A knockout mouse, or knock-out mouse, is a genetically modified mouse (Mus musculus) in which researchers have inactivated, or "knocked out", an existing gene by replacing it or disrupting it with an artificial piece of DNA. They are important animal models for studying the role of genes which have been sequenced
but whose functions have not been determined. By causing a specific
gene to be inactive in the mouse, and observing any differences from
normal behaviour or physiology, researchers can infer its probable
function.
Mice are currently the laboratory animal species most closely related to humans
for which the knockout technique can easily be applied. They are widely
used in knockout experiments, especially those investigating genetic
questions that relate to human physiology. Gene knockout in rats is much harder and has only been possible since 2003.
A laboratory mouse in which a gene affecting hair growth has been knocked out (left) is shown next to a normal lab mouse.
Knocking out the activity of a gene provides information about what
that gene normally does. Humans share many genes with mice.
Consequently, observing the characteristics of knockout mice gives
researchers information that can be used to better understand how a
similar gene may cause or contribute to disease in humans.
Millions of knockout mice are used in experiments each year.
Strains
A knockout mouse (left) that is a model for obesity, compared with a normal mouse
There are several thousand different strains of knockout mice.
Many mouse models are named after the gene that has been inactivated. For example, the p53
knockout mouse is named after the p53 gene which codes for a protein
that normally suppresses the growth of tumours by arresting cell division and/or inducing apoptosis. Humans born with mutations that deactivate the p53 gene have Li-Fraumeni syndrome, a condition that dramatically increases the risk of developing bone cancers, breast cancer and blood cancers at an early age. Other mouse models are named according to their physical characteristics or behaviours.
Procedure
The procedure for making mixed-genotype blastocystBreeding
scheme for producing knockout mice. Blastocysts containing cells, that
are both wildtype and knockout cells, are injected into the uterus
of a foster mother. This produces offspring that are either wildtype
and coloured the same colour as the blastocyst donor (grey) or chimera
(mixed) and partially knocked out. The chimera mice are crossed with a
normal wildtype mouse (grey). This produces offspring that are either
white and heterozygous for the knocked out gene or grey and wildtype.
White heterozygous mice can subsequently be crossed to produce mice that
are homozygous for the knocked out gene.
There are several variations to the procedure of producing knockout mice; the following is a typical example.
The gene to be knocked out is isolated from a mouse gene library. Then a new DNA sequence
is engineered which is very similar to the original gene and its
immediate neighbour sequence, except that it is changed sufficiently to
make the gene inoperable. Usually, the new sequence is also given a marker gene,
a gene that normal mice don't have and that confers resistance to a
certain toxic agent (e.g., neomycin) or that produces an observable
change (e.g. colour or fluorescence). In addition, a second gene, such
as herpes tk+, is also included in the construct in order to accomplish a
complete selection.
The new sequence from step 1 is introduced into the stem cells from step 2 by electroporation. By the natural process of homologous recombination some of the electroporated stem cells will incorporate the new sequence with the knocked-out gene into their chromosomes
in place of the original gene. The chances of a successful
recombination event are relatively low, so the majority of altered cells
will have the new sequence in only one of the two relevant chromosomes –
they are said to be heterozygous.
Cells that were transformed with a vector containing the neomycin
resistance gene and the herpes tk+ gene are grown in a solution
containing neomycin and Ganciclovir
in order to select for the transformations that occurred via homologous
recombination. Any insertion of DNA that occurred via random insertion
will die because they test positive for both the neomycin resistance
gene and the herpes tk+ gene, whose gene product reacts with Ganciclovir
to produce a deadly toxin. Moreover, cells that do not integrate any of
the genetic material test negative for both genes and therefore die as a
result of poisoning with neomycin.
The embryonic stem cells that incorporated the knocked-out gene are
isolated from the unaltered cells using the marker gene from step 1.
For example, the unaltered cells can be killed using a toxic agent to
which the altered cells are resistant.
The knocked-out embryonic stem cells from step 4 are inserted into a mouse blastocyst.
For this example, we use blastocysts from a grey mouse. The blastocysts
now contain two types of stem cells: the original ones (from the grey
mouse), and the knocked-out cells (from the white mouse). These
blastocysts are then implanted into the uterus of female mice, where they develop. The newborn mice will therefore be chimeras:
some parts of their bodies result from the original stem cells, other
parts from the knocked-out stem cells. Their fur will show patches of
white and grey, with white patches derived from the knocked-out stem
cells and grey patches from the recipient blastocyst.
Some of the newborn chimera mice will have gonads
derived from knocked-out stem cells, and will therefore produce eggs or
sperm containing the knocked-out gene. When these chimera mice are
crossbred with others of the wild type, some of their offspring will
have one copy of the knocked-out gene in all their cells. These mice do
not retain any grey mouse DNA and are not chimeras, however they are
still heterozygous.
When these heterozygous offspring are interbred, some of their
offspring will inherit the knocked-out gene from both parents; they
carry no functional copy of the original unaltered gene (i.e. they are homozygous for that allele).
The National Institutes of Health discusses some important limitations of this technique.
While knockout mouse technology represents a valuable research tool,
some important limitations exist. About 15 percent of gene knockouts are
developmentally lethal, which means that the genetically altered
embryos cannot grow into adult mice. This problem is often overcome
through the use of conditional mutations. The lack of adult mice limits studies to embryonic development and often makes it more difficult to determine a gene's function in relation to human health. In some instances, the gene may serve a different function in adults than in developing embryos.
Knocking out a gene also may fail to produce an observable change in a
mouse or may even produce different characteristics from those observed
in humans in which the same gene is inactivated. For example, mutations
in the p53
gene are associated with more than half of human cancers and often lead
to tumours in a particular set of tissues. However, when the p53 gene is
knocked out in mice, the animals develop tumours in a different array
of tissues.
There is variability in the whole procedure depending largely on the
strain from which the stem cells have been derived. Generally cells
derived from strain 129 are used. This specific strain is not suitable
for many experiments (e.g., behavioural), so it is very common to backcross
the offspring to other strains. Some genomic loci have been proven very
difficult to knock out. Reasons might be the presence of repetitive
sequences, extensive DNA methylation, or heterochromatin.
The confounding presence of neighbouring 129 genes on the knockout
segment of genetic material has been dubbed the "flanking-gene effect". Methods and guidelines to deal with this problem have been proposed.
Another limitation is that conventional (i.e. non-conditional)
knockout mice develop in the absence of the gene being investigated. At
times, loss of activity during development may mask the role of the gene
in the adult state, especially if the gene is involved in numerous
processes spanning development. Conditional/inducible mutation
approaches are then required that first allow the mouse to develop and
mature normally prior to ablation of the gene of interest.
Another serious limitation is a lack of evolutive adaptations in
knockout model that might occur in wild type animals after they
naturally mutate. For instance, erythrocyte-specific coexpression of GLUT1 with stomatin constitutes a compensatory mechanism in mammals that are unable to synthesize vitamin C.
Asymmetry is the absence of, or a violation of, symmetry (the property of an object being invariant to a transformation, such as reflection).
Symmetry is an important property of both physical and abstract systems
and it may be displayed in precise terms or in more aesthetic terms. The absence of or violation of symmetry that are either expected or desired can have important consequences for a system.
In organisms
Due to how cells divide in organisms, asymmetry in organisms is fairly usual in at least one dimension, with biological symmetry also being common in at least one dimension.
Louis Pasteur
proposed that biological molecules are asymmetric because the cosmic
[i.e. physical] forces that preside over their formation are themselves
asymmetric. While at his time, and even now, the symmetry of physical
processes are highlighted, it is known that there are fundamental
physical asymmetries, starting with time.
Asymmetry is an important and widespread trait, having evolved
numerous times in many organisms and at many levels of organisation
(ranging from individual cells, through organs, to entire body-shapes).
Benefits of asymmetry sometimes have to do with improved spatial
arrangements, such as the left humanlung being smaller, and having one fewer lobes than the right lung to make room for the asymmetrical heart.
In other examples, division of function between the right and left half
may have been beneficial and has driven the asymmetry to become
stronger. Such an explanation is usually given for mammal hand or paw
preference (handedness),
an asymmetry in skill development in mammals. Training the neural
pathways in a skill with one hand (or paw) may take less effort than
doing the same with both hands.
Nature also provides several examples of handedness in traits
that are usually symmetric. The following are examples of animals with
obvious left-right asymmetries:
Most snails, because of torsion during development, show remarkable asymmetry in the shell and in the internal organs.
Male fiddler crabs have one big claw and one small claw.
The narwhal's tusk is a left incisor which can grow up to 10 feet in length and forms a left-handed helix.
Flatfish have evolved to swim with one side upward, and as a result have both eyes on one side of their heads.
Several species of owls exhibit asymmetries in the size and positioning of their ears, which is thought to help locate prey.
Many animals (ranging from insects to mammals) have asymmetric male genitalia. The evolutionary cause behind this is, in most cases, still a mystery.
As an indicator of unfitness
Certain disturbances during the development of the organism, resulting in birth defects.
Injuries after cell division that cannot be biologically repaired, such as a lost limb from an accident.
Since birth defects and injuries are likely to indicate poor health
of the organism, defects resulting in asymmetry often put an animal at a
disadvantage when it comes to finding a mate. For example, a greater
degree of facial symmetry
is seen as more attractive in humans, especially in the context of mate
selection. In general, there is a correlation between symmetry and
fitness-related traits such as growth rate, fecundity and survivability
for many species. This means that, through sexual selection,
individuals with greater symmetry (and therefore fitness) tend to be
preferred as mates, as they are more likely to produce healthy
offspring.
In structures
Pre-modern
architectural styles tended to place an emphasis on symmetry, except
where extreme site conditions or historical developments lead away from
this classical ideal. To the contrary, modernist and postmodern architects became much more free to use asymmetry as a design element.
While most bridges employ a symmetrical form due to intrinsic
simplicities of design, analysis and fabrication and economical use of
materials, a number of modern bridges have deliberately departed from
this, either in response to site-specific considerations or to create a
dramatic design statement.
In fire-resistance rated wall assemblies, used in passive fire protection, including, but not limited to, high-voltage transformer fire barriers, asymmetry is a crucial aspect of design. When designing a facility, it is not always certain, that in the event of fire, which side
a fire may come from. Therefore, many building codes and fire test
standards outline, that a symmetrical assembly, need only be tested
from one side, because both sides are the same. However, as soon as an
assembly is asymmetrical, both sides must be tested and the test report
is required to state the results for each side. In practical use, the
lowest result achieved is the one that turns up in certification listings.
Neither the test sponsor, nor the laboratory can go by an opinion or
deduction as to which side was in more peril as a result of contemplated
testing and then test only one side. Both must be tested in order to be
compliant with test standards and building codes.
In mathematics, asymmetry can arise in various ways. Examples include asymmetric relations, asymmetry of shapes in geometry, asymmetric graphs et cetera.
Lines of symmetry
When determining whether an object is asymmetrical, look for lines of symmetry. For instance, a square has four lines of symmetry, while a circle has infinite. If a shape has no lines of symmetry, then it is asymmetrical, but if an object has any lines of symmetry, it is symmetrical.
Asymmetric Relation
An asymmetric relation is a binary relation defined on a set of elements such that if holds for elements and , then
must be false. Stated differently, an asymmetric relation is
characterized by a necessary absence of symmetry of the relation in the
opposite direction.
Inequalities exemplify asymmetric relations. Consider elements and . If is less than (), then cannot be greater than (). This highlights how the relations "less than", and similarly "greater than", are not symmetric.
In contrast, if is equal to (), then is also equal to (). Thus the binary relation "equal to" is a symmetric one.
Asymmetric Tensors
In general an Asymmetric tensor is defined by the change of signs of its solution under the interchange of two indexes.
The Epsilon-tensor is an example of an asymmetric tensor. It is defined as:
,with . For even or uneven permutations of the indexes the tensor is either 1 or -1.
In chemistry
Certain molecules are chiral;
that is, they cannot be superposed upon their mirror image. Chemically
identical molecules with different chirality are called enantiomers; this difference in orientation can lead to different properties in the way they react with biological systems.
In physics
Asymmetry arises in physics in a number of different realms.
Thermodynamics
The original non-statistical formulation of thermodynamics was asymmetrical in time: it claimed that the entropy in a closed system can only increase with time. This was derived from the Second Law (either of the two, Clausius' or Lord Kelvin's statement, can be used since they are equivalent) and using the Clausius' Theorem (see Kerson HuangISBN978-0471815181).
The later theory of statistical mechanics, however, is symmetric in
time. Although it states that a system significantly below maximum
entropy is very likely to evolve towards higher entropy, it also states that such a system is very likely to have evolved from higher entropy.
Particle physics
Symmetry is one of the most powerful tools in particle physics,
because it has become evident that practically all laws of nature
originate in symmetries. Violations of symmetry therefore present
theoretical and experimental puzzles that lead to a deeper understanding
of nature. Asymmetries in experimental measurements also provide
powerful handles that are often relatively free from background or
systematic uncertainties.
Until the 1950s, it was believed that fundamental physics was
left-right symmetric; i.e., that interactions were invariant under parity. Although parity is conserved in electromagnetism, strong interactions and gravity, it turns out to be violated in weak interactions. The Standard Model incorporates parity violation by expressing the weak interaction as a chiral
gauge interaction. Only the left-handed components of particles and
right-handed components of antiparticles participate in weak
interactions in the Standard Model. A consequence of parity violation in
particle physics is that neutrinos have only been observed as left-handed particles (and antineutrinos as right-handed particles).
In 1956–1957 Chien-Shiung Wu,
E. Ambler, R. W. Hayward, D. D. Hoppes, and R. P. Hudson found a clear
violation of parity conservation in the beta decay of cobalt-60. Simultaneously, R. L. Garwin, Leon Lederman, and R. Weinrich modified an existing cyclotron experiment and immediately verified parity violation.
After the discovery of the violation of parity in 1956–57, it was
believed that the combined symmetry of parity (P) and simultaneous charge conjugation (C), called CP, was preserved. For example, CP transforms a left-handed neutrino into a right-handed antineutrino. In 1964, however, James Cronin and Val Fitch provided clear evidence that CP symmetry was also violated in an experiment with neutral kaons.
CP violation is one of the necessary conditions for the generation of a baryon asymmetry in the early universe.
The baryons (i.e., the protons and neutrons and the atoms that they comprise) observed so far in the universe are overwhelmingly matter as opposed to anti-matter. This asymmetry is called the baryon asymmetry of the universe.
Isospin violation
Isospin is the symmetry transformation of the weak interactions. The concept was first introduced by Werner Heisenberg in nuclear physics based on the observations that the masses of the neutron and the proton are almost identical and that the strength of the strong interaction
between any pair of nucleons is the same, independent of whether they
are protons or neutrons. This symmetry arises at a more fundamental
level as a symmetry between up-type and down-type quarks. Isospin symmetry in the strong interactions can be considered as a subset of a larger flavor symmetry group, in which the strong interactions are invariant under interchange of different types of quarks. Including the strange quark in this scheme gives rise to the Eightfold Way scheme for classifying mesons and baryons.
Isospin is violated by the fact that the masses of the up and
down quarks are different, as well as by their different electric
charges. Because this violation is only a small effect in most processes
that involve the strong interactions, isospin symmetry remains a useful
calculational tool, and its violation introduces corrections to the
isospin-symmetric results.
In collider experiments
Because the weak interactions violate parity, collider
processes that can involve the weak interactions typically exhibit
asymmetries in the distributions of the final-state particles. These
asymmetries are typically sensitive to the difference in the
interaction between particles and antiparticles, or between left-handed
and right-handed particles. They can thus be used as a sensitive
measurement of differences in interaction strength and/or to distinguish
a small asymmetric signal from a large but symmetric background.
A forward-backward asymmetry is defined as AFB=(NF-NB)/(NF+NB), where NF
is the number of events in which some particular final-state particle
is moving "forward" with respect to some chosen direction (e.g., a
final-state electron moving in the same direction as the initial-state
electron beam in electron-positron collisions), while NB is the number of events with the final-state particle moving "backward". Forward-backward asymmetries were used by the LEP experiments to measure the difference in the interaction strength of the Z boson between left-handed and right-handed fermions, which provides a precision measurement of the weak mixing angle.
A left-right asymmetry is defined as ALR=(NL-NR)/(NL+NR), where NL is the number of events in which some initial- or final-state particle is left-polarized, while NR
is the corresponding number of right-polarized events. Left-right
asymmetries in Z boson production and decay were measured at the Stanford Linear Collider
using the event rates obtained with left-polarized versus
right-polarized initial electron beams. Left-right asymmetries can also
be defined as asymmetries in the polarization of final-state particles
whose polarizations can be measured; e.g., tau leptons.
A charge asymmetry or particle-antiparticle asymmetry is defined in a similar way. This type of asymmetry has been used to constrain the parton distribution functions of protons at the Tevatron from events in which a produced W boson
decays to a charged lepton. The asymmetry between positively and
negatively charged leptons as a function of the direction of the W boson
relative to the proton beam provides information on the relative
distributions of up and down quarks in the proton. Particle-antiparticle
asymmetries are also used to extract measurements of CP violation from B meson and anti-B meson production at the BaBar and Belle experiments.
Anti-English sentiment, also known as Anglophobia (from LatinAnglus "English" and Greek φόβος, phobos, "fear"), refers to opposition, dislike, fear, hatred, oppression, persecution, and discrimination of English people and/or England. It can be observed in various contexts within the United Kingdom and in countries outside of it. In the UK, Benjamin Disraeli and George Orwell highlighted anti-English sentiments among Welsh, Irish, and Scottish nationalisms. In Scotland, Anglophobia is influenced by Scottish identity.
Football matches and tournaments often see manifestations of
anti-English sentiment, including assaults and attacks on English
individuals. In Wales, historical factors such as English language imposition and cultural suppression have contributed to anti-English sentiment. In Northern Ireland, anti-English sentiment, arising from complex historical and political dynamics, was exemplified in the IRA's targeting of England during the Troubles.
Outside the UK, anti-English sentiment exists in countries like Australia, New Zealand, France, Ireland, Russia, India, the United States, and Argentina.
In Australia and New Zealand, stereotypes of English immigrants as
complainers have fueled such sentiment. France has historical conflicts
with England, like the Hundred Years' War, contributing to animosity. In Ireland and, to a lesser extent, the United States,
anti-English sentiment is rooted in Irish nationalism and hostility
towards the Anglo-Irish community. Russia has seen waves of Anglophobia
due to historical events and suspicions of British meddling. Argentina's
anti-British sentiment is linked to the Falklands War and perceptions of British imperialism.
British statesman and Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli
said that the proud English were sprung from "a horde of Baltic pirates
who were never heard of in the greater annals of the world." In his essay "Notes on Nationalism", written in May 1945 and published in the first issue of the intellectual magazine Polemic (October 1945), George Orwell wrote that "Welsh, Irish and Scottish nationalism have points of difference but are alike in their anti-English orientation".
A 2005 study by Hussain and Millar of the Department of Politics at the University of Glasgow examined the prevalence of Anglophobia in relation to Islamophobia in Scotland.
One finding of the report suggested that national "phobias" have common
roots independent of the nations they are directed towards. The study
states that
Scottish identity comes close to
rivalling low levels of education as an influence towards Anglophobia.
Beyond that, having an English friend reduces Anglophobia by about as
much as having a Muslim friend reduces Islamophobia. And lack of
knowledge about Islam probably indicates a broader rejection of the
'other', for it has as much impact on Anglophobia as on Islamophobia.
The study goes on to say (of the English living in Scotland): "Few of
the English (only 16 per cent) see the conflict between Scots and
English as even 'fairly serious'." Hussain and Millar's study found that
Anglophobia was slightly less prevalent than Islamophobia but that,
unlike Islamophobia, Anglophobia correlated with a strong sense of
Scottish identity.
In 1999, an inspector and race relations officer with Lothian and Borders Police said that a correlation had been noticed between the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and anti-English incidents. Hussain and Millar's research suggested that Anglophobia had fallen slightly since the introduction of devolution.
In 2009, a woman originally from England was assaulted in an allegedly anti-English racially motivated attack.
Similar cases have been connected with football matches and
tournaments, particularly international tournaments where the English
and Scottish football teams often compete with each other. A spate of anti-English attacks occurred in 2006 during the FIFA World Cup. In one incident a 7-year-old boy wearing an England shirt was punched in the head in an Edinburgh park.
In 1998, 19 year-old apprentice mechanic Mark Ayton was punched
to the ground and kicked to death by three youths. The father of the
victim explicitly cited Ayton's English accent as a contributing factor
in the attack. Court proceedings recorded the fact that the attackers were singing
'Flower of Scotland' which includes the lines 'And sent them homeward,
Tae think again'; an allusion about ridding Scotland of the English,
immediately prior to the attack. The attackers served less than a year in prison for the killing.
In 2017, former Scottish Journalist of the Year Kevin McKenna penned an article in The National labelling English people living in Scotland as 'colonising wankers'.
In 2020, groups of Scottish nationalists picketed the English
border, airports and railway stations sporting hazmat suits and dogs
intent on stopping English people from crossing the England-Scotland
border.
The Scottish Secretary Alistair Jack accused Scotland's First Minister
Nicola Sturgeon of having incited the incident by inaccurately using
Covid statistics to stoke anti-English sentiment.
The Laws in Wales Acts 1535 and 1542, also known as the "Acts of Union", passed by the Parliament of England, annexed Wales to the Kingdom of England and replaced the Welsh language and Welsh law with the English language and English law. Section 20 of the 1535 Act made English the only language of the law courts and stated that those who used Welsh would not be appointed to any public office in Wales. The Welsh language was supplanted in many public spheres with the use of the Welsh Not
in some schools. The Not, the use of which was never government policy,
was later described as a symbol of English cultural oppression.
Since the Glyndŵr Rising of the early 15th century, Welsh nationalism has been primarily non-violent. The Welsh militant group Meibion Glyndŵr (English: Sons of [Owain] Glyndŵr)
were responsible for arson attacks on English-owned second homes in
Wales from 1979 to 1994, motivated by cultural anti-English sentiment. Meibion Glyndŵr also attempted arson against several estate agents in Wales and England and against the offices of the Conservative Party in London.
In 2000, the Chairman of Swansea
Bay Race Equality Council said that "Devolution has brought a definite
increase in anti-English behaviour" citing three women who believed that
they were being discriminated against in their careers because they
could not speak Welsh. In 2001 Dafydd Elis-Thomas, a former leader of Plaid Cymru, said that there was an anti-English strand to Welsh nationalism.
On 21 April 2023, it was reported that Plaid Cymru
councillor, Terry Davies had been suspended for a rant of
discriminatory xenophobia. Davies referred to two colleagues as
"outsiders" after telling them that "Wales is for Welsh people."
On 11 January 2024, It was reported that a note which was sent to an address in AberystwythCeredigion, with racial slurs about English people from Birmingham.
The note which called for Brummies to 'go back home to Brummyland'. It also called the West Midlands accent 'vomit-inducing', and urged the occupant to 'take a few thousand, other people back with them'. The note which Dyfed-Powys Police are treating as a hate crime, read: 'Iorwerth Ave was once a nice, quiet, pleasant residential area until a load of [people] from the Midlands hit', and 'Low-life like you should be forced to live in fenced in sites, preferably back where you came from.'
Northern Ireland
During the Troubles, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) mainly attacked targets in Northern Ireland and England, not Scotland or Wales, although the IRA planted a bomb at Sullom Voe Terminal in Shetland during a visit by the Queen in May 1981.The ancestry of most people in the Loyalist and Unionist communities is Scottish rather than English. In the Protestant
community, the English are identified with British politicians and are
sometimes resented for their perceived abandonment of loyalist
communities.
Outside the United Kingdom
In his 1859 essay A Few Words on Non-Intervention, John Stuart Mill
notes that England "finds itself, in respect of its foreign policy,
held up to obloquy as the type of egoism and selfishness; as a nation
which thinks of nothing but of out-witting and out-generalling its
neighbours" and urges his fellow countrymen against "the mania of
professing to act from meaner motives than those by which we are really
actuated".
"Pommy" or "Pom" (acronym for 'Prisoner of [her] Majesty) is a common Australasian and South African
slang word for the English, often combined with "whing[e]ing"
(complaining) to make the expression "whingeing Pom" – an English
immigrant who stereotypically complains about everything.
Although the term is sometimes applied to British immigrants generally,
it is usually applied specifically to the English, by both Australians and New Zealanders.
From the 19th century, there were feelings among established
Australians that many immigrants from England were poorly skilled,
unwanted by their home country and unappreciative of the benefits of
their new country.
In recent years, complaints about two newspaper articles blaming
English tourists for littering a local beach and calling the English
"Filthy Poms" in the headlines and "Poms fill the summer of our
discontent", were accepted as complaints and settled through
conciliation by the Australian Human Rights Commission
when the newspapers published apologies. Letters and articles which
referred to English people as "Poms" or "Pommies" did not meet the
threshold for racial hatred. In 2007 a complaint to Australia's Advertising Standards Bureau about a television commercial using the term "Pom" was upheld and the commercial was withdrawn.
"Roastbeef" (or "rosbif") is a long-standing Anglophobe French slang term to designate the English or British people. Its origins lies in William Hogarth's francophobic painting The Gate of Calais or O! The Roast Beef of Old England, in which the "roastbeef" allegory is used as a mockery. Its popular use includes films, television shows and sketch comedies.
After the Norman Conquest of 1066, Anglo-Norman French replaced Old English as the official language of England. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Plantagenet kings of England lost most of their possessions in France, began to consider England to be their primary domain and turned to the English language. King Edward I, when issuing writs for summoning parliament in 1295, claimed that the King of France planned to invade England and extinguish the English language, "a truly detestable plan which may God avert". In 1346, Edward III exhibited in Parliament a forged ordinance, in which Philip VI of France would have called for the destruction of the English nation and country. The Hundred Years' War (1337–1453) between England and France changed societies on both sides of the Channel.
The English and French were engaged in numerous wars in the
following centuries. England's conflict with Scotland provided France
with an opportunity to destabilise England and there was a firm
friendship (known as the Auld Alliance)
between France and Scotland from the late-thirteenth century to the
mid-sixteenth century. The alliance eventually foundered because of
growing Protestantism in Scotland. Opposition to Protestantism became a major feature of later French Anglophobia (and conversely, fear of Catholicism was a hallmark of Francophobia). Antipathy and intermittent hostilities between France and Britain, as distinct from England, continued during later centuries.
There is a long tradition of Anglophobia within Irish nationalism. Much of this was grounded in the hostility felt by the largely Catholic Irish for the Anglo-Irish people, which was mainly Anglican. In Ireland before the Great Famine, anti-English hostility was deep-seated and was manifested in increased anti-English hostility organised by United Irishmen.
In post-famine Ireland, anti-English hostility was adopted into the
philosophy and foundation of the Irish nationalist movement. At the turn
of the 20th century, the Celtic Revival
movement associated the search for a cultural and national identity
with an increasing anti-colonial and anti-English sentiment.
Anti-English themes manifested in national organisations seen as
promoting native Irish values, with the emergence of groups like Sinn Féin. One popular nationalist slogan was "England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity" and the well-known anti-World-War-I song "Who is Ireland's Enemy?" used past events to conclude that it was England, and furthermore that Irish people ought to "pay those devils back".
The Gaelic Athletic Association
(GAA) was founded in 1884 as a counter-measure against the Anglo-Irish
Athletic Association, which promoted and supervised British sports such
as English football in Ireland. The GAA was founded in the anti-English ideas of Thomas Croke, Archbishop of Cashel and Emly. From 1886 to 1971 the GAA focused national pride into distinctly non-English activities.
Members were forbidden to belong to organisations that played "English"
games and the organisation countered the Anglicisation in Irish
society.
With the development in Ireland of Irish games and the arts, the Celtic
revivalists and nationalists identified characteristics of what they
defined as the "Irish Race". A nationalistic identity developed, as the
opposite of the Anglo-Saxons and untainted by the Anglo-Irish.
A sense of national identity and Irish distinctiveness as well as an
anti-English assertiveness was reinforced to Catholics by teachers in hedge schools.
A feeling of anti-English sentiment intensified within Irish nationalism during the Boer Wars, leading to xenophobia underlined by Anglophobia. Two units of Irish commandos fought with the Boer against British forces during the Second Boer War (1899–1902). J. Donnolly, a member of the brigade, wrote to the editor of the Irish News in 1901:
It was not for the love of the Boer we were fighting; it was for the hatred of the English. (J. Donnolly letter to the Irish News, 1901)
The pro-Boer movement gained widespread support in Ireland, and over 20,000 supporters demonstrated in Dublin
in 1899 where Irish nationalism, anti-English and pro-Boer attitudes
were one and the same. There was a pro-Boer movement in England as well
but the English pro-Boer movement was not based on anti-English
sentiments. These opposing views and animosity led the English and Irish
pro-Boer groups to maintain a distance from one another.
Despite this, far more Irishmen joined various Irish Regiments of the
British Army during this time, more so than pro-Boer commandos.
The W. B. Yeats play The Countess Cathleen, written in 1892, has anti-English overtones comparing the English gentry to demons who come for Irish souls. Films set during the Irish War of Independence, such as The Informer (1935) and the Plough and the Stars (1936), were criticised by the BBFC for the director John Ford's anti-English content and in recent years, Michael Collins and The Wind That Shakes the Barley (despite being a joint British-Irish production) have led to accusations of Anglophobia in the British press. In 2006, Antony Booth, the father-in-law of Tony Blair, claimed he was the victim of anti-English vandalism and discrimination while living in County Cavan, Ireland, with his wife.
In August 2008 an English pipe fitter based in Dublin was awarded
€20,000 for the racial abuse and discrimination he received at his
workplace.
In 2011, tensions and anti-English or anti-British feelings flared in relation to the proposed visit of Queen Elizabeth II, the first British monarch to visit Ireland in 100 years. The invitation by the President of Ireland, Mary McAleese, and the Irish government, was hailed by the Irish press as a historic visit but was criticised by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams. An anti-Queen demonstration was held at the GPO Dublin by a small group of Irish Republicans on 26 February 2011, and a mock trial and decapitation of an effigy of Queen Elizabeth II were carried out by socialist republican group Éirígí. Other protests included one Dublin publican (the father of Celtic player Anthony Stokes) hanging a banner declaring "the Queen will never be welcome in this country".
Despite having formed an alliance between the two nations since Tsarist rule, due to the Great Game, a wave of widespread Anglophobia took hold in Russia, with the fear of English meddling and intervention. During the Russo-Japanese War,
there was a sentiment in Russia that England was behind Japan's
militarism against Russia in the Far East, leading to a strained
relationship between Britain and Russia.
The UK and Russia were allies in World War I until the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1918, and the capitalistic West became a target for the
new Communist International ("Comintern."). In 1924, these tensions were briefly cooled when the Labour government of Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald
formally recognized the Soviet Union and established diplomatic
relations between the two countries. The two were allies again starting
in 1941. During the Cold War,
Britain firmly sided with the West against the Soviet Union and the
relationship between the two continues to remain dubious even today. Before 2018 FIFA World Cup, there had been controversies regarding Anglophobia in Russia.
Slum children in New York City drilling under anti-English placards, "Yellow kid" cartoon by Richard F. Outcault from Joseph Pulitzer's Democratic newspaper New York World, 15 March 1896.
In the early years of the Republic, Anglophobia was particularly associated with the Jeffersonian Republicans
in the 1790s, who warned that close ties with Great Britain were
especially dangerous because that nation was an enemy of American
Republicanism. By contrast, the opposing Federalist party warned that the Jeffersonians were too sympathetic to the radicalism of the French Revolution. The Origins of the War of 1812 involved claimed violations against American neutrality by the United Kingdom during the Napoleonic Wars. The Treaty of Ghent,
ratified in 1815 and ending the War of 1812, established peaceful
relations for the two countries that has lasted more than two centuries,
though this was stressed at times in the years following the treaty by
events such as the Trent Affair of 1861 and the Fenian Raids in 1866–1871.
In the final days of the 1888 presidential campaign, a Republican
operative claiming to be a British immigrant in America named Charles
F. Murchison tricked the British ambassador Lord Sackville-West
into indicating Britain's support for the Democratic candidate Grover
Cleveland. The deliberatly fabricated act forced Sackville-west to
return to Britain.
This 1898 depiction of the Great Rapprochement shows Uncle Sam embracing John Bull, while Columbia and Britannia sit together and hold hands.
The Great Rapprochement
was the convergence of social and political objectives between the
United Kingdom and the United States from 1895 until World War I began
in 1914. The most notable sign of improving relations during the Great
Rapprochement was Britain's actions during the Spanish–American War (started 1898). Initially Britain supported the Spanish Empire and its colonial rule over Cuba,
since the perceived threat of American occupation and a territorial
acquisition of Cuba by the United States might harm British trade and
commercial interests within its own imperial possessions in the West Indies.
However, after the United States made genuine assurances that it would
grant Cuba's independence (which eventually occurred in 1902 under the
terms dictated in the Platt Amendment),
the British abandoned this policy and ultimately sided with the United
States, unlike most other European powers who supported Spain. In return
the US government supported Britain during the Boer War, although many Americans favoured the Boers.
In 2002, academic John Moser said that, although Anglophobia is
now "almost completely absent" from American society, this was not
always the case. He stated that "there were strains of Anglophobia
present in virtually every populist movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries," with the Populist Party,
for example, "referring to England as a 'monster' that had 'seized upon
the fresh energy of America and is steadily fixing its fangs into our
social life.'"
Reasons suggested for the faltering of Anglophobia included the impact of the Second World War, and reduced political support for Irish nationalist movements compared with that in earlier periods. Moser also said:
In an age when the wealthiest and
most influential Americans tended to be associated with things
British—the vast majority were of Anglo-Saxon descent, wore
English-tailored suits, drove British-made automobiles, and even spoke
with affected British accents—it was quite natural for Great Britain to
fall within the sights of disaffected populists. In more recent years,
however, this has changed. When one thinks of wealth and influence in
contemporary America, particularly when one considers those who have
made their fortunes in the past thirty years, English culture does not
immediately spring to mind.
The film industry is widely perceived to give a British nationality to a disproportionate number of villains.
Anglophobia in the Irish-American community
The Irish-American
community in the United States has historically shown antipathy towards
Britain for its role in controlling Ireland. The large Irish Catholic
element provided a major base for demands for Irish independence, and
occasioned anti-British rhetoric, especially at election time.
Anglophobia thus has been a defining feature of the Irish-American
experience. Bolstered by their support of Irish nationalism,
Irish-American communities have been staunchly anti-English since the
1850s, and this sentiment is fostered within the Irish-American
identity.
Irish immigrants arrived poor and within a generation or two prospered.
Many subscribed cash from their weekly wage to keep up the anti-English
agitation. Anglophobia was a common theme in Democratic Party politics. Irish-American newspapers, like the pro-Catholic Truth Teller which was founded in 1825 by an anti-English priest, were influential in the identity of the community.
Anti-English feelings among Irish-Americans spread to American culture through Irish-American performers in popular blackfaceminstrel shows.
These imparted both elements of the Irish-American performers' own
national bias, and the popular stereotypical image that the English
people were bourgeois, aloof, or upper class. Sentiments quickly turned into direct and violent action when in the 1860s the Fenian Brotherhood Society invaded Canada to provoke a United States-British war in hope it would lead to Irish independence. Violence is said to have included direct action by Fenian sympathisers, with the assassination of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, himself an Irish Canadian and Irish nationalist who was against the invasion, although he was very critical of the Orange Order, and it has long been suspected they were his true killers. Goldwin Smith, professor at Cornell University, wrote in the North American Review that "hatred of England" was used as a tool to win the Irish-American vote. A similar observation was made in 1900 by U.S. Secretary of State John Hay, who criticised the Prairie Populist and his own Democratic party's political pandering to attract the support of the Irish diaspora:
State conventions put on an
anti-English plank in their platforms to curry favor with the Irish
(whom they want to keep) and the Germans whom they want to seduce. It is
too disgusting to have to deal with such sordid lies.
Well into the early 20th century anti-English sentiment was
increasing with famine memorials in the Irish-American communities,
which "served as a wellspring for their obsessive and often corrosive
antipathy," as noted in the British Parliament in 1915:
There is no part of the world where
anti-English influences worked so powerfully than in the United States.
Almost every Irishman there is the son or grandson of an evicted tenant
– evicted in all the horrors of the black 40s. And most of them have
heard stories of them from their mother's knee.
Some newspapers, including the San Francisco Leader and the New York Irish World, first published in 1823, were renowned for their anti-English articles. The Irish World blamed the mainland United Kingdom for the depopulation and desolate state of Ireland's industries. One newspaper, the Gaelic American, called a student performance of the British national anthem
by some girls of Irish heritage from a convent school an act of
disloyalty, where they were taught to reverence the traditions of the
hereditary enemy of their race and religion.
A commemorative stamp by philanthropistAndrew Carnegie on a century of peace between America and Great Britain was criticised by the Irish-American press. In recent years American political commentators, such as Pat Buchanan, have highlighted the anti-English stance of the Irish Diaspora in the United States of America.
In 1982 the two countries fought a small short conflict in the Falklands War, decisively won by the UK. Relations have become friendly since then.
Anglophobia in Argentina has been studied by the historian Ema
Cibotti in "Dear Enemies. From Beresford to Maradona, the true story of
relations between the English and Argentines". In its prologue, entitled
"Against the English it is better", the social historian states
The anti-British sentiment is
perhaps one of the most widespread and rooted in our idiosyncrasy, to
the point that it has become flesh in football, our most popular sport.
“Against the English it is better”, and “He who does not jump is
English”, are slogans shouted by millions. Each success of the blue and
white team is usually a reason for collective joy, but a victory against
the English is much more; it vibrates the national spirit, no matter
how dejected it may be at the time. The playing field becomes the stage
where society claims the almost two hundred years of usurpation of the
Malvinas Islands.
That feeling has not been constant or unanimous. Characters such as Manuel Belgrano, who had faced the English invasions of Buenos Aires
in 1806 and 1807 or Mariano Moreno, among the independence leaders,
supported policies similar to those of the British and the dispute over
the Falkland Islands did not sour relations. The 1929 crisis and the coup that overthrew Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1930,
with the fall in export prices, will be the determining factors in the
appearance of an Anglophobic sentiment linked to the rejection of
neo-colonialism or British imperialism. This is what the Spanish
pedagogue Lorenzo Luzuriaga observed upon arriving in Argentina in 1940, who in a letter to Américo Castro analysed the different attitudes towards the outbreak of the World War
People here are very confused. On
the one hand, there is economic Anglophobia about alleged British
imperialism and exploitation; on the other, the Russophile extremists
who have raised the banner of neutrality and indifference to the
conflict; on the other, the Francophiles (Victoria Ocampo's group) who
do not know what to do with the defection from France, and finally a
small Anglophile minority, ready to help in the fight by all means.
Philosopher Mario Bunge,
in an interview granted to Jorge Fontevecchia on May 4, 2008, collected
in Reportajes 2, alluded to the spread of Anglophobic sentiment in the
years of the conflict, explainable "because many of the companies had
been owned by the English" and attributed to this feeling the approach
to Nazism of Carlos Astrada, introducer of existentialist philosophy in Argentina. But it will be with the Falklands War in 1982 when Anglophobic sentiment spread to a good part of society.
Anglophobic sentiment in India is rooted in the colonial legacy of British rule, starting with the rule of the British East India Company and continuing under the British Raj.
Oppressive and exploitative practices, the imposition of British
culture, language, and education, along with economic policies that
favoured British interests at the expense of Indian welfare, fuelled a
sense of injustice and subjugation among Indians. Key events such as the
Indian Rebellion of 1857, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 1919, and the economic hardships imposed by British policies during events like the Bengal famine of 1943 intensified this animosity.
Post-independence, Anglophobia has persisted in various forms, often
manifesting as resistance to Western cultural dominance and the
lingering impact of colonial attitudes in modern Indian society.
This historical context has fostered a complex relationship with the
English language and British cultural elements, where they are both
integrated into Indian society and simultaneously viewed with suspicion
or disdain by some. The legacy of colonial exploitation has left a deep
imprint on India's collective memory, contributing to a continued
wariness of British influence in both political and cultural spheres.