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Saturday, February 5, 2022

Schools of Islamic theology

The Meeting of the Theologians, Persian painting by Abd Allah Musawwir (mid-16th century), Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art.

Schools of Islamic theology are various Islamic schools and branches in different schools of thought regarding ʿaqīdah (creed). According to Muhammad Abu Zahra, Qadariyah, Jahmis, Murji'ah, Muʿtazila, Batiniyya, Ashʿarī, Māturīdī, and Aṯharī are the ancient schools of Islamic theology.

The main schism between Sunnī, Shīʿa, and Kharijite branches of Islam was initially more political than theological, but over time theological differences have developed throughout the history of Islam.

Divinity schools in Islam

According to the Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān (2006), "The Qurʾān displays a wide range of theological topics related to the religious thought of late antiquity and through its prophet Muḥammad presents a coherent vision of the creator, the cosmos and man. The main issues of Muslim theological dispute prove to be hidden under the wording of the qurʾānic message, which is closely tied to Muḥammad's biography". However, modern historians and scholars of Islamic studies recognize that some istances of theological thought were already developed among polytheistic Pagans in pre-Islamic Arabia, such as the belief in fatalism (ḳadar), which reoccurs in Islamic theology regarding the metaphysical debates on the attributes of God in Islam, predestination, and human free-will.

The original schism between Kharijites, Sunnīs, and Shīʿas among Muslims was disputed over the political and religious succession to the guidance of the Muslim community (Ummah) after the death of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. From their essentially political position, the Kharijites developed extreme doctrines that set them apart from both mainstream Sunnī and Shīʿa Muslims. Shīʿas believe ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib is the true successor to Muhammad, while Sunnīs consider Abu Bakr to hold that position. The Kharijites broke away from both the Shīʿas and the Sunnīs during the First Fitna (the first Islamic Civil War); they were particularly noted for adopting a radical approach to takfīr (excommunication), whereby they declared both Sunnī and Shīʿa Muslims to be either infidels (kuffār) or false Muslims (munāfiḳūn), and therefore deemed them worthy of death for their perceived apostasy (ridda).

ʿAqīdah is an Islamic term meaning "creed" or "belief". Any religious belief system, or creed, can be considered an example of ʿaqīdah. However, this term has taken a significant technical usage in Muslim history and theology, denoting those matters over which Muslims hold conviction. The term is usually translated as "theology". Such traditions are divisions orthogonal to sectarian divisions within Islam, and a Muʿtazilite may, for example, belong to Jaʽfari, Zaydi, or even Hanafi schools of Islamic jurisprudence.

One of the earliest systematic schools of Islamic theology to develop was the Muʿtazila in the mid-8th century CE. Muʿtazilites emphasized reason and rational thought, positing that the injunctions of God are accessible through rational thought and inquiry, and affirmed that the Quran, albeit the word of God, was created rather than co-eternal with God, which would develop into one of the most contentious questions in Islamic theology. In the 10th century CE, the Ashʿarī school developed as a response to the Muʿtazila. Ashʿarītes still taught the use of reason in understanding the Quran, but denied the possibility to deduce moral truths by reasoning. This position was opposed by the Māturīdī school, which taught that certain moral truths may be found by the use of reason without the aid of revelation.

Another point of contention was the relative position of Imān ("faith") contrasted with Taqwā ("piety"). Such schools of Islamic theology are summarized under ʿIlm al-Kalām, or "science of discourse", as opposed to mystical schools who deny that any theological truth may be discovered by means of discourse or reason.

ʿIlm al-Kalām

ʿIlm al-Kalām (Arabic: علم الكلام, literally "science of discourse"), usually foreshortened to kalām and sometimes called "Islamic scholastic theology" or "speculative theology", is a rational undertaking born out of the need to establish and defend the tenets of Islamic faith against doubters and detractors. 'Ilm al-Kalam incorporates Aristotelian reasoning and logic into Islamic theology. A Muslim scholar of kalām is referred to as a mutakallim (plural: mutakallimūn) as distinguished from philosophers, jurists, and scientists. There are many possible interpretations as to why this discipline was originally called kalām; one is that the widest controversy in this discipline has been about whether the Word of God, as revealed in the Quran, can be considered part of God's essence and therefore not created, or whether it was made into words in the normal sense of speech, and is therefore created.

Muʿtazila

The first group to pursue this undertaking was the Muʿtazila school, who asserted that all truth could be known through reason alone. Muʿtazilite theology originated in the 8th century CE in Basra, when Wasil Ibn 'Ata' stormed out of a lesson of Hasan al-Basri following a theological dispute.

The Muʿtazilites asserted that everything in revelation could be found through rational means alone. The Muʿtazilites were heavily influenced by the Greek philosophy they encountered and began to adopt the ideas of Plotinus, whose Neoplatonic theology caused an enormous backlash against them. Muʿtazila is no longer considered an Orthodox school of theology by Sunni Muslims.

Bishriyya

Bishriyya followed the teachings of Bishr ibn al-Mu'tamir which were distinct from Wasil ibn Ata.

Bâ’ Hashim’iyyah

Bâh’ Sham’iyyah was a school of Muʿtazilite thought, rivaling the school of Qadi Abd al-Jabbar, based primarily on the earlier teaching of Abu Hashim al-Jubba'i, the son of Abu 'Ali Muhammad al-Jubba'i.

Sunnī schools of theology

"Most Sunnis have adopted" the Ash‘ariyya school of theology, but the similar Mātūrīd’iyyah school also has Sunni adherents. Sunni Muslims are the largest denomination of Islam and are known as Ahl as-Sunnah wa’l-Jamā‘h or simply as Ahl as-Sunnah. The word Sunni comes from the word sunnah, which means the teachings and actions or examples of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Therefore, the term "Sunni" refers to those who follow or maintain the sunnah of the prophet Muhammad.

