starting from 1889.
In the early 20th century, Julius Neubronner experimented with pigeon photography. These pigeons carried small cameras that incorporated timers.
Ludwig Rahrmann in 1891 patented a means of attaching a camera to
a large calibre artillery projectile or rocket, and this inspired Alfred Maul to develop his Maul Camera Rockets starting in 1903. Alfred Nobel
in 1896 had already built the first rocket carrying a camera, which
took photographs of the Swedish landscape during its flights. Maul improved his camera rockets and the Austrian Army even tested them in the Turkish-Bulgarian War in 1912 and 1913, but by then and from that time on camera-carrying aircraft were found to be superior.
The first use of airplanes in combat missions was by the Italian Air Force during the Italo-Turkish War of 1911–1912. On 23 October 1911, an Italian pilot, Capt. Carlo Piazza, flew over the Turkish lines in Libya to conduct an aerial reconnaissance mission; Another aviation first occurred on November 1 with the first ever dropping of an aerial bomb, performed by SottotenenteGiulio Gavotti, on Turkish troops from an early model of Etrich Taube aircraft.
The first reconnaissance flight in Europe took place in Greece,
over Thessaly, on 18 October 1912 (5 October by the Julian calendar)
over the Ottoman army.
The pilot also dropped some hand-grenades over the Turkish Army
barracks, although without success. This was the first day of the Balkan
wars, and during the same day a similar mission was flown by German
mercenaries in Ottoman service in the Thrace front against the
Bulgarians. The Greek and the Ottoman mission flown during the same day
are the first military aviation combat missions in a conventional war. A
few days later, on 16 October 1912, a Bulgarian Albatros aircraft performed one of Europe's first reconnaissance flight in combat conditions, against the Turkish lines on the Balkan peninsula, during the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913.
A B.E.2c reconnaissance aircraft of the RFC with an aerial reconnaissance camera fixed to the side of the fuselage, 1916.
The use of aerial photography rapidly matured during the First World War,
as aircraft used for reconnaissance purposes were outfitted with
cameras to record enemy movements and defences. At the start of the
conflict, the usefulness of aerial photography was not fully
appreciated, with reconnaissance being accomplished with map sketching
from the air.
Frederick Charles Victor Laws started experiments in aerial photography in 1912 with No. 1 Squadron RAF using the British dirigible Beta. He discovered that vertical photos taken with 60% overlap could be used to create a stereoscopic
effect when viewed in a stereoscope, thus creating a perception of
depth that could aid in cartography and in intelligence derived from
aerial images. The dirigibles were eventually allocated to the Royal Navy, so Laws formed the first aerial reconnaissance unit of fixed-wing aircraft; this became No. 3 Squadron RAF.
Germany was one of the first countries to adopt the use of a camera for aerial reconnaissance, opting for a Görz, in 1913. French Military Aviation began the war with several squadrons of Bleriot
observation planes, equipped with cameras for reconnaissance. The
French Army developed procedures for getting prints into the hands of
field commanders in record time.
The Royal Flying Corps recon pilots began to use cameras for recording their observations in 1914 and by the Battle of Neuve Chapelle in 1915 the entire system of German trenches was being photographed. The first purpose-built and practical aerial camera was invented by Captain John Moore-Brabazon in 1915 with the help of the Thornton-Pickard
company, greatly enhancing the efficiency of aerial photography. The
camera was inserted into the floor of the aircraft and could be
triggered by the pilot at intervals.
Moore-Brabazon also pioneered the incorporation of stereoscopic
techniques into aerial photography, allowing the height of objects on
the landscape to be discerned by comparing photographs taken at
different angles. In 1916, the Austro-Hungarian Empire made vertical camera axis aerial photos above Italy for map-making.
By the end of the war, aerial cameras had dramatically increased in size and focal power
and were used increasingly frequently as they proved their pivotal
military worth; by 1918 both sides were photographing the entire front
twice a day and had taken over half a million photos since the beginning
of the conflict.
In January 1918, General Allenby used five Australian pilots from No. 1 Squadron AFC to photograph a 624 square miles (1,620 km2) area in Palestine as an aid to correcting and improving maps of the Turkish front. This was a pioneering use of aerial photography as an aid for cartography. Lieutenants Leonard Taplin, Allan Runciman Brown, H. L. Fraser, Edward Patrick Kenny,
and L. W. Rogers photographed a block of land stretching from the
Turkish front lines 32 miles (51 km) deep into their rear areas.
Beginning 5 January, they flew with a fighter escort to ward off enemy
fighters. Using Royal Aircraft Factory BE.12 and Martinsyde
airplanes, they not only overcame enemy air attacks, but also bucked 65
mile-per-hour winds, anti-aircraft fire, and malfunctioning equipment
to complete their task circa 19 January 1918.
During 1928, the Royal Air Force
(RAF) developed an electric heating system for the aerial camera; this
innovation allowed reconnaissance aircraft to take pictures from very
high altitudes without the camera parts freezing. In 1939, Sidney Cotton and Flying OfficerMaurice Longbottom
of the RAF suggested that airborne reconnaissance may be a task better
suited to fast, small aircraft which would use their speed and high
service ceiling to avoid detection and interception. Although this may
perhaps seem obvious today with modern reconnaissance tasks performed by
fast, high flying aircraft, at the time it was radical thinking.
This PRU BlueSpitfire PR Mk XI
(PL965) was a long range, high-altitude reconnaissance variant capable
of flying from airfields in England and photographing targets in Berlin.
Cotton and Longbottom proposed the use of Spitfires with their armament and radios removed and replaced with extra fuel and cameras. This concept led to the development of the Spitfire PR
variants. With their armaments removed, these planes could attain a
maximum speed of 396 mph while flying at an altitude of 30,000 feet, and
were used for photo-reconnaissance missions.
The Spitfire PR was fitted with five cameras, which were heated to
ensure good results (while the cockpit was not). In the reconnaissance
role, the Spitfire proved to be extremely successful, resulting in
numerous Spitfire variants being built specifically for that purpose.
These served initially with what later became No. 1 Photographic Reconnaissance Unit (PRU).
Other fighters were also adapted for photo-reconnaissance, including the British Mosquito and the American P-38 Lightning and P-51 Mustang. Such aircraft were painted in PRU Blue
or Pink camouflage colours to make them difficult to spot in the air,
and often were stripped of weapons or had engines modified for better
performance at high altitudes (over 40,000 feet).
The American F-4, a factory modification of the Lockheed P-38 Lightning, replaced the nose-mounted four machine guns
and cannon with four high-quality K-17 cameras. Approximately 120 F-4
and F-4As were hurriedly made available by March 1942, reaching the 8th
Photographic Squadron in Australia by April (the first P-38s to see
action). The F-4 had an early advantage of long range and high speed
combined with ability to fly at high altitude;
a potent combination for reconnaissance. In the last half of 1942
Lockheed would produce 96 F-5As, based on the P-38G with all later P-38
photo-reconnaissance variants designated F-5. In its reconnaissance
role, the Lightning was so effective that over 1,200 F-4 and F-5
variants were delivered by Lockheed, and it was the United States Army Air Forces's (USAAF) primary photo-reconnaissance type used throughout the war in all combat theatres. The Mustang F-6 arrived later in the conflict and, by spring 1945, became the dominant reconnaissance type flown by the USAAF in the European theatre. American photo-reconnaissance operations in Europe were centred at RAF Mount Farm, with the resulting photographs transferred to Medmenham for interpretation. Approximately 15,000 Fairchild K-20 aerial cameras were manufactured for use in Allied reconnaissance aircraft between 1941 and 1945.
The British de Havilland Mosquito
excelled in the photo-reconnaissance role; the converted bomber was
fitted with three cameras installed in what had been the bomb bay. It
had a cruising speed of 255 mph, maximum speed of 362 mph and a maximum
altitude of 35,000 feet. The first converted PRU (Photo-Reconnaissance
Unit) Mosquito was delivered to RAF Benson in July 1941 by Geoffrey de Havilland himself. The PR Mk XVI and later variants had pressurizedcockpits and also pressurized central and inner wing tanks to reduce fuel vaporization at high altitude. The Mosquito was faster than most enemy fighters at 35,000 ft, and could roam almost anywhere. Colonel Roy M. Stanley II of United States Air Force (USAF) stated of the aircraft: "I consider the Mosquito the best photo-reconnaissance aircraft of the war". The United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) designation for the photo-reconnaissance Mosquito was F-8.
Apart from (for example) the Mosquito, most World War II bombers were not as fast as fighters,
although they were effective for aerial reconnaissance due to their
long range, inherent stability in flight and capacity to carry large
camera payloads. American bombers with top speeds of less than 300 mph
used for reconnaissance include the B-24 Liberator (photo-reconnaissance variant designated F-7), B-25 Mitchell (F-10) and B-17 Flying Fortress (F-9). The revolutionary B-29 Superfortress
was the world's largest combat-operational bomber when it appeared in
1944, with a top speed of over 350 mph which at that time was
outstanding for such a large and heavy aircraft; the B-29 also had a pressurized cabin
for high altitude flight. The photographic reconnaissance version of
the B-29 was designated F-13 and carried a camera suite of three K-17B,
two K-22 and one K-18 with provisions for others; it also retained the
standard B-29 defensive armament of a dozen .50 caliber machine guns. In November 1944 an F-13 conducted the first flight by an Allied aircraft over Tokyo since the Doolittle Raid of April 1942. The Consolidated B-32 Dominator was also used for reconnaissance over Japan in August 1945.
The Japanese ArmyMitsubishi Ki-46,
a twin-engined aircraft designed expressly for the reconnaissance role
with defensive armament of 1 light machine gun, entered service in 1941.
Codenamed "Dinah" this aircraft was fast, elusive and proved difficult for Allied
fighters to destroy. More than 1,500 Ki-46s were built and its
performance was upgraded later in the war with the Ki-46-III variant.
Another purpose-designed reconnaissance aircraft for the Imperial Japanese Navy Air Service was the carrier-based, single-engine Nakajima C6NSaiun ("Iridescent Cloud"). Codenamed "Myrt" by the Allies,
the Nakajima C6N first flew in 1943 and was also highly elusive to
American aircraft due to its excellent performance and speed of almost
400 mph. As fate would have it on 15 August 1945, a C6N1 was the last
aircraft to be shot down in World War II. Japan also developed the high-altitude Tachikawa Ki-74 reconnaissance bomber, which was in a similar class of performance as the Mosquito, but only 16 were built and did not see operational service.
The Luftwaffe began deploying jet aircraft in combat in 1944, and the twin-jetArado Ar 234Blitz
("Lightning") reconnaissance bomber was the world's first operational
jet-powered bomber. The Ar 234B-1 was equipped with two Rb 50/30 or Rb
75/30 cameras, and its top speed of 460 mph allowed it to outrun the
fastest non-jet Allied fighters of the time. The twin piston-engined Junkers Ju 388 high-altitude bomber was an ultimate evolution of the Ju 88 by way of the Ju 188. The photographic reconnaissance Ju 388L variant had a pressurizedcockpit from the Ju 388's original multi-role conception as not only a bomber but also a night fighter and bomber destroyer, due to RLM's perceived threat of the U.S.'s high-altitude B-29 (which ended up not being deployed in Europe).
Approximately 50 Ju 388Ls were produced under rapidly deteriorating
conditions at the end of the war. As with other high performance weapons
introduced by Nazi Germany, too many circumstances in the war's logistics had changed by late 1944 for such aircraft to have any impact.
The DFS 228 was a rocket-powered high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft under development in the latter part of World War II. It was designed by Felix Kracht at the Deutsche Forschungsanstalt für Segelflug (German Institute for Sailplane Flight) and in concept is an interesting precursor to the post-war AmericanU-2, being essentially a powered long-wingspanglider intended solely for the high-altitude aerial reconnaissance role. Advanced features of the DFS 228 design included a pressurized escape capsule for the pilot. The aircraft never flew under rocket power with only unpowered glider prototypes flown prior to May 1945.
RAF Medmenham, where aerial reconnaissance intelligence was analysed.
The collection and interpretation of aerial reconnaissance
intelligence became a considerable enterprise during the war. Beginning
in 1941, RAF Medmenham was the main interpretation centre for photographic reconnaissance operations in the European and Mediterranean theatres. The Central Interpretation Unit
(CIU) was later amalgamated with the Bomber Command Damage Assessment
Section and the Night Photographic Interpretation Section of No 3
Photographic Reconnaissance Unit, RAF Oakington, in 1942.
During 1942 and 1943, the CIU gradually expanded and was involved
in the planning stages of practically every operation of the war, and
in every aspect of intelligence. In 1945, daily intake of material
averaged 25,000 negatives and 60,000 prints. Thirty-six million prints
were made during the war. By VE-day,
the print library, which documented and stored worldwide cover, held
5,000,000 prints from which 40,000 reports had been produced.
American personnel had for some time formed an increasing part of
the CIU and on 1 May 1944 this was finally recognised by changing the
title of the unit to the Allied Central Interpretation Unit (ACIU).
There were then over 1,700 personnel on the unit's strength. A large
number of photographic interpreters were recruited from the Hollywood Film Studios including Xavier Atencio. Two renowned archaeologists also worked there as interpreters: Dorothy Garrod, the first woman to hold an Oxbridge Chair, and Glyn Daniel, who went on to gain popular acclaim as the host of the television game show Animal, Vegetable or Mineral?.
Sidney Cotton's
aerial photographs were far ahead of their time. Together with other
members of his reconnaissance squadron, he pioneered the technique of
high-altitude, high-speed photography that was instrumental in revealing
the locations of many crucial military and intelligence targets. Cotton
also worked on ideas such as a prototype specialist reconnaissance
aircraft and further refinements of photographic equipment. At its peak,
British reconnaissance flights yielded 50,000 images per day to
interpret.
Of particular significance in the success of the work of Medmenham was the use of stereoscopic
images, using a between plate overlap of exactly 60%. Despite initial
scepticism about the possibility of German rocket development,
stereoscopic analysis proved its existence and major operations,
including the 1943 offensives against the V-2 rocket development plant at Peenemünde, were made possible by work carried out at Medmenham. Later offensives were also made against potential launch sites at Wizernes and 96 other launch sites in northern France.
Particularly important sites were measured, from the images, using Swiss stereoautograph machines made by Wild (Heerbrugg) and physical models made to facilitate understanding of what was there or what it was for.
It is claimed that Medmanham's greatest operational success was Operation Crossbow which, from 23 December 1943, destroyed the V-1 infrastructure in northern France. According to R.V. Jones, photographs were used to establish the size and the characteristic launching mechanisms for both the V-1 flying bomb and the V-2 rocket.
Cold War
Fifth Air Force photographic analyst elucidates the location of enemy flak batteries to plan attacks against enemy positions during the Korean War
Immediately after the Second World War, the long range aerial reconnaissance role was quickly taken up by adapted jetbombers, such as the English Electric Canberra and its American development the Martin B-57, that were capable of flying higher or faster than enemy aircraft or defenses. Shortly after the Korean War, the United States begun to use RB-47
aircraft; these were at first were converted B-47 bombers, but later
purposely built as RB-47 reconnaissance aircraft that had no bombing
capability. Large cameras were mounted in the plane's belly and a
truncated bomb bay was used for carrying photoflash bombs. Later versions of the RB-47, such as the RB-47H, were extensively modified for signals intelligence (ELINT), with additional equipment operator crew stations in the bomb bay; unarmed weather reconnaissance WB-47s with cameras and meteorological instruments also served the United States Air Force (USAF) during the 1960s.
The onset of the Cold War led to development of several highly specialized and clandestine strategic reconnaissance aircraft, or spy planes, such as the Lockheed U-2 and its successor the SR-71 Blackbird (both from the United States). Flying these aircraft became an exceptionally demanding task, with crews
specially selected and trained due to the aircraft's extreme
performance characteristics in addition to risk of being captured as spies. The American U-2 shot down in Sovietairspace and capture of its pilot caused political turmoil at the height of the Cold War.
Beginning in the early 1960s, United States aerial and satellite reconnaissance was coordinated by the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO). Risks such as loss or capture of reconnaissance aircraft crewmembers also contributed to U.S. development of the Ryan Model 147RPV (Remotely Piloted Vehicle) unmanned drone aircraft which were partly funded by the NRO during the 1960s.
Since
the 1980s, there has been an increasing tendency for militaries to rely
upon assets other than manned aircraft to perform aerial
reconnaissance. Alternative platforms include the use of surveillance satellites and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), such as the armed MQ-9 Reaper. By 2005, such UAVs could reportedly be equipped with compact cameras
capable of identifying an object the size of a milk carton from
altitudes of 60,000 feet.
The U-2 has repeatedly been considered for retirement in favour of drones. In 2011, the USAF revealed plans to replace the U-2 with the RQ-4 Global Hawk, a UAV, within four years; however, in January 2012, it was instead decided to extend the U-2's service life.
Critics have pointed out that the RQ-4's cameras and sensors are less
capable and lack all-weather operating capability; however, some of the
U-2's sensors could be installed on the RQ-4.
In late 2014, Lockheed Martin proposed converting the manned U-2 fleet
into UAVs, which would substantially bolster its payload capability; however, the USAF declined to provide funding for such an extensive conversion.
During the 2010s, American defense conglomerate Lockheed Martin promoted its proposal to develop a hypersonicUAV, which it referred to the SR-72 in allusion to its function as a spiritual successor to the retired SR-71 Blackbird. The company has also developed several other reconnaissance UAVs, such as the Lockheed Martin RQ-170 Sentinel.
Technologies
Miniature UAVs
Due
to the low cost of miniature UAVs, this technology brings aerial
reconnaissance into the hands of soldiers on the ground. The soldier on
the ground can both control the UAV and see its output, yielding great
benefit over a disconnected approach. With small systems being man
packable, operators are now able to deploy air assets quickly and
directly. The low cost and ease of operation of these miniature UAVs has
enabled forces such as the Libyan Rebels to use miniature UAVs.
Low cost miniature UAVs demand increasingly miniature imaging
payloads. Developments in miniature electronics have fueled the
development of increasingly capable surveillance payloads, allowing
miniature UAVs to provide high levels of capability in never before seen
packages.
In the twenty-first century, Indian foreign policy has sought to
leverage India's strategic autonomy in order to safeguard sovereign
rights and promote national interests within a multi-polar world. Under the administrations of Presidents George W. Bush (2001–2009) and Barack Obama (2009–2017), the United States of America has demonstrated accommodation to India's core national interests and acknowledged outstanding concerns. Increase in bilateral trade & investment, co-operation on global security matters, inclusion of India in decision-making on matters of global governance (United Nations Security Council), upgraded representation in trade & investment forums (World Bank, IMF, APEC), admission into multilateral export control regimes (MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, Australia Group) and support for admission in the Nuclear Suppliers Group
and joint-manufacturing through technology sharing arrangements have
become key milestones and a measure of speed and advancement on the path
to closer US–India relations. In 2016, India and the United States signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement and India was declared a Major Defense Partner of the United States. In 2020, India provided its agreement for terminating an export embargo on a medicinal drug known as hydroxychloroquine amidst the combat against the ongoing coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic,
after Trump threatened retaliation against India, if it did not comply
with terminating the export embargo on hydroxychloroquine. The relationship was briefly shaken in the early stages of the Biden administration after a plea by Adar Poonawalla, CEO of Serum Institute of India to lift the embargo on export of raw materials needed to ramp up production of COVID-19 vaccines, was rejected.
According to Gallup's annual World Affairs survey, India is perceived by Americans as their sixth favorite nation in the world, with 71% of Americans viewing India favorably in 2015. Gallup polls found that 74% of Americans viewed India favorably in 2017, 72% in 2019, and 75% in 2020.
According to a Morning Consult poll conducted in August 2021 after the fall of Afghanistan,
79% of Indians viewed the United States favorably, compared to 10% who
viewed the United States unfavorably, the highest percentage out of all
15 major countries surveyed, more favorable than how most Americans
viewed the United States.
In 2017, bilateral trade (in both goods & services) grew by
9.8% to reach US$126,100,000,000. India's exports to the US stood at
US$76,700,000,000 while USA's exports to India stood at
US $49,400,000,000.
On June 29, with both sides weakened, the British dispatched HMS Medea to surrender, with letters to the French stating the American Revolutionary War was over. The Treaty of Paris was drafted on 30 November 1782, months before the Siege of Cuddalore
but news did not reach India until seven months later, due to the delay
of communications to India. The Treaty of Paris was finally signed on 3
September 1783 and was ratified by the U.S. Congress a few months later. Under the terms of the treaty, Britain returned Pondicherry back to the French and Cuddalore was returned to the British.
In the 1930s and early-1940s, Roosevelt voiced strong support to the Indian independence movement despite being allies with Britain. The first significant immigration from India before 1965 involved Sikh farmers going to California in the early-twentieth century.
During World War II
American GIs at a market in Calcutta (now Kolkata) in 1945.
During World War II, India became the main base for the American China Burma India Theater
(CBI) in the war against Japan. Tens of thousands of American
servicemen arrived, bringing all sorts of advanced technology, and
currency; they left in 1945. Serious tension erupted over American
demands, led by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, that India be given independence, a proposition Churchill
vehemently rejected. For years, Roosevelt had encouraged British
disengagement from India. The American position was based on an
opposition to Europeans having colonies and a practical concern for the
outcome of the war, and the expectation of a large American role in a
post-independence era. Churchill threatened to resign if Roosevelt
continued to push his case, causing Roosevelt to back down. Meanwhile, India became the main American staging base to fly aid to China. During World War II, the Panagarh Airport in the state of West Bengal in India was used as a supply transport airfield from 1942 to 1945 by the United States Army Air ForcesTenth Air Force and as a repair and maintenance depot for B-24 Liberator heavy bombers by Air Technical Service Command.
The United States under the Truman administration
leaned towards favouring India in the late-1940s as a consequence of
most U.S. planners seeing India more valuable diplomatically than
neighboring Pakistan. However, during the Cold War
Nehru's policy of neutrality was cumbersome to many American observers.
American officials perceived India's policy of non-alignment
negatively. Ambassador Henry F. Grady told then-Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
that the United States did not consider neutrality to be an acceptable
position. Grady told the State Department in December 1947 that he had
informed Nehru "that this is a question that cannot be straddled and
that India should get on the democratic side immediately". In 1948, Nehru rejected American suggestions for resolving the Kashmir crisis via third party mediation.
Nehru's 1949 tour of the United States was "an undiplomatic disaster" that left bad feelings on both sides. Nehru and his top aide V. K. Krishna Menon discussed whether India should "align with United States 'somewhat' and build up our economic and military strength." The Truman administration
was quite favorable and indicated it would give Nehru anything he asked
for. Nehru refused, and thereby forfeited the chance for a gift of one
million tons of wheat. The American Secretary of State Dean Acheson
recognized Nehru's potential world role but added that he was "one of
the most difficult men with whom I have ever had to deal."
The American visit had some benefits in that Nehru gained widespread
understanding and support for his nation, and he himself gained a much
deeper understanding of the American outlook.
India rejected the American advice that it should not recognize
the Communist conquest of China, but it did back the US when it
supported the 1950 United Nations resolution condemning North Korea's aggression in the Korean War.
India tried to act as a mediator to help end the war, and served as a
conduit for diplomatic messages between the US and China. Although no
Indian troops took part in the war, India did send a Medical Corps of
346 army doctors to help the UN side. Meanwhile, poor harvests forced India to ask for American aid for its food security, which was given starting in 1950.
In the first dozen years of Indian independence (1947–59), the US
provided $1,700,000,000 in aid; including $931,000,000 in food. The
Soviet Union provided about half as much in monetary terms, however made
much larger contributions in kind, taking the form of infrastructural
aid, soft loans, technical knowledge transfer, economic planning and
skills involved in the areas of steelmills, machine building, hydroelectric power and other heavy industries- especially nuclear energy and space research. In 1961, the US pledged $1,000,000,000 in development loans, in addition to $1,300,000,000 of free food.
Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru receiving President Dwight D. Eisenhower at
Parliament House, before the President's address to a joint session of
Parliament, 1959.
To ease the tensions Eisenhower sent John Sherman Cooper as ambassador in 1956–1957. Cooper got along very well with Nehru.
In terms of rhetoric, Jawaharlal Nehru—as
both prime minister and foreign minister (1947–1964), promoted a
moralistic rhetoric attacking both the Soviet bloc and the U.S. and its
bloc. Instead Nehru tried to build a nonaligned movement, paying special
attention to the many new nations in the Third World released from
European colonial status at this time. President Dwight D. Eisenhower and his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles themselves used moralistic rhetoric to attack the evils of Communism.
In 1959, Eisenhower became the first US president to visit India
to strengthen the staggering ties between the two nations. He was so
supportive that the New York Times
remarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether Nehru had actually
requested or been given a guarantee that the US would help India to meet
further Chinese Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious
strengthening of Indian–American friendship to a point where no such
guarantee was necessary."
John Kenneth Galbraith(far left),
as US ambassador to India, with President John F. Kennedy,
Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of
India, 1961
During John F. Kennedy's
Presidency (1961–63), India was considered a strategic partner and
counterweight to the rise of Communist China. Kennedy said,
Chinese Communists have been moving
ahead the last 10 years. India has been making some progress, but if
India does not succeed with her 450 million people, if she can't make
freedom work, then people around the world are going to determine,
particularly in the underdeveloped world, that the only way they can
develop their resources is through the Communist system.
The Kennedy administration openly supported India during the 1962 Sino-Indian war and considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India". The United States Air Force flew in arms, ammunition and clothing supplies to the Indian troops and the United States Navy sent the USS Kitty Hawkaircraft carrier from the Pacific Ocean to India, only to be recalled before it reached the Bay of Bengal. In a May 1963 National Security Council
meeting, the United States discussed contingency planning that could be
implemented in the event of another Chinese aggression on India. Defense SecretaryRobert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons
should the Americans intervene in such a situation. Kennedy insisted
that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "We should defend India, and therefore we will defend India." Kennedy's ambassador to India was the noted liberal economist John Kenneth Galbraith, who was considered close to India. While in India, Galbraith helped establish one of the first Indian computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. As an economist, he also presided over the (at the time) largest US foreign aid program to any country.
US President Richard Nixon at the arrival ceremony for Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, on the South Lawn of the White House, 1971.
Following the assassination of Kennedy in 1963, India-US relations deteriorated gradually. While Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson sought to maintain relations with India to counter Communist China,
he also sought to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of
easing tensions with China and weakening India's growing military
buildup as well. Relations then hit an all-time low under the Nixon administration in the early 1970s.Nixon
shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken
towards India-Pakistan hostilities. He established a very close
relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as
India, now under the leadership of Indira Gandhi,
was leaning towards Soviet Union. He considered Pakistan as a very
important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent
and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close. The frosty personal relationship between Nixon and Indira further contributed to the poor relationship between the two nations. During the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War, the US openly supported Pakistan and deployed its aircraft carrier USS Enterprise towards the Bay of Bengal, which was seen as a show of force by the US in support of the West Pakistani forces. Later in 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddha,
which was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test
did not violate any agreement and proceeded with a June 1974 shipment of
enriched uranium for the Tarapur reactor.
In the late 1970s, with the Janata Party leader Morarji Desai becoming the Prime Minister, India improved its relations with the US, led by Jimmy Carter,
despite the latter signing an order in 1978 barring nuclear material
from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation record.
Despite the return of Indira Gandhi to power in 1980, the
relations between the two countries continued to improve gradually,
although India did not support the United States in its role in the Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. Indian foreign minister P. V. Narasimha Rao
expressed "grave concern" over the United States's decision to "rearm"
Pakistan; the two countries were working closely together to counter the
Soviets in Afghanistan. The Reagan Administration led by US President Ronald Reagan
provided limited assistance to India. India sounded out Washington on
the purchase of a range of US defence technology, including F-5
aircraft, super computers, night vision goggles and radars. In 1984
Washington approved the supply of selected technology to India including
gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes for India's
light combat aircraft. There were also unpublicised transfers of
technology, including the engagement of a US company, Continental
Electronics, to design and build a new VLF communications station at
Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, which was commissioned in the late 1980s.
Under Bill Clinton (President 1993–2001) and P. V. Narasimha Rao
(Prime Minister 1991–1996) both sides mishandled relations, according
to Arthur G. Rubinoff. Clinton simultaneously pressured India to
liberalize its economy while criticizing New Delhi on human rights and
nuclear issues. In the face of criticism from Washington and opposition
at home, Indian leaders lost their enthusiasm for rapprochement and
reverted to formalistic protocol over substantive diplomacy. The Brown
Amendment that restored American aid to Pakistan in 1995 was an
irritant. In returning to a Cold War style rhetoric, Indian
parliamentarians and American congressmen demonstrated their
unwillingness to establish a new relationship.
NDA I and II governments (1998–2004)
Soon after Atal Bihari Vajpayee became Indian Prime Minister, he authorised nuclear weapons testing at Pokhran. The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favour of a United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning the tests. President Bill Clinton imposed economic sanctions
on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid, freezing
loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting
loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases,
prohibiting American aerospace technology and uranium exports to India,
and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to
international lending agencies.
However, these sanctions proved ineffective – India was experiencing a
strong economic rise, and its trade with the US only constituted a small
portion of its GDP. Only Japan
joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations
continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted.
Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee
exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations.
India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US
foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in its region, and the
home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a
nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that
many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China.
In March 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton visited India, undertaking bilateral and economic discussions with Prime Minister Vajpayee. During the visit, the Indo-US Science & Technology Forum was established.
Over the course of improved diplomatic relations with the Bush
Administration, India agreed to allow close international monitoring of
its nuclear weapons development, although it has refused to give up its
current nuclear arsenal. In 2004, the US decided to grant Major non-NATO ally (MNNA) status to Pakistan. The US extended the MNNA strategic working relationship to India but the offer was turned down.
During the tenure of the George W. Bush administration, relations between India and the United States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremism, energy security, and climate change. George W. Bush
commented, "India is a great example of democracy. It is very devout,
has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their
religion. The world needs India". Fareed Zakaria, in his book The Post-American World, described George W. Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history." Similar sentiments are echoed by Rejaul Karim Laskar, a scholar of Indian foreign policy and ideologue of Indian National Congress – the largest constituent of the UPA. According to Laskar, the UPA
rule has seen a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a
result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues,
including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean
energy, counter-terrorism, etc".
After the December 2004 tsunami, the US and Indian navies cooperated in search and rescue operations and in the reconstruction of affected areas.
Since 2004, Washington and New Delhi have been pursuing a
"strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally
convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and
global initiatives – including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation –
are underway. This latter initiative, first launched in 2005, reversed
three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also in 2005, United
States and India signed a ten-year defense framework agreement, with
the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries
engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and
major US arms sales to India were concluded. An Open Skies Agreement was signed in April 2005, enhancing trade, tourism, and business via the increased number of flights, and Air India purchased 68 US Boeing aircraft at a cost of $8 billion. The United States and India also signed a bilateral Agreement on Science and Technology Cooperation in 2005. After Hurricane Katrina, India donated $5 million to the American Red Cross and sent two planeloads of relief supplies and materials to help. Then, on 1 March 2006, President Bush made another diplomatic visit to further expand relations between India and the U.S.
Indian Minister of External Affairs Pranab Mukherjee with US President George W. Bush, March 2008
The value of all bilateral trade tripled from 2004 to 2008 and
continues to grow, while significant two-way investment also grows and
flourishes.
The influence of a large Indian-American community is reflected in the largest country-specific caucus in the United States Congress, while between 2009 and 2010 more than 100,000 Indian students have attended American colleges and universities.
In March 2009, the Obama Administration cleared the US$2.1 billion sale of eight P-8 Poseidons to India. This deal, and the $5 billion agreement to provide Boeing C-17military transport aircraft and General Electric F414
engines announced during Obama's November 2010 visit, makes the US one
of the top three military suppliers to India (after Israel and Russia). Indians have raised concerns about contract clauses forbidding the offensive deployment of these systems. India is trying to resolve performance-related issues on the Boeing P-8I that have already been delivered to India.
US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of StaffMike Mullen
has encouraged stronger military ties between India and the United
States, and said that "India has emerged as an increasingly important
strategic partner [of the US]". US Undersecretary of State William Joseph Burns also said, "Never has there been a moment when India and America mattered more to each other."
The Deputy Secretary of Defence, Ashton Carter, during his address to
the Asia Society in New York on August 1, 2012, said that India–US
relationship has a global scope, in terms of the reach and influence of
both countries. He also said that both countries are strengthening the
relations between their defence and research organisations.
Revelations about US spying operations against India
India, in July and November 2013, demanded that the US respond to
revelations that the Indian UN mission in New York City and the Indian
Embassy in Washington had been targeted for spying.
On 2 July 2014, U.S. diplomats were summoned by the Indian
Ministry of External Affairs to discuss allegations that the National
Security Agency had spied upon private individuals and political
entities within India. A 2010 document leaked by Edward Snowden and published by the Washington Post revealed that US intelligence agencies had been authorized to spy on the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (who was then the Chief Minister of Gujarat).
WikiLeaks revelations that Western intelligence agencies have used foreign aid workers and staff at NGOs as non-official cover prompted the Government of India to step-up the monitoring of satellite phones
and movement of personnel working for humanitarian relief organisations
and development aid agencies in the vicinity of sensitive locations.
Foreign policy issues
According
to some analysts, India–U.S. relations have been strained over the
Obama administration's approach to Pakistan and the handling of the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. India's National Security Adviser, M.K. Narayanan, criticised the Obama administration for linking the Kashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree." Foreign Policy
in February 2009 also criticised Obama's approach to South Asia, saying
that "India can be a part of the solution rather than part of the
problem" in South Asia. It also suggested that India take a more
proactive role in rebuilding Afghanistan, irrespective of the attitude of the Obama Administration.
In a clear indication of growing rift between the two countries, India
decided not to accept a US invitation to attend a conference on
Afghanistan at the end of February 2009. Bloomberg has also reported that, since the 2008 Mumbai attacks,
the public mood in India has been to pressure Pakistan more
aggressively to take actions against the culprits behind the terrorist
attack, and that this might reflect on the upcoming Indian general elections in May 2009. Consequently, the Obama Administration may find itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism.
India and US governments have differed on a variety of regional issues ranging from India's cordial relations with Iran and Russia to foreign policy disagreements relating to Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar and Bangladesh.
Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, dismissed any concerns over a rift with India regarding American AfPak policy. Calling India and the United States "natural allies",
Blake said that the United States cannot afford to meet the strategic
priorities in Pakistan and Afghanistan at "the expense of India".
India criticised the Obama Administration's decision to limit H-1B (temporary) visas, and India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (later, the President of India until 2017) said that his country would oppose US "protectionism" at various international forums. India's Commerce Minister, Kamal Nath, said that India may move against Obama's outsourcing policies at the World Trade Organization. However, the outsourcing advisory head of KPMG
said that India had no reason to worry, since Obama's statements were
directed against "outsourcing being carried out by manufacturing
companies" and not outsourcing of IT-related services.
In May 2009, Obama reiterated his anti-outsourcing views and
criticised the current US tax policy "that says you should pay lower
taxes if you create a job in Bangalore, India, than if you create one in
Buffalo, New York." However, during the US India Business Council meeting in June 2009, U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton advocated for stronger economic ties between India and
the United States. She also rebuked protectionist policies, saying that
"[United States] will not use the global financial crisis as an excuse
to fall back on protectionism. We hope India will work with us to create
a more open, equitable set of opportunities for trade between our
nations."
President
Barack Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and the Indian
delegation at the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue reception at the
Department of State in Washington, D.C., 2010.
In June 2010, the United States and India formally re-engaged the
US-India Strategic Dialogue initiated under President Bush when a large
delegation of high-ranking Indian officials, led by External Affairs
Minister S.M. Krishna, visited Washington, D.C. As leader of the US delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an indispensable partner and a trusted friend". President Obama appeared briefly at a United States Department of State
reception to declare his firm belief that America's relationship with
India "will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century."
The Strategic Dialogue produced a joint statement in which the two
countries pledged to "deepen people-to-people, business-to-business, and
government-to-government linkages ... for the mutual benefit of both
countries and for the promotion of global peace, stability, economic
growth and prosperity."
It outlined extensive bilateral initiatives in each of ten key areas:
(1) advancing global security and countering terrorism, (2) disarmament
and nonproliferation, (3) trade and economic relations, (4) high
technology, (5) energy security, clean energy, and climate change, (6)
agriculture, (7) education, (8) health, (9) science and technology, and
(10) development.
In November 2010, Obama became the second US President (after Richard Nixon
in 1969) to undertake a visit to India in his first term in office. On 8
November, Obama also became the second US President (after Dwight D.
Eisenhower in 1959) to ever address a joint session of the Parliament of India. In a major policy shift, Obama declared US support for India's permanent membership on the UN Security Council.
Calling the India–U.S. relationship "a defining partnership of the 21st
century", he also announced the removal of export control restrictions
on several Indian companies, and concluded trade deals worth $10
billion, which are expected to create and/or support 50,000 jobs in the
US.
In December 2013, Devyani Khobragade, the Deputy Consul General of India
in New York, was arrested and accused by U.S. federal prosecutors of
submitting false work visa documents for her housekeeper and paying the
housekeeper "far less than the minimum legal wage."
The ensuing incident caused protests from the Indian government and a
rift in India–United States relations; Indians expressed outrage that
Khobragade was strip-searched (a routine practice for all persons arrested by the U.S. Marshals Service) and held in the general inmate population. Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that Khobragade's treatment was "deplorable".
India demanded an apology from the U.S. over her alleged
"humiliation" and called for the charges to be dropped, which the U.S.
declined to do.
The Indian government retaliated for what it viewed as the mistreatment
of its consular official by revoking the ID cards and other privileges
of U.S. consular personnel and their families in India and removing
security barriers in front of the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi.
The Indian government also blocked non-diplomats from using the
American Community Support Association (ACSA) club and American Embassy
Club in New Delhi, ordering these social clubs to cease all commercial
activities benefiting non-diplomatic personnel by 16 January 2014.
The ACSA club operates a bar, bowling alley, swimming pool, restaurant,
video-rentals club, indoor gym and a beauty parlour within the embassy
premises.
Tax-free import clearances given to US diplomats and consular officials
for importing food, alcohol and other domestic items were revoked with
immediate effect. U.S. embassy vehicles and staff are no longer immune
from penalties for traffic violations. American diplomats were asked to
show work contracts of all domestic help (cooks, gardeners, drivers and
security staff) employed within their households. Indian authorities also conducted an investigation into the American Embassy School.
Khobragade was subject to prosecution at the time of her arrest because she had only consular immunity (which gives one immunity from prosecution only for acts committed in connection with official duties) and not the more extensive diplomatic immunity.
After her arrest, the Indian government moved Khobragade to the Indian
mission to the United Nations, upgrading her status and conferring
diplomatic immunity on her; as a result, the federal indictment against
Khobragade was dismissed in March 2014, although the door was left open
to refiling of charges. A new indictment was filed against Khobragade, but by that point she had left the country. (In an effort to resolve the dispute, the U.S. State Department had told Khobragade to leave the country).
Nancy J. Powell, the U.S. ambassador to India, resigned following
the incident, which was widely seen by India "as fallout from the
imbroglio." Some commentators suggested that the incident and response could lead to wider damage in U.S.–India relations. Former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha called for the arrest of same-sex companions of US diplomats, citing the Supreme Court of India's upholding of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code whereby homosexuality is illegal in India. Former State Department legal advisor John Bellinger
questioned whether the decision to arrest and detain Khobragade was
"wise policy ... even if technically permissible" under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, while Robert D. Blackwill, the former U.S. ambassador to India from 2001 to 2003, said the incident was "stupid."
Nevertheless, within a year of the incident, U.S.-India relations were
warming again, as U.S. President Obama visited India in January 2015.
Speaking at Harvard Law School in 2014, U.S. Attorney in Manhattan Preet Bharara,
in the Khobragade case, said: "(It was) not the crime of the century
but a serious crime nonetheless, that is why the State Department opened
the case, that is why the State Department investigated it. That is why
career agents in the State Department asked career prosecutors in my
office to approve criminal charges." Bharara, who was born in India, said that he was upset by attacks on him in the Indian press.
Khobragade was originally a highly sympathetic figure in India,
as Indians viewed her arrest as an affront to national dignity. Opinions
in India shifted, however, after Khobragade was the subject of two
inquiries by the Indian government.
One internal investigation found that Khobragade had violated
regulations "by failing to inform the government that her children had
been issued American passports"
and resulted in Khobragade being administratively disciplined; a second
inquiry was held into Khobragade's series of interviews about the case,
undertaken without authorization from the Ministry of External Affairs.
Relationship between US Government and Narendra Modi (2001–2014)
Sectarian
violence during the 2002 Gujarat riots damaged relations between the US
Government and Narendra Modi, then incumbent Chief Minister of Gujarat.
Human rights activists accused Modi of fostering anti-Muslim violence.
New-York based NGO Human Rights Watch, in their 2002 report directly implicated Gujarat state officials in the violence against Muslims.
In 2012, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Indian Supreme Court found no "prosecutable evidence" against Modi. The Supreme Court of India absolved Narendra Modi of any criminal wrongdoing during the 2002 Gujarat riots.
In 2005, the US Department of State used a 1998 International
Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) provision to revoke Modi's tourist/business
visa citing section 212 (a) (2) (g) of the US Immigration and
Nationality Act.
The IRFA provision "makes any foreign government official who 'was
responsible for or directly carried out, at any time, particularly
severe violations of religious freedom' ineligible for a visa to the
United States."
David C. Mulford,
the US Ambassador to India from 2003 to 2009, justified the rejection
of a diplomatic visa to Modi in a statement released on 21 March 2005
stating that the US State Department re-affirmed the original decision
to revoke Modi's tourist/business visa to which India's highest
judiciary abstained all the charges from Modi later on the particular
issue:
This decision applies to Mr. Narendra Modi only. It is
based on the fact that, as head of the State government in Gujarat
between February 2002 and May 2002, he was responsible for the
performance of state institutions at that time. The State Department's
detailed views on this matter are included in its annual Country Reports
on Human Rights Practices and the International Religious Freedom
Report. Both reports document the violence in Gujarat from February 2002
to May 2002 and cite the Indian National Human Rights Commission
report, which states there was "a comprehensive failure on the part of
the state government to control the persistent violation of rights of
life, liberty, equality, and dignity of the people of the state."
Prior to Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister of India, the US Government had made it known that Modi as Chief Minister of Gujarat would not be permitted to travel to the US. Michael Kugelman of the Wilson Center
opined that although technically speaking there was no US 'visa ban'
from 2005 to 2014, the US government policy of considering Modi as persona non grata had resulted in a de facto travel-ban.
After the US revoked his existing B1/B2 visa in 2005 and refused to
accept his application for an A2 visa, the US State Department affirmed
that the visa policy remained unchanged : "(Mr Modi) is welcome to apply
for a visa and await a review like any other applicant".
Exploring opportunities on how to move the relationship out of a
state of morose, Lisa Curtis, senior research fellow for South Asia in
the Asian Studies Center of the Heritage Foundation,
says that "the U.S. must first signal its willingness and commitment to
collaborating with the new government—and that it will not dwell on the
controversy of the 2002 Gujarat riots, which led the U.S. to revoke
Modi's visa in 2005."
In 2009, the US Commission for International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) report after ignoring the views and decision of independent body (SIT) set up by India's highest judiciary
vehemently alleged that there was "significant evidence" linking
Narendra Modi to communal riots in the state in 2002 and asked the Obama
administration to continue the policy of preventing him from travelling
to the United States of America.
The Obama administration maintained the 2005 decision taken by
the George W. Bush administration to deny Narendra Modi entry into the
United States of America.
The US Government says that Modi can circumvent the USCIRF sanctions
regime by visiting Washington on a Heads of government A1-visa as long
as he is the Prime Minister of India.
According to US State Department Spokesperson, Jen Psaki : "US law
exempts foreign government officials, including heads of state and heads
of government from certain potential inadmissibility grounds". The visa
refusal came after some Indian-American groups and human rights
organizations with political view campaigned against Modi, including the
Coalition Against Genocide.
On 11 June 2014, Robert Blackwill,
the former Coordinator for Strategic Planning and Deputy US National
Security Advisor during the presidency of George W. Bush, spoke at
length about India–U.S. relations and said : "Mr Modi is a determined
leader. He is candid and frank. I also worked with him during the
Gujarat earthquake when I was posted as (the US) ambassador to India.
... It was mistake by the current Obama administration to delay
engagement with Mr Modi. I do not know why they did so but definitely,
this did not help in building relationship. ... The old formula and
stereotypes will not work if the US administration wants to engage with
Mr Modi. The Indian prime minister is candid, direct and smart. He
speaks his mind. The US administration also has to engage in candid
conversation when Mr Modi meets President Obama later this year. They
have to do something innovative to engage with him."
Nicholas Burns,
former U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs from 2005 to
2008, has spoken about the visa denial by saying: "Bush administration
officials, including me, believed this to be the right decision at the
time."
and has opined that "Now that it looks like Modi will become prime
minister, it's reasonable for the Obama administration to say it's been
12 years [since the 2002 riots], and we'll be happy to deal with him"
NDA government (2014–present)
India–United States relations have improved significantly during the Premiership of Narendra Modi since 2014. At present, India and the US share an extensive and expanding cultural, strategic, military, and economic relationship which is in the phase of implementing confidence building measures (CBM) to overcome the legacy of trust deficit – brought about by adversarial US foreign policies and multiple instances of technology denial – which have plagued the relationship over several decades. Unrealistic expectations after the conclusion of the 2008 U.S.–India Civil Nuclear Agreement
(which underestimated negative public opinion regarding the long-term
viability of nuclear power generation and civil-society endorsement for
contractual guarantees on safeguards and liability) has given way to
pragmatic realism and refocus on areas of cooperation which enjoy
favourable political and electoral consensus.
Key recent developments include the rapid growth of India's
economy, closer ties between the Indian and American industries
especially in the Information and communications technology (ICT),
engineering and medical sectors, an informal entente to manage an increasingly assertive China, robust cooperation on counter-terrorism, the deterioration of U.S.-Pakistan relations, easing of export controls over dual-use goods & technologies (99% of licenses applied for are now approved), and reversal of long-standing American opposition to India's strategic program.
Income creation in the USA through knowledge-based employment by
Asian Indians has outpaced every other ethnic group according to U.S.
Census data. Growing financial and political clout of the affluent Asian Indian
diaspora is noteworthy. Indian American households are the most
prosperous in the US with a median revenue of US$100,000 and are
followed by Chinese Americans at US$65,000. The average household
revenue in the USA is US$63,000.
The US and India continue to differ on issues ranging from trade
to civil liberties. The Indian Home Ministry, through an affidavit
submitted to the Delhi High Court on 13 February 2015, claimed that
Country Reports on Rights & Practices have become instruments of
foreign policy: "The US, UK and EU have clearly mentioned in government
documents and pronouncements that these reports are made for the purpose
of their being used as instruments of foreign policy." The affidavit
also claimed that the reports by US, UK and European Parliament were
biased since they "do not provide opportunity to the Government of India
or the local embassy/high commission to record their opinion and are
heavily biased against the targeted country". The 2014 State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report
appeared to classify the Khobragade incident as an example of human
trafficking, stating: "An Indian consular officer at the New York
consulate was indicted in December 2013 for visa fraud related to her
alleged exploitation of an Indian domestic worker." In response, India has shown no urgency to allow visits to India by the newly appointed US anti-human trafficking ambassador Susan P. Coppedge and the US special envoy for LGBT rights Randy Berry. Under Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code
homosexuality was illegal in India. Indian Ambassador to the US, Arun
K. Singh reiterated India's commitment to work within an international
framework to tackle the problem of trafficking but rejected any
"unilateral assessments" by another country saying "We will never accept
it" and downplayed the importance of the visits: "When you ask a U.S.
official when somebody will be given a visa, they always say 'we will
assess when visa is applied for.' ... I can do no better than to
reiterate the U.S. position."
In February 2016, the Obama administration notified the US
Congress that it intended to provide Pakistan eight nuclear-capable F-16
fighters and assorted military goods including eight AN/APG-68(V)9 airborne radars and eight ALQ-211(V)9 electronic warfare suites despite strong reservations from US lawmakers regarding the transfer of any nuclear weapons capable platforms to Pakistan.
Shashi Tharoor, an elected representative from the Congress party in
India, questioned the substance of India–U.S. ties: "I am very
disappointed to hear this news. The truth is that continuing to escalate
the quality of arms available to an irresponsible regime that has sent
terrorists to India, and in the name of anti-terrorism, is cynicism of
the highest order".
The Indian Government summoned the US Ambassador to India to convey its
disapproval regarding the sale of F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan.
In February 2017, Indian ambassador to the U.S. Navtej Sarna hosted a reception for the National Governors Association
(NGA), which was attended by the Governors of 25 states and senior
representatives of 3 more states. This was the first time such an event
has occurred. Explaining the reason for the gathering, Virginia Governor
and NGA Chair Terry McAuliffe
stated that "India is America's greatest strategic partner". He further
added, "We clearly understand the strategic importance of India, of
India–U.S. relations. As we grow our 21st century economy, India has
been so instrumental in helping us build our technology, medical
professions. We recognise a country that has been such a close strategic
ally of the US. That's why we the Governors are here tonight."
McAuliffe, who has visited India 15 times, also urged other Governors to
visit the country with trade delegations to take advantage of
opportunities.
In October 2018, India inked the historic agreement worth US$5.43 billion with Russia to procure four S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile defence system, one of the most powerful missile defence systems in the world ignoring America's CAATSA act. The U.S. threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buy the S-400 missile defense system from Russia. The United States also threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buy oil from Iran.
According to the President of the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership
Forum (USISPF), Mukesh Aghi: "sanctions would have a disastrous effect
on U.S.-India relations for decades to come. In India’s eyes, the United
States would once again be regarded as untrustworthy."
In June 2020, during the George Floyd protests, the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial in Washington, D.C. was vandalised by unknown miscreants on the intervening night of June 2 and 3. The incident prompted the Indian Embassy to register a complaint with law enforcement agencies. Taranjit Singh Sandhu, the Indian Ambassador to the United States called the vandalism "a crime against humanity". U.S. President Donald Trump called the defacement of Mahatma Gandhi's statue a "disgrace".
On 21 December 2020, President of the United States Donald Trump awarded Modi with the Legion of Merit for elevating India–United States relations. The Legion of Merit was awarded to Modi along with Prime Minister of Australia Scott Morrison and former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe, the "original architects" of the QUAD.
Modi–Biden relationship (2021 onwards)
Optimism reigns as Joe Biden
takes the presidency, although there are serious differences. Both
countries are concerned about the growing maritime presence and
influence of China. Indians are optimistic that the Biden administration will ease visa requirements for Indian immigration as well as its entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
Both countries hope to see increased trade. The U.S. is concerned about
India's coziness with Russia on defense issues and its energy
relationship with Iran despite U.S. sanctions. Vice President Kamala Harris expressed concern about the situation in Kashmir
when she was a senator in 2019, and American concern about Indian
treatment of dissenters and minorities is a sticky point, although it is
unlikely to interfere with larger goals.
However US-Indian ties began to strain in April 2021 when India faced a massive spike in infections. The US had invoked the Defense Production Act of 1950 to ban the export of raw materials needed to produce vaccines in order to prioritize domestic vaccine production. According to The Times of India,
also caused an explosion of anti-US and anti-western sentiment in
India, as the U.S. had vaccine reserves and refused to share COVID-19
vaccine patents. This came after a plea by Adar Poonawalla, CEO of Serum Institute of India to lift the embargo on export of raw materials needed to ramp up production of COVID-19 vaccines, was rejected. But, in late April, right after a phone call with Ajit Doval, the National Security Advisor of India, the Biden administration stated it would make raw materials necessary for production of the Oxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine available to India, and began to send more than $100 million USD (₹714 crore INR) worth of drug treatments, rapid diagnostic tests, ventilators, personal protective equipment, mechanical parts needed to manufacture vaccines to India, along with a team of public health experts from the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The US also stated that it planned to finance the expansion of Biological E. Limited, an Indian-based COVID-19 vaccine production company.
India entered negotiations with the US after it declared that it would
share 60 million Oxford–AstraZeneca vaccines with the world.
USS John Paul Jones intrusion
USS John Paul Jones
On April 7, 2021, The United States Navyguided missile destroyer USS John Paul Jones
sailed through India's Exclusive Economic Zone, without New Delhi's
prior consent, then publicly announced the event, causing a diplomatic
spat.
At a time when the United States and India had been deepening
relations, such a move had raised eyebrows among the general public in
both India and The United States. As per the official statement by the United States Navy's 7th Fleet,
"On April 7, 2021 (local time) USS John Paul Jones (DDG 53) asserted
navigational rights and freedoms approximately 130 nautical miles west
of the Lakshadweep Islands, inside India’s exclusive economic zone, without requesting India’s prior consent, consistent with international law". India requires prior consent for military exercises or maneuvers in its exclusive economic zone or continental shelf, a claim inconsistent with international law. This freedom of navigation operation
(“FONOP”) upheld the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea
recognized in international law by challenging India’s excessive
maritime claims. The Statement further added, "U.S. Forces operate in
the Indo-Pacific region
on a daily basis. All operations are designed in accordance with
international law and demonstrate that the United States will fly, sail
and operate wherever international law allows."The Pentagon, defended the 7th Fleet's statement by claiming that the event was consistent with international law.
The Indian Ministry of External Affairs
released its statement after much media attention, the statement said,
"The Government of India's stated position on the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea is that the Convention does not
authorize other States to carry out in the Exclusive Economic Zone and
on the continental shelf, military exercises or maneuvers, in particular
those involving the use of weapons or explosives, without the consent
of the coastal state", it further added, "The USS John Paul Jones was
continuously monitored transiting from the Persian Gulf towards the Malacca Straits. We have conveyed our concerns regarding this passage through our EEZ to the Government of USA through diplomatic channels." Former Chief of Naval Staff of the Indian Navy, Admiral Arun Prakash commented on the event by tweeting "There is irony here. While India ratified UN Law of the Seas
in 1995, the US has failed to do it so far. For the 7th Fleet to carry
out FoN missions in Indian EEZ in violation of our domestic law is bad
enough. But publicizing it? USN please switch on IFF!". He Further tweeted, "FoN ops by USN ships (ineffective as they may be) in South China Sea, are meant to convey a message to China
that the putative EEZ around the artificial SCS islands is an
“excessive maritime claim.” But what is the 7th Fleet message for
India?"
State Visits by counterparts (2014 onwards)
Modi's visit to America, 2014
During
the run-off to the 2014 Indian general election, there was wide-ranging
scepticism regarding the future of the India–U.S. strategic
relationship. Narendra Modi, whose US visa had been revoked while he was
the Chief Minister of Gujarat, had been boycotted by US officials for almost a decade for his alleged role in the 2002 Gujarat riots. However, sensing Modi's inevitable victory well before the election, the US AmbassaborNancy Powell had reached out to him. Moreover, following his 2014 election as the Prime Minister of India President Obama congratulated him over telephone and invited him to visit the US. US Secretary of State John Kerry
visited New Delhi on 1 August to prepare the grounds for Modi's first
ever US visit as Prime Minister. In September 2014, days before
visiting the US in an interview to CNN's Fareed Zakaria,
Modi said that "India and the United States are bound together, by
history and culture" but acknowledged that there have been "ups and
downs" in relations. Modi travelled to US from 27 to 30 September 2014, beginning with his maiden address in the United Nations general assembly followed by attending a gala public reception by the Indian American community in New York's Madison Square Garden
before heading Washington, D.C. for the bilateral talk with Obama.
While there, Modi also met several American business leaders and invited
them to join his ambitious Make in India program in a bid to make India a manufacturing hub.
Obama's visit to India, 2015
President Barack Obama became the first US president to be the chief guest of the 66th Republic Day celebrations of India held on 26 January 2015.
India and the US held their first ever bilateral dialogue on the UN and
multilateral issues in the spirit of the "Delhi Declaration of
Friendship" that strengthens and expands the two countries' relationship
as part of the Post-2015 Development Agenda.
The conspicuous absence of major announcements, a key indicator
of the state of US relations with the host country, led political
commentators in both countries to highlight the confidence-building
aspects of the visit.
Modi's visit to America, 2015
Prime Minister Narendra Modi toured the Silicon Valley
and met with entrepreneurs – several of whom are persons of Indian
origin – involved in successful microelectronics, digital communications
and biotechnology start-ups to promote the NDA government's Make in India initiative.
Modi left the U.S. West Coast and travelled to New York for the 2015 UN
General Assembly meeting where he had bilateral discussions with US
President Barack Obama.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi while visiting the United States
addressed a joint session of Congress highlighting the common traits of
both democracies and long-term friendship between the two countries.
In a speech lasting more than 45 minutes, Mr. Modi drew on parallels
between the two countries and addressed a variety of issues where the
two countries have worked together in the past and where the future
course of action would lie.
Modi's visit to America, 2017
On June 26, 2017, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the United States and met US President Donald Trump.
On 8 November 2017, the US announced a grant of nearly US$500,000 for
organisations which came up with ideas and projects to promote religious
freedom in India and Sri Lanka.
In September 2019, Modi visited Houston and he addressed a large
Indian American contingent in the Houston NRG stadium. Along with
President Trump, he reaffirmed Indian American ties, with an emphasis on
increased military cooperation with the initiation of the Tiger Triumph exercises.
On February 24, 2020, Trump visited Ahmedabad, Gujarat to address a large Indian crowd. The event, titled "Namaste Trump", was a response to the "Howdy Modi" event held in 2019. Attendance of over 100,000 people was reported. The event served as a platform for the U.S. president and the Indian prime minister to show off their friendly relationship.
Trump also visited Agra, Uttar Pradesh and the Taj Mahal on the same day. In Agra, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath
welcomed the President and the First Lady. There were 3000 cultural
artists showcasing art, cultural & music of various regions. However, political commentators state that Trump's first official visit to India had been overshadowed by the 2020 North East Delhi riots.
Modi's visit to America, 2021
Modi travelled to US from 22 to 25 September 2021, beginning with his maiden address in the United Nations general assembly before heading Washington, D.C. for the bilateral talk with President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris. While there, Modi also participated in the Quad Leaders' Summit.
Military relations
U.S. and Indian Army soldiers during the opening ceremony of Yudh Abhyas 2015.
Sailors
assigned to the guided-missile destroyer USS Halsey (DDG 97) stand in
ranks as the Indian navy frigate INS Satpura (F-48) pulls alongside
during a Malabar 2012 exercise.
U.S.
Soldiers of the 3rd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division and Indian Army
soldiers of the 6th Battalion of the Kumaon Regiment, fire each other's
weapons during Yudh Abhyas 2015 at Joint Base Lewis-McChord.
USAF F-15C Eagles (middle of V formation) from Elmendorf AFB, Alaska, fly with IAF SU-30MKI Flankers (rear) and Mirage 2000
aircraft over the Indian landscape during Cope India 04, the first
bilateral fighter exercise between the two air forces in more than 40
years.
Sgt.
Balkrishna Dave, an India-born U.S. Army paratrooper explains weapons
range safety procedures to Indian Army soldiers before they fire
American machine guns. Yudh Abhyas.
The U.S. has four "foundational" agreements
that it signs with its defence partners. The Pentagon describes the
agreements as "routine instruments that the U.S. uses to promote
military cooperation with partner-nations". American officials have
stated that the agreements are not prerequisites for bilateral defence
co-operation, but would make it simpler and more cost-effective to carry
out activities such as refueling aircraft or ships in each other's
countries and providing disaster relief.
The first of the four agreements, the General Security Of Military
Information Agreement (GSOMIA), was signed by India and the U.S. in
2002. The agreement enables the sharing of military intelligence between
the two countries and requires each country to protect the others'
classified information. The second agreement, the Logistics Exchange
Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), was signed by the two countries on 29
August 2016. The LEMOA permits the military of either country to use the
others' bases for re-supplying or carrying out repairs. The agreement
does not make the provision of logistical support binding on either
country, and requires individual clearance for each request.
The third agreement, Communications Compatibility and Security
Agreement (COMCASA) was signed during the inaugural 2+2 dialogue in
September 2018.
It is an India-specific variant of Communications and Information
Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) that enables the two countries
to share secure communication and exchange information on approved
equipment during bilateral and multinational training exercises and
operations. The fourth agreement, the Basic Exchange and Cooperation
Agreement (BECA), signed in 2020, permits the exchange of unclassified
and controlled unclassified geospatial products, topographical,
nautical, and aeronautical data, products and services between India and
the US National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA).
Harsh V. Pant, professor of International relations at King's College London, highlighted the importance of India to US strategic planning by saying: "India is key to the US' ability to create a stable balance of power
in the larger Indo-Pacific and at a time of resource constraints, it
needs partners like India to shore up its sagging credibility in the
region in face of Chinese onslaught." Robert Boggs, professor of South
Asia Studies at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies,
opines that the US "overestimates both India's desire to improve the
relationship and the benefits doing so would bring".
As part of America's policies to counter China,
one of the Trump administration policies are to make India as one of
the major defence partners for which it is in talks with Indian
representatives to sell highly technologically advanced predator drones. India has floated a tender to buy 100 multi role fighter aircraft in the Indian MRCA competition (also called Mother of all defence deals), worth around US$15 billion under Narendra Modi's Make in India
initiative. Although the deal is yet to be finalised in 2018, Present
USA Trump's administration is now pushing for sales of advanced F-16 jet fighters, and F/A-18 Super Hornet
In a meeting between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
in November 2001, the two leaders expressed a strong interest in
transforming the US-India bilateral relationship. High-level meetings
and concrete cooperation between the two countries increased during 2002
and 2003. In January 2004, the US and India launched the "Next Steps in
Strategic Partnership" (NSSP), which was both a milestone in the
transformation of the bilateral relationship and a blueprint for its
further progress.
In July 2005, Bush hosted Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Washington, D.C.
The two leaders announced the successful completion of the NSSP, as
well as other agreements which further enhanced cooperation in the areas
of civil nuclear, civil space, and high-technology commerce. Other
initiatives announced included a US-India economic dialogue, the fight
Against HIV/AIDS,
disaster relief, technology cooperation, an agriculture knowledge
initiative, a trade policy forum, energy dialogue, CEO Forum, and an
initiative to assist each other in furthering democracy and freedom.
President Bush made a reciprocal visit to India in March 2006, during
which the progress of these initiatives were reviewed, and new
initiatives were launched.
In June 2015, US defence secretary Ashton Carter
visited India and became the first American defence secretary to visit
an Indian military command. In December of the same year, Manohar Parrikar became the first Indian defence minister to visit the US Pacific Command.
In March 2016, India rejected a proposal by the US to join naval patrols in the South China Sea alongside Japan and Australia. Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar
said: "India has never taken part in any joint patrol; we only do joint
exercises. The question of joint patrol does not arise."
In January 2017, Peter Lavoy, Senior Director for South Asian Affairs at the U.S. National Security Council,
declared that the partnership between India and the United States under
Barack Obama's administration had been "incredibly successful". Lavoy
stated, "I can tell you quite definitively that due to our partnerships,
several terrorism plots were foiled. Indian lives and American lives
were saved because of this partnership."
On 27 October 2020, the United States and India signed the Basic
Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), enabling greater
information-sharing and further defense cooperation, to counter China's
growing military power in the region.
In 1998, India tested nuclear weapons which resulted in several US,
Japanese and European sanctions on India. India's then defence minister,
George Fernandes, said that India's nuclear programme
was necessary as it provided a deterrence to some potential nuclear
threat. Most of the sanctions imposed on India were removed by 2001.
India has categorically stated that it will never use weapons first but
will defend if attacked.
The economic sanctions imposed by the United States in response
to India's nuclear tests in May 1998 appeared, at least initially, to
seriously damage India-US relations. President Bill Clinton imposed wide-ranging sanctions pursuant to the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act.
US sanctions on Indian entities involved in the nuclear industry and
opposition to international financial institution loans for
non-humanitarian assistance projects in India. The United States
encouraged India to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
(CTBT) immediately and without condition. The United States also called
for restraint in missile and nuclear testing and deployment by both
India and Pakistan. The non-proliferation dialogue initiated after the
1998 nuclear tests has bridged many of the gaps in understanding between
the countries.
In late September 2001, President Bush lifted sanctions imposed under
the terms of the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act following
India's nuclear tests in May 1998. A succession of non-proliferation
dialogues bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the
countries.
In December 2006, the US Congress passed the historic
India–United States Civilian Nuclear Agreement|Henry J. Hyde US–India
Peaceful Atomic Cooperation Act, which allows direct civilian nuclear
commerce with India for the first time in 30 years. US policy had been
opposed to nuclear cooperation with India in prior years because India
had developed nuclear weapons against international conventions, and had
never signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NNPT). The
legislation clears the way for India to buy US nuclear reactors and fuel
for civilian use.
The India–United States Civil Nuclear Agreement
also referred to as the "123 Agreement", signed on 10 October 2008 is a
bilateral agreement for peaceful nuclear cooperation which governs
civil nuclear trade between American and Indian firms to participate in
each other's civil nuclear energy sector. For the agreement to be operational, nuclear vendors and operators must comply with India's 2010 Nuclear Liability Act which stipulates that nuclear suppliers, contractors and operators must bear financial responsibility in case of an accident.
Prominent industrial accidents (1984 Bhopal chemical-gas disaster and the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster)
have led to greater scrutiny by civil society into corporate
responsibility and financial liability obligations of vendors and
operators of critical infrastructure. In 2010, the Indian Parliament
voted to pass the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act
to address concerns and provide civil liability for nuclear damage and
prompt compensation to the victims of a nuclear incident.
On 27 March 2019, India and the US signed an agreement to
"strengthen bilateral security and civil nuclear cooperation" including
the construction of six American nuclear reactors in India.
Post–September 11
India's contribution to the War on Terror
has helped India's diplomatic relations with several countries. Over
the past few years, India has held numerous joint military exercises
with United States and European nations that have resulted in a
strengthened US-India and EU-India bilateral relationship. India's
bilateral trade with Europe and US has more than doubled in the last
five years.
However, India has not signed the CTBT, or the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,
claiming the discriminatory nature of the treaty that allows the five
declared nuclear countries of the world to keep their nuclear arsenal
and develop it using computer simulation testing. Prior to its nuclear
testing, India had pressed for a comprehensive destruction of nuclear
weapons by all countries of the world in a time-bound frame. This was
not favoured by the United States and by certain other countries.
Presently, India has declared its policy of "no-first use of nuclear
weapons" and the maintenance of a "credible nuclear deterrence". The
USA, under President George W. Bush
has also lifted most of its sanctions on India and has resumed military
co-operation. Relations with USA have considerably improved in the
recent years, with the two countries taking part in joint naval
exercises off the coast of India and joint air exercises both in India
as well as in the United States.
India has been pushing for reforms in the United Nations and in the World Trade Organization
with mixed results. India's candidature for a permanent seat at the UN
Security Council is currently backed by several countries including
Russia, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Brazil, African Union
nations and United States. In 2005, the United States signed a nuclear
co-operation agreement with India even though the latter is not a part
of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The United States agreed that India's strong nuclear non-proliferation record made it an exception and persuaded other Nuclear Suppliers Group members to sign similar deals with India.
On 2 March 2006 India and the United States signed the Indo-US Nuclear Pact
on co-operation in civilian nuclear field. This was signed during the
four days state visit of USA President George Bush in India. On its
part, India would separate its civilian and military nuclear programmes,
and the civilian programmes would be brought under the safeguards of International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA). The United States would sell India the reactor technologies and
the nuclear fuel for setting up and upgrading its civilian nuclear
programme. The US Congress needs to ratify this pact since US federal law prohibits the trading of nuclear technologies and materials outside the framework of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
Economic relations
The
United States is one of India's largest direct investors. From 1991 to
2004, the stock of FDI inflow has increased from US$11 million to $344.4
million, and totaling $4.13 billion. This is a compound rate increase
of 57.5 percent annually. Indian direct investments abroad began in
1992, and Indian corporations and registered partnership firms now can
and do invest in businesses up to 100 percent of their net worth.
India's largest outgoing investments are in the manufacturing sector,
which accounts for 54.8 percent of the country's foreign investments.
The second largest are in non-financial services (software development),
accounting for 35.4 percent of investments.
On 3 August 2018, India became the third Asian nation to be
granted Strategic Trade Authorization-1 (STA-1) status by the United
States. STA-1 enables the export of high-technology products in civil
space and defence from the US to India.
The United States is also India's largest investment partner,
with a direct investment of $10 billion (accounting for 9 percent of
total foreign investment). Americans have made notable foreign
investments in the Asian country's power generation, telecommunications,
ports, roads, petroleum exploration and processing, and mining
industries.
American imports from India amounted to $46.6 billion or 2% of
its overall imports, and 15.3% of India's overall exports in 2015. The
10 major commodities exported from India to the US were:
American exports to India amounted to $20.5 billion or 5.2% of
India's overall imports in 2015. The 10 major commodities exported from
the US to India were:
In July 2005, President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh created a new programme called the Trade Policy Forum. It is run by a representative from each nation. The United States Trade Representative was Rob Portman, and the Indian Commerce Secretary then-Minister of CommerceKamal Nath.
The goal of the programme is to increase bilateral trade and investment
flow. There are five main sub-divisions of the Trade Policy Forum,
including:
The Agricultural Trade group has three main objectives: agreeing
on terms that will allow India to export mangoes to the United States,
permitting India's Agricultural and Process Food Products Export
Development Authority (APEDA) to certify Indian products to the
standards of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and executing regulation procedures for approving edible wax on fruit.
The goals of the Tariff
and Non-Tariff Barriers group include agreeing that insecticides
manufactured by US companies can be sold throughout India. India had
also agreed to cut special regulations on trading carbonated drinks, many medicinal drugs,
and lowering regulations on many imports that are not of an
agricultural nature. Both nations have agreed to discuss improved facets
of Indian regulation in the trade of jewellery, computer parts, motorcycles, fertiliser, and those tariffs that affect American exporting of boric acid. The group has also discussed matters such as those wishing to break into the accounting market, Indian companies gaining licenses for the telecommunications industry, and setting policies regarding Indian media and broadcasting
markets. Other foci include the exchange of valuable information on
recognizing different professional services, discussing the movement and
positioning of people in developing industries, continuation of talks
on financial services markets, limitation of equities, insurance,
retail, joint investment in agricultural processing and transportation
industries, and small business initiatives.
India and the US will sign the Basic Exchange and Cooperation
Agreement (BECA), the last of four so-called foundational agreements for
sharing sensitive information and sales of advanced military hardware,
during the 2+2 ministerial dialogue on 27 October 2020.
India-US relations got strategic content in the early 1960s. The rise
of the People's Republic of China worried the policymakers in
Washington. Chinese assertion in Tibet, its role in the Korean War
and other such acts concerned Washington. As the relations between
India and China were heated during the late fifties, the Americans found
a golden opportunity to take advantage of this situation to promote
India as a counterweight to China.
But any unidimensional alliance is bound to be short-lived and this
alliance was no exception to this general rule. As China ceased to be a
headache for the American policymakers by the late sixties, this
unidimensional alliance disappeared into thin air.
After the end of the Cold War, Indian and American interests converged in a number of areas, including counter-terrorism, promotion of democracy, counter-proliferation, freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, and the balance of power in Asia.
US and Indian Army soldiers during the opening ceremony of 'Yudh Abhyas' military exercise, 2015
As the world's oldest and largest democracies, respectively, the U.S. and India share historic ties.
India is a founding member of the "Community of Democracies"—a
prominent endeavour of the United States on promotion of democracy.
However, the India rejected the suggestion of the USA about setting up a
Centre for Asian Democracy.
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was the guest of honour at the first state dinner, which took place on 24 November 2009, of the administration of US President Barack Obama. Obama later visited India from 6–9 November 2010, signing numerous trade and defence agreements with India. He addressed the joint session of the Indian parliament in New Delhi, becoming only the second US president to do so, and announced that the United States would lend its support to India's bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, signifying the growing strategic dimension of the relationship between the world's two largest democracies.
On 27 October 2020, US-India signed a military agreement on
sharing sensitive satellite data. The Basic Exchange and Cooperation
Agreement, or BECA, allows US's strategic partners to access a range of
sensitive geospatial and aeronautical data which is useful for military
actions.
In December 2020, US India Business Council president Nisha Desai Biswal
claimed that the ties between the two nations will continue and grow
stronger in 2021, as the Biden administration will prioritize their
trade deals for a prospering economic relationship.
Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, India abstained on a United Nations resolution condemning the invasion, saying it was "deeply disturbed" by Russia's invasion. In a meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
on the implications of the crisis for the region, President Biden noted
India's abstention, saying that most global allies were united against
Russia. Speaking to the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, US diplomat Donald Lu
said the Biden administration was still considering sanctions against
India over its S-400 deal with Russia, and its abstention at the UN.
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