The Sunnis believe that Muhammad did not appoint a successor to lead the Muslim ummah (community) before his death, and after an initial period of confusion, a group of his most prominent companions gathered and elected Abu Bakr, Muhammad's close friend and a father-in-law, as the first caliph of Islam. Sunni Muslims regard the first four caliphs (Abu Bakr, `Umar ibn al-Khattāb, Uthman Ibn Affan and Ali ibn Abu Talib) as "al-Khulafā’ur-Rāshidūn" or "The Rightly Guided Caliphs." After the Rashidun, the position turned into a hereditary right and the caliph's role was limited to being a political symbol of Muslim strength and unity.

Athari

Atharism (Arabic: أثري; textualism) is a movement of Islamic scholars who reject rationalistic Islamic theology (kalam) in favor of strict textualism in interpreting the Quran. The name is derived from the Arabic word athar, literally meaning "remnant" and also referring to a "narrative". Their disciples are called the Athariyya, or Atharis.

For followers of the Athari movement, the "clear" meaning of the Qur'an, and especially the prophetic traditions, has sole authority in matters of belief, and to engage in rational disputation (kalam), even if one arrives at the truth, is absolutely forbidden. Atharis engage in an amodal reading of the Quran, as opposed to one engaged in ta'wil (metaphorical interpretation). They do not attempt to conceptualize the meanings of the Quran rationally, and believe that the "real" meaning should be consigned to God alone (tafwid). In essence, the meaning has been accepted without asking "how" or "Bi-la kaifa".

On the other hand, the famous Hanbali scholar Ibn al-Jawzi states, in Kitab Akhbar as-Sifat, that Ahmad ibn Hanbal would have been opposed to anthropomorphic interpretations of Quranic texts such as those of al-Qadi Abu Ya'la, Ibn Hamid, and Ibn az-Zaghuni. Based on Abu'l-Faraj ibn al-Jawzi's criticism of Athari-Hanbalis, Muhammad Abu Zahra, a Professor of Islamic law at Cairo University deduced that the Salafi aqidah is located somewhere between ta'tili and anthropopathy (Absolute Ẓāhirīsm in understanding the tashbih in Qur'an) in Islam. Absolute Ẓāhirīsm and total rejection of ta'wil are amongst the fundamental characteristics of this "new" Islamic school of theology.

Ashʿarīyyah

The Muʿtazila school of theology was challenged by Abu al-Hasan al-Ashʿarī, who famously defected from it and formed the rival Ashʿarī school. The Ashʿarī school took the opposite position of the Muʿtazila and insisted that truth cannot be known through reason alone. The Ashʿarī school further claimed that truth can only be known through revelation, and that without revelation the unaided human mind wouldn't be able to know if something is good or evil. It has been called "an attempt to create a middle position" between the rationalism of the Muʿtazilites and scripturalism of the traditionalists. In an attempt to explain how God has power and control over everything, but humans are responsible for their sins, al-Ashʿarī developed the doctrine of kasb (acquisition), whereby any and all human acts, even the raising of a finger, are created by God, but the human being who performs the act is responsible for it, because they have "acquired" the act.

Today, the Ashʿarī school is considered one of the Orthodox schools of Sunni theology and "most Sunnis have adopted it". The Ash'ari school is the basis of the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence, which has supplied it with most of its most famous disciples. The most famous of these are Abul-Hassan al-Bahili, Abu Bakr al-Baqillani, al-Juwayni, al-Razi, and al-Ghazali. Thus, the Ashʿarī school became, together with the Maturidi, the main schools reflecting the beliefs of the Sunnah.

Mātūrīd’iyyah

The Maturidi school was founded by Abu Mansur al-Maturidi, and is the most popular theological school amongst Muslims, especially in the areas formerly controlled by the Ottomans and the Mughals. Today, the Maturidi school is the position favored by the Ahl ar-Ra'y ("people of reason"), which includes only the Hanafi school of fiqh who make up the majority of Sunni Muslims.

The Maturidi school takes the middle position between the Ash'ari and Mu'tazili schools on the questions of knowing truth and free will. The Maturidis say that the unaided human mind is able to find out that some of the more major sins such as alcohol or murder are evil without the help of revelation, but still maintain that revelation is the ultimate source of knowledge. Additionally, the Maturidi believe that God created and can control all of His creation, but that He allows humans to make individual decisions and choices for themselves.

Jahmiyyah

Jahmis were the followers of the Islamic theologian Jahm bin Safwan who associate himself with Al-Harith ibn Surayj. He was an exponent of extreme determinism according to which a man acts only metaphorically in the same way in which the sun acts or does something when it sets. This is the position adopted by the Ash'ari school, which holds that God's omnipotence is absolute and perfect over all creation.

Qadariyyah

Qadariyyah is an originally derogatory term designating early Islamic theologians who asserted human beings are ontologically free and have a perfect free will, whose exercise justifies divine punishment and absolving God of responsibility for evil in the world. Their doctrines were adopted by the Mu'tazilis and rejected by the Ash'aris. The tension between free will and God's omnipotence was later reconciled by the Maturidi school of theology, which asserted that God grants human beings their agency, but can remove or otherwise alter it at any time.

Muhakkima

The groups that were seceded from Ali's army in the end of the Arbitration Incident constituted the branch of Muhakkima (Arabic: محكمة). They are mainly divided into two major sects called as Kharijites and Ibadis.

Khawarij

The Kharijites considered the caliphate of Abu Bakr and Umar to be rightly guided but believed that Uthman ibn Affan had deviated from the path of justice and truth in the last days of his caliphate, and hence was liable to be killed or displaced. They also believed that Ali ibn Abi Talib committed a grave sin when he agreed on the arbitration with Muʿāwiyah. In the Battle of Siffin, Ali acceded to Muawiyah's suggestion to stop the fighting and resort to negotiation. A large portion of Ali's troops (who later became the first Kharijites) refused to concede to that agreement, and they considered that Ali had breached a Qur'anic verse which states that The decision is only for Allah (Qur'an 6:57), which the Kharijites interpreted to mean that the outcome of a conflict can only be decided in battle (by God) and not in negotiations (by human beings).

The Kharijites thus deemed the arbitrators (Abu Musa al-Ashʿari and Amr Ibn Al-As), the leaders who appointed these arbitrators (Ali and Muʿāwiyah) and all those who agreed on the arbitration (all companions of Ali and Muʿāwiyah) as Kuffār (disbelievers), having breached the rules of the Qur'an. They believed that all participants in the Battle of Jamal, including Talha, Zubayr (both being companions of Muhammad) and Aisha had committed a Kabira (major sin in Islam).

Kharijites reject the doctrine of infallibility for the leader of the Muslim community, in contrast to Shi'a but in agreement with Sunnis. Modern-day Islamic scholar Abul Ala Maududi wrote an analysis of Kharijite beliefs, marking a number of differences between Kharijism and Sunni Islam. The Kharijites believed that the act of sinning is analogous to Kufr (disbelief) and that every grave sinner was regarded as a Kāfir (disbeliever) unless he repents. With this argument, they denounced all the above-mentioned Ṣaḥābah and even cursed and used abusive language against them. Ordinary Muslims were also declared disbelievers because first, they were not free of sin; secondly they regarded the above-mentioned Ṣaḥābah as believers and considered them as religious leaders, even inferring Islamic jurisprudence from the Hadeeth narrated by them. They also believed that it is not a must for the caliph to be from the Quraysh. Any pious Muslim nominated by other Muslims could be an eligible caliph. Additionally, Kharijites believed that obedience to the caliph is binding as long as he is managing the affairs with justice and consultation, but if he deviates, then it becomes obligatory to confront him, demote him and even kill him.

Ibadiyya

Ibadiyya has some common beliefs overlapping with the Ashʿarī and Mu'tazila schools, mainstream Sunni Islam, and some Shīʿīte sects.

Murji'ah

Murji'ah (Arabic: المرجئة) was an early Islamic school whose followers are known in English as "Murjites" or "Murji'ites" (المرجئون). The Murji'ah emerged as a theological school in response to the Kharijites on the early question about the relationship between sin and apostasy (rida). The Murji'ah believed that sin did not affect a person's beliefs (iman) but rather their piety (taqwa). Therefore, they advocated the idea of "delayed judgement," (irjaa). The Murji'ah maintain that anyone who proclaims the bare minimum of faith must be considered a Muslim, and sin alone cannot cause someone to become a disbeliever (kafir). The Murjite opinion would eventually dominate that of the Kharijites and become the mainstream opinion in Sunni Islam. The later schools of Sunni theology adopted their stance while form more developed theological schools and concepts.

Shīʿa schools of theology

Zaydi-Fivers

The Zaydi denomination of Shīʿa Islam is close to the Muʿtazila school in matters of theological doctrine. There are a few issues between both schools, most notably the Zaydi doctrine of the Imamate, which is rejected by the Muʿtazilites. Amongst the Shīʿa, Zaydis are most similar to Sunnīs, since Zaydism shares similar doctrines and jurisprudential opinions with Sunnī scholars.

Bāṭen’iyyah

The Bāṭen’iyyah was originally introduced by Abu’l-Khāttāb Muhammad ibn Abu Zaynab al-Asadī, and later developed by Maymūn al-Qaddāh and his son ʿAbd Allāh ibn Maymūn for the esoteric interpretation of the Quran. The members of Bāṭen’iyyah may belong to either the Ismāʿīlī or Twelver denominations of Shīʿa Islam.

Imami-Ismā'īlīs

The Ismāʿīlīs differ from Twelvers because they had living imams or da'is for centuries. They followed Isma'il ibn Jafar, elder brother of Musa al-Kadhim, as the rightful Imam after his father Ja'far al-Sadiq. The Ismailis believe that whether Imam Ismail did or did not die before Imam Ja'far, he had passed on the mantle of the imāmate to his son Muḥammad ibn Ismā'īl al-Maktum as the next imam.

Batini-Twelver ʿAqīdah schools

The followers of Bāṭen’iyyah-Twelver school consist of Alevis and Nusayris, who developed their own system of Islamic jurisprudence and do not pursue the Ja'fari jurisprudence. Their combined population is nearly around 1% of the global Muslim population.

Alevism

Alevis are sometimes categorized as part of Twelver Shīʿīsm, and sometimes as its own religious tradition, as it has markedly different philosophy, customs, and rituals. They have many Tasawwufī characteristics and express belief in the Qur'an and The Twelve Imams, but reject polygamy and accept religious traditions predating Islam, like Turkic shamanism. They are significant in East-Central Turkey. They are sometimes considered a Sufi brotherhood, and have an untraditional form of religious leadership that is not scholarship-oriented like other Sunnī and Shīʿa groups. 7 to 11 million Alevis, including the other denominations of Twelver Shīʿītes, live in Anatolia.

Alevi Islamic school of divinity

In Turkey, Shīʿa Muslims follow the Ja'fari jurisprudence, which tracks back to the sixth Shia Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq, and are called "Ja'faris". Although the Alevi Turks are considered as adherents of Twelver Shīʿīsm, their belief is different from the Ja'fari jurisprudence in conviction.

ʿAqīdah of Alevi-Islam Dīn Services

What's Alevism, what's the understanding of Islam in Alevism? The answers to these questions, instead of the opposite of what's known by many people is that the birthplace of Alevism was never in Anatolia. This is an example of great ignorance, that is, to tell that the Alevism was emerged in Anatolia. Searching the source of Alevism in Anatolia arises from unawareness. Because there was not even one single Muslim or Turk in Anatolia before a specific date. The roots of Alevism stem from TurkestanCentral Asia. Islam was brought to Anatolia by Turks in 10th and 11th centuries by a result of migration for a period of 100 – 150 years. Before this event took place, there were no Muslim and Turks in Anatolia. Anatolia was then entirely Christian. We Turks brought Islam to Anatolia from Turkestan. – Professor İzzettin Doğan, The President of Alevi-Islam Religion Services.

  • Some of the differences that mark Alevis from Shi'a Islam are the non-observance of the five daily prayers and prostrations (they only bow twice in the presence of their spiritual leader), Ramadan, and the Hajj (they consider the pilgrimage to Mecca an external pretense, the real pilgrimage being internal in one's heart); and non-attendance of mosques.
  • Some of their members (or sub-groups) claim that God takes abode in the bodies of the human-beings (ḥulūl), believe in metempsychosis (tanāsukh), and consider Islamic law to be not obligatory (ibāḥa), similar to antinomianism.
  • Some of the Alevis criticizes the course of Islam as it is being practiced overwhelmingly by more than 99% of Sunni and Shia population.
  • They believe that major additions had been implemented during the time of Ummayads, and easily refuse some basic principles on the grounds that they believe it contradicts with the holy book of Islam, namely the Qur'an.
  • Regular daily salat and fasting in the holy month of Ramadan are officially not accepted by some members of Alevism.
  • Some of their sub-groups like Ishikists and Bektashis, who portrayed themselves as Alevis, neither comprehend the essence of the regular daily salat (prayers) and fasting in the holy month of Ramadan that is frequently accentuated at many times in Quran, nor admits that these principles constitute the ineluctable foundations of the Dīn of Islam as they had been laid down by Allah and they had been practised in an uninterruptible manner during the period of Prophet Muhammad.
  • Furthermore, during the period of Ottoman Empire, Alevis were forbidden to proselytise, and Alevism regenerated itself internally by paternal descent. To prevent penetration by hostile outsiders, the Alevis insisted on strict endogamy which eventually made them into a quasi-ethnic group. Alevi taboos limited interaction with the dominant Sunni political-religious centre. Excommunication was the ultimate punishment threatening those who married outsiders, cooperated with outsiders economically, or ate with outsiders. It was also forbidden to use the state (Sunni) courts.
Baktāshism (Bektaşilik)
Baktāshi Islamic School of Divinity

The Bektashiyyah is a Shia Sufi order founded in the 13th century by Haji Bektash Veli, a dervish who escaped Central Asia and found refuge with the Seljuks in Anatolia at the time of the Mongol invasions (1219–23). This order gained a great following in rural areas and it later developed in two branches: the Çelebi clan, who claimed to be physical descendants of Haji Bektash Veli, were called "Bel evladları" (children of the loins), and became the hereditary spiritual leaders of the rural Alevis; and the Babağan, those faithful to the path "Yol evladları" (children of the way), who dominated the official Bektashi Sufi order with its elected leadership.

Bektashism places much emphasis on the concept of Wahdat-ul-Wujood وحدة الوجود, the "Unity of Being" that was formulated by Ibn Arabi. This has often been labeled as pantheism, although it is a concept closer to panentheism. Bektashism is also heavily permeated with Shiite concepts, such as the marked veneration of Ali, The Twelve Imams, and the ritual commemoration of Ashurah marking the Battle of Karbala. The old Persian holiday of Nowruz is celebrated by Bektashis as Imam Ali's birthday.

In keeping with the central belief of Wahdat-ul-Wujood the Bektashi see reality contained in Haqq-Muhammad-Ali, a single unified entity. Bektashi do not consider this a form of trinity. There are many other practices and ceremonies that share similarity with other faiths, such as a ritual meal (muhabbet) and yearly confession of sins to a baba (magfirat-i zunub مغفرة الذنوب). Bektashis base their practices and rituals on their non-orthodox and mystical interpretation and understanding of the Qur'an and the prophetic practice (Sunnah). They have no written doctrine specific to them, thus rules and rituals may differ depending on under whose influence one has been taught. Bektashis generally revere Sufi mystics outside of their own order, such as Ibn Arabi, Al-Ghazali and Jelalludin Rumi who are close in spirit to them.

The Baktāshi ʿaqīdah
Four Spiritual Stations in Bektashiyyah: Sharia, tariqa, haqiqa, and the fourth station, marifa, which is considered "unseen", is actually the center of the haqiqa region. Marifa is the essence of all four stations.
 

The Bektashi Order is a Sufi order and shares much in common with other Islamic mystical movements, such as the need for an experienced spiritual guide — called a baba in Bektashi parlance — as well as the doctrine of "the four gates that must be traversed": the "Sharia" (religious law), "Tariqah" (the spiritual path), "Haqiqah" (truth), and "Marifa" (true knowledge).

Bektashis hold that the Qur'an has two levels of meaning: an outer (Zāher ظاهر) and an inner (bāṭen باطن). They hold the latter to be superior and eternal and this is reflected in their understanding of both the universe and humanity, which is a view that can also be found in Ismailism and Batiniyya.

Bektashism is also initiatic and members must traverse various levels or ranks as they progress along the spiritual path to the Reality. First level members are called aşıks عاشق. They are those who, while not having taken initiation into the order, are nevertheless drawn to it. Following initiation (called nasip) one becomes a mühip محب. After some time as a mühip, one can take further vows and become a dervish. The next level above dervish is that of baba. The baba (lit. father) is considered to be the head of a tekke and qualified to give spiritual guidance (irshad إرشاد). Above the baba is the rank of halife-baba (or dede, grandfather). Traditionally there were twelve of these, the most senior being the dedebaba (great-grandfather). The dedebaba was considered to be the highest ranking authority in the Bektashi Order. Traditionally the residence of the dedebaba was the Pir Evi (The Saint's Home) which was located in the shrine of Hajji Bektash Wali in the central Anatolian town of Hacıbektaş (Solucakarahüyük).

Ithnā'ashariyyah

Twelvers believe in the twelve Shīʿa Imams. The twelfth Imam is believed to be in occultation, and will appear again just before the Qiyamah (Islamic view of the Last Judgment). The Shia hadiths include the sayings of the Imams. Many Muslims criticise the Shia for certain beliefs and practices, including practices such as the Mourning of Muharram (Mätam). They are the largest Shia school of thought (93%), predominant in Azerbaijan, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, and Bahrain and have a significant population in Pakistan, India, Afghanistan, Kuwait and the Eastern province of Saudi Arabia. The Twelver Shīʿas are followers of either the Jaf'ari or Batiniyyah madh'habs.

Imami-Ja'faris

Followers of the Jaf'ari madh'hab are divided into the following sub-divisions, all of them are the followers of the Theology of Twelvers:

Usulism

The Usuli form the overwhelming majority within the Twelver Shia denomination. They follow a Marja-i Taqlid on the subject of taqlid and fiqh. They are concentrated in Iran, Pakistan, Azerbaijan, India, Iraq, and Lebanon.

Imam Ali Shrine in Najaf, Iraq, where Shias believe Ali is buried.
Akhbarism

Akhbari, similar to Usulis, however reject ijtihad in favor of hadith. Concentrated in Bahrain.

Shaykhism

Shaykhism is an Islamic religious movement founded by Shaykh Ahmad in the early 19th century Qajar dynasty, Iran, now retaining a minority following in Iran and Iraq. It began from a combination of Sufi and Shia and Akhbari doctrines. In the mid 19th-century many Shaykhis converted to the Bábí and Baháʼí religions, which regard Shaykh Ahmad highly.

Ghulāt-Imamis

‘Alawism

Alawites are also called Nusayris, Nusairis, Namiriya or Ansariyya. Their madhhab is established by Ibn Nusayr, and their aqidah is developed by Al-Khaṣībī. They follow Cillī aqidah of "Maymūn ibn Abu’l-Qāsim Sulaiman ibn Ahmad ibn at-Tabarānī fiqh" of the ‘Alawis. One million three hundred and fifty thousand of them lived in Syria and Lebanon in 1970. It is estimated they are 10–12% of the population of Syria of 23 million in 2013.

‘Alawite Islamic School of Divinity

Alawites consider themselves to be Muslims, although some Sunnis dispute that they are. Alawite doctrine incorporates Gnostic, neo-Platonic, Islamic, Christian and other elements and has, therefore, been described as syncretistic. Their theology is based on a divine triad, or trinity, which is the core of Alawite belief. The triad comprises three emanations of the one God: the supreme aspect or entity called the "Essence" or the "Meaning" (both being translations of ma'na), together with two lesser emanations known as his "Name" (ism), or "Veil" (hijab), and his "Gate" (bab). These emanations have manifested themselves in different human forms over several cycles in history, the last cycle of which was as Ali (the Essence/Meaning), Muhammad (the Name) and Salman the Persian (the Gate). Alawite belief is summarised in the formula: "I turn to the Gate; I bow before the Name; I adore the Meaning". The claim that Alawites believe Ali is a deity has been contested by some scholars as a misrepresentation on the basis that Ali is, in fact, considered an "essence or form", not a human being, by which believers can "grasp God". Alawites also hold that they were originally stars or divine lights that were cast out of heaven through disobedience and must undergo repeated reincarnation (or metempsychosis) before returning to heaven. They can be reincarnated as Christians or others through sin and as animals if they become infidels.

Alawite beliefs have never been confirmed by their modern religious authorities. Alawites tend to conceal their beliefs (taqiyya) due to historical persecution. Some tenets of the faith are secret, known only to a select few; therefore, they have been described as a mystical sect. In addition to Islamic festivals, the Alawites have been reported to celebrate or honor certain Christian festivals such as the birth of Jesus and Palm Sunday. Their most-important feast is Eid al-Ghadeer.

The ‘Alawite ʿaqīdah

Alawites have always described themselves as being Twelver Shi'ite Muslims and have been recognized as such by the prominent Lebanese Shi'ite cleric Musa al-Sadr. The Sunni Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin al-Husseini issued a fatwa recognising them as part of the Muslim community in the interest of Arab nationalism. However, Athari Sunni (modern day Salafis) scholars such as Ibn Kathir (a disciple of Ibn Taymiyya) have categorised Alawites as pagans in their writings.

Barry Rubin has suggested that Syrian leader Hafiz al-Assad and his son and successor Bashar al-Assad pressed their fellow Alawites "to behave like regular Muslims, shedding (or at least concealing) their distinctive aspects". During the early 1970s a booklet, al-`Alawiyyun Shi'atu Ahl al-Bait ("The Alawites are Followers of the Household of the Prophet") was published, which was "signed by numerous 'Alawi' men of religion", described the doctrines of the Imami Shia as Alawite. Additionally, there has been a recent movement to unite Alawism and the other branches of Twelver Islam through educational exchange programs in Syria and Qom.

Some sources have discussed the "Sunnification" of Alawites under the al-Assad regime. Joshua Landis, director of the Center for Middle East Studies, writes that Hafiz al-Assad "tried to turn Alawites into 'good' (read Sunnified) Muslims in exchange for preserving a modicum of secularism and tolerance in society". On the other hand, Al-Assad "declared the Alawites to be nothing but Twelver Shiites". In a paper, "Islamic Education in Syria", Landis wrote that "no mention" is made in Syrian textbooks (controlled by the Al-Assad regime) of Alawites, Druze, Ismailis or Shia Islam; Islam was presented as a monolithic religion. Ali Sulayman al-Ahmad, chief judge of the Baathist Syrian state, has said:

We are ‘Alawi Muslims. Our book is the Qur'an. Our prophet is Muhammad. The Ka`ba is our qibla, and our Dīn (religion) is Islam.

Kızılbaşlık
The Qizilbash ʿaqīdah
Shah Ismail I, the Sheikh of the Safavi tariqa, founder of the Safavid Dynasty of Iran, and the Commander-in-chief of the Kızılbaş armies had contributed a lot for the development and implementation of The Qizilbash ʿAqīdah amongst the Turkmen people.

Qizilbash and Bektashi tariqah shared common religious beliefs and practices becoming intermingled as Alevis in spite of many local variations. Isolated from both the Sunni Ottomans and the Twelver Shi`a Safavids, Qizilbash and Bektashi developed traditions, practices, and doctrines by the early 17th century which marked them as a closed autonomous religious community. As a result of the immense pressures to conform to Sunni Islam, all members of Alevism developed a tradition of opposition (ibāḥa) to all forms of external religion.

The doctrine of Qizilbashism is well explained in the following poem written by the Shaykh of Safaviyya tariqah Shāh Ismāʿil Khatai:

من داها نسنه بيلمه زه م / Men daha nesne bilmezem, (I don't know any other object)

١ّللَه بير محممد على́دير / Allah bir Muhammad-Ali'dir. (Allah is unique Muhammad-Ali)

اؤزوم غوربتده سالمازام / Özüm gurbette salmazam, (I can't let out my own essence to places far from my homeland)

١ّللَه بير محممد على́دير / Allah bir Muhammad-Ali'dir. (Allah is unique Muhammad-Ali)

اونلار بيردير، بير اولوبدور / Onlar birdir, bir oluştur, (They are unique, a single one, i.e. Haqq-Muhammad-Ali)

يئردن گؤيه نور اولوبدور / Yerden göğe nûr oluştur, (It's a nūr from Earth to Sky)

دؤرد گوشه ده سيرر اولوبدور، / Dört guşede sır oluştur, (It's a mysterious occult secret in every corner of the square)

١ّللَه بير محممد على́دير / Allah bir Muhammad-Ali'dir. (Allah is unique Muhammad-Ali)

ختايى بو يولدا سردير / Khatai bu yolda sırdır, (Khatai in this tariqah is a mysterious occult secret)

سرين وئره نلر ده اردير / Sırın verenler de erdir, (Those reveal their own secret are private as well)

آيدا سيردير، گونده نوردور / Ayda sırdır, günde nûrdur, (Secret on Moon, nūr on day)

١ّللَه بير محممد على́دير / Allah bir Muhammad-Ali'dir. (Allah is unique Muhammad-Ali)

The lines of poetry above may easily be judged as an act of "Shirk" (polytheism) by the Sunni Ulama, but they have a bāṭenī taʾwīl (inner explanation) in Qizilbashism.

Tashbih

Karram’iyyah

Anthropomorphic-Anthropopathic Karram’iyyah was founded by Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. Karrām. Ibn Karram considered that God was a substance and that He had a body (jism) finite in certain directions when He comes into contact with the Throne.

Anthropopathy in the history of Ghulāt Shia

The belief of Incarnation was first emerged in Sabaʾiyya, and later some personalities like Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, Abu Muslim, Sunpadh, Ishaq al-Turk, Al-Muqanna, Babak Khorramdin, Maziar and Ismail I had become the subject of God incarnates.

Ahmadiyya

The Ahmadis' beliefs are more aligned with the Sunni tradition, such as The Five Pillars of Islam and The Six articles of Islamic Faith. Likewise, Ahmadis accept the Qur'an as their holy text, face the Kaaba during prayer, accept the authority of Hadiths (reported sayings of and stories about Muhammad) and practice the Sunnah (traditions) of Muhammad. However, Many Muslims consider Ahmadis as heretics.

Ahmadi teachings state that the founders of all the major world religions had divine origins. God was working towards the establishment of Islam as the final religion, because it was the most complete and included all the previous teachings of other religion (but they believe that all other religions have gone astray in their present form). The completion and consummation of the development of religion came about with the coming of Muhammad; and that the perfection of the ‘manifestation’ of Muhammad's prophethood and of the conveyance of his message was destined to occur with the coming of the Mahdi.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community regard Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who claimed to be the promised Messiah ("Second Coming of Christ") the Mahdi awaited by the Muslims and a 'subordinate' prophet to Muhammad whose job was to restore the Sharia given to Muhammad by guiding or rallying disenchanted Ummah back to Islam and thwart attacks on Islam by its opponents, as the "Promised One" of all religions fulfilling eschatological prophecies found in the scriptures of the Abrahamic religions, as well as Zoroastrianism, the Indian religions, Native American traditions and others. Ahmadi Muslims believe that Ahmad was divinely commissioned as a true reflection of Muhammad's prophethood to establish the unity of God and to remind mankind of their duties towards God and God's creation.

Natural landscape

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

A natural landscape is the original landscape that exists before it is acted upon by human culture. The natural landscape and the cultural landscape are separate parts of the landscape. However, in the 21st century, landscapes that are totally untouched by human activity no longer exist, so that reference is sometimes now made to degrees of naturalness within a landscape.

In Silent Spring (1962) Rachel Carson describes a roadside verge as it used to look: "Along the roads, laurel, viburnum and alder, great ferns and wildflowers delighted the traveler’s eye through much of the year" and then how it looks now following the use of herbicides: "The roadsides, once so attractive, were now lined with browned and withered vegetation as though swept by fire". Even though the landscape before it is sprayed is biologically degraded, and may well contains alien species, the concept of what might constitute a natural landscape can still be deduced from the context.

The phrase "natural landscape" was first used in connection with landscape painting, and landscape gardening, to contrast a formal style with a more natural one, closer to nature. Alexander von Humboldt (1769 – 1859) was to further conceptualize this into the idea of a natural landscape separate from the cultural landscape. Then in 1908 geographer Otto Schlüter developed the terms original landscape (Urlandschaft) and its opposite cultural landscape (Kulturlandschaft) in an attempt to give the science of geography a subject matter that was different from the other sciences. An early use of the actual phrase "natural landscape" by a geographer can be found in Carl O. Sauer's paper "The Morphology of Landscape" (1925).

Origins of the term

The concept of a natural landscape was first developed in connection with landscape painting, though the actual term itself was first used in relation to landscape gardening. In both cases it was used to contrast a formal style with a more natural one, that is closer to nature. Chunglin Kwa suggests, "that a seventeenth-century or early-eighteenth-century person could experience natural scenery 'just like on a painting,’ and so, with or without the use of the word itself, designate it as a landscape." With regard to landscape gardening John Aikin, commented in 1794: "Whatever, therefore, there be of novelty in the singular scenery of an artificial garden, it is soon exhausted, whereas the infinite diversity of a natural landscape presents an inexhaustible flore of new forms". Writing in 1844 the prominent American landscape gardener Andrew Jackson Downing comments: "straight canals, round or oblong pieces of water, and all the regular forms of the geometric mode ... would evidently be in violent opposition to the whole character and expression of natural landscape".

In his extensive travels in South America, Alexander von Humboldt became the first to conceptualize a natural landscape separate from the cultural landscape, though he does not actually use these terms. Andrew Jackson Downing was aware of, and sympathetic to, Humboldt's ideas, which therefore influenced American landscape gardening.

Subsequently, the geographer Otto Schlüter, in 1908, argued that by defining geography as a Landschaftskunde (landscape science) would give geography a logical subject matter shared by no other discipline. He defined two forms of landscape: the Urlandschaft (original landscape) or landscape that existed before major human induced changes and the Kulturlandschaft (cultural landscape) a landscape created by human culture. Schlüter argued that the major task of geography was to trace the changes in these two landscapes.

The term natural landscape is sometimes used as a synonym for wilderness, but for geographers natural landscape is a scientific term which refers to the biological, geological, climatological and other aspects of a landscape, not the cultural values that are implied by the word wilderness.

The natural and conservation

Matters are complicated by the fact that the words nature and natural have more than one meaning. On the one hand there is the main dictionary meaning for nature: "The phenomena of the physical world collectively, including plants, animals, the landscape, and other features and products of the earth, as opposed to humans or human creations." On the other hand, there is the growing awareness, especially since Charles Darwin, of humanities biological affinity with nature.

The dualism of the first definition has its roots is an "ancient concept", because early people viewed "nature, or the nonhuman world […] as a divine Other, godlike in its separation from humans." In the West, Christianity's myth of the fall, that is the expulsion of humankind from the Garden of Eden, where all creation lived in harmony, into an imperfect world, has been the major influence. Cartesian dualism, from the seventeenth century on, further reinforced this dualistic thinking about nature. With this dualism goes value judgement as to the superiority of the natural over the artificial. Modern science, however, is moving towards a holistic view of nature.

America

What is meant by natural, within the American conservation movement, has been changing over the last century and a half.

In the mid-nineteenth century American began to realize that the land was becoming more and more domesticated and wildlife was disappearing. This led to the creation of American National Parks and other conservation sites. Initially it was believed that all that was needed to do was to separate what was seen as natural landscape and "avoid disturbances such as logging, grazing, fire and insect outbreaks." This, and subsequent environmental policy, until recently, was influenced by ideas of the wilderness. However, this policy was not consistently applied, and in Yellowstone Park, to take one example, the existing ecology was altered, firstly by the exclusion of Native Americans and later with the virtual extermination of the wolf population.

A century later, in the mid-twentieth century, it began to be believed that the earlier policy of "protection from disturbance was inadequate to preserve park values", and that is that direct human intervention was necessary to restore the landscape of National Parks to its ‘'natural'’ condition. In 1963 the Leopold Report argued that "A national park should represent a vignette of primitive America". This policy change eventually led to the restoration of wolves in Yellowstone Park in the 1990s.

However, recent research in various disciplines indicates that a pristine natural or "primitive" landscape is a myth, and it now realised that people have been changing the natural into a cultural landscape for a long while, and that there are few places untouched in some way from human influence. The earlier conservation policies were now seen as cultural interventions. The idea of what is natural and what artificial or cultural, and how to maintain the natural elements in a landscape, has been further complicated by the discovery of global warming and how it is changing natural landscapes.

Also important is a reaction recently amongst scholars against dualistic thinking about nature and culture. Maria Kaika comments: "Nowadays, we are beginning to see nature and culture as intertwined once again – not ontologically separated anymore […].What I used to perceive as a compartmentalized world, consisting of neatly and tightly sealed, autonomous 'space envelopes' (the home, the city, and nature) was, in fact, a messy socio-spatial continuum". And William Cronon argues against the idea of wilderness because it "involves a dualistic vision in which the human is entirely outside the natural" and affirms that "wildness (as opposed to wilderness) can be found anywhere" even "in the cracks of a Manhattan sidewalk." According to Cronon we have to "abandon the dualism that sees the tree in the garden as artificial […] and the tree in the wilderness as natural […] Both in some ultimate sense are wild." Here he bends somewhat the regular dictionary meaning of wild, to emphasise that nothing natural, even in a garden, is fully under human control.

Europe

The landscape of Europe has considerably altered by people and even in an area, like the Cairngorm Mountains of Scotland, with a low population density, only " the high summits of the Cairngorm Mountains, consist entirely of natural elements. These high summits are of course only part of the Cairngorms, and there are no longer wolves, bears, wild boar or lynx in Scotland's wilderness. The Scots pine in the form of the Caledonian forest also covered much more of the Scottish landscape than today.

The Swiss National Park, however, represent a more natural landscape. It was founded in 1914, and is one of the earliest national parks in Europe. Visitors are not allowed to leave the motor road, or paths through the park, make fire or camp. The only building within the park is Chamanna Cluozza, mountain hut. It is also forbidden to disturb the animals or the plants, or to take home anything found in the park. Dogs are not allowed. Due to these strict rules, the Swiss National Park is the only park in the Alps who has been categorized by the IUCN as a strict nature reserve, which is the highest protection level.

History of natural landscape

No place on the Earth is unaffected by people and their culture. People are part of biodiversity, but human activity affects biodiversity, and this alters the natural landscape. Mankind have altered landscape to such an extent that few places on earth remain pristine, but once free of human influences, the landscape can return to a natural or near natural state.

Glacier on the border between Alaska, US, and Canada: Kluane-Wrangell-St. Elias-Glacier Bay-Tatshenshini-Alsek park system

Even the remote Yukon and Alaskan wilderness, the bi-national Kluane-Wrangell-St. Elias-Glacier Bay-Tatshenshini-Alsek park system comprising Kluane, Wrangell-St Elias, Glacier Bay and Tatshenshini-Alsek parks, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is not free from human influence, because the Kluane National Park lies within the traditional territories of the Champagne and Aishihik First Nations and Kluane First Nation who have a long history of living in this region. Through their respective Final Agreements with the Canadian Government, they have made into law their rights to harvest in this region.

Procession

Through different intervals of time, the process of natural landscapes have been shaped by a series of landforms, mostly due to its factors, including tectonics, erosion, weathering and vegetation.

Examples of cultural forces

Cultural forces intentionally or unintentionally, have an influence upon the landscape. Cultural landscapes are places or artifacts created and maintained by people. Examples of cultural intrusions into a landscape are: fences, roads, parking lots, sand pits, buildings, hiking trails, management of plants, including the introduction of invasive species, extraction or removal of plants, management of animals, mining, hunting, natural landscaping, farming and forestry, pollution. Areas that might be confused with a natural landscape include public parks, farms, orchards, artificial lakes and reservoirs, managed forests, golf courses, nature center trails, gardens.

Health survival paradox

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The male-female health-survival paradox, also known as the morbidity-mortality paradox or gender paradox, is the phenomenon in which women experience more medical conditions and disability during their lives, but they unexpectedly live longer than men. This paradox, where women experience greater morbidity (diseases) but lower mortality (death) in comparison to men, is unusual since it is expected that experiencing disease increases the likelihood of death. However, in this case, the part of the population that experiences more disease and disability is the one that lives longer.

Background and History

Figure illustrating the biopsychosocial model for the male-female health-survival paradox.
Figure illustrating the three types of factors that may contribute to the male-female health-survival paradox: biology, psychology, and social factors.

The male-female health-survival paradox has been most reliably reported in literature and documented as far back as the 18th century in European historical records. Some of the last records of European men outliving women are from the Netherlands in 1860 and Italy in 1889. The earliest records of European women outliving men were from Sweden in 1751, Denmark in 1835, and both England and Wales in 1841. While women were documented to outlive men in Europe, data from 1887 through 1930 showed that females between ages 5 and 25 in Massachusetts disproportionately faced mortality due to infectious diseases. With improvements in infectious disease prevention, treatment, and eradication of Smallpox around the 1970s, mortality rates declined in both sexes. At this time, female life expectancy also peaked in the United States; females were expected to live eight years longer than males. Since the 1970s, the life expectancy gap between females and males has been on the decline in the United States and Western Europe.

Although more research needs to be completed, it is postulated that there is a "biopsychosocial" component which causes this paradox. In other words, women and men differ in biological, behavioral, and social factors which causes the male-female health-survival paradox.

Biopsychosocial factors that have been hypothesized to cause this paradox include genetics, hormone differences, immunological differences, reproduction, chronic diseases, disability, physiological reserve, risk-related activities, illness perception, health reporting behavior, health care utilization, gender roles, and social assets and deficits.

Scholars relate the male-female health-survival paradox to the concept of frailty, which is the vulnerability that the aging population has to adverse health outcomes. Such geriatric propensity to frailty is an emerging topic of research given new therapeutic interventions aimed at improving the health of the aging population, such as healthy nutrition, physical exercise, cognitive training, and multimodal interventions that encompass all of these components.

Influential factors

Risk Factors and Behaviors

Different rates of alcohol and tobacco usage by men and women contribute to the paradox in developed countries. More women abstain from alcohol for lifetime, drink less, and have less drinking problems in comparison to men. However, more women tend to have alcohol-related disorders and withdrawal symptoms due to differences in pharmacokinetics and sex hormones.

Similarly, a review on substance-use disorder (SUDs) observed sex/gender differences on the biology, epidemiology, and treatment of substance-use disorder. Women were generally afflicted with more severe adverse events, but prognosis after treatment between men and women did not differ. However, due to conflict of emerging SUDs findings, future studies are needed to confirm whether biological and environmental constituents impact gender/sex differences on substance-use disorder.

It has also been stated that while men experience smoking-related conditions more than women, women have more trouble maintaining cessation than men. However, a recent review showed mixed findings on smoking behavior, and that bio-psycho-social factors may be more impactful than gender differences. In addition, a higher proportion of men use alternative tobacco options to replace cigarettes, and gender-based comparisons may be skewed from failing to stratify randomization in treatment groups.

Diseases

Men are more likely to suffer from heart disease, cancer, and stroke more than women do. These diseases are the main cause of the gender gap in life expectancy.

Despite men having more fatal conditions such as ischemic heart disease, lung cancer, liver cirrhosis, traffic accidents, and suicide, women have more non-fatal acute and chronic conditions. The majority of the female survival advantage is accounted for by differences in mortality rates between men and women ages 50–70 due to differing rates of cardiovascular diseases. While women report more symptoms and experience higher incidence of musculoskeletal and autoimmune disease, men have earlier and higher rates of cardiovascular diseases, after adjusting the data for the gap in life expectancy. Other studies report women having higher rates of cardiovascular disease, while not accounting for women having longer life expectancy. A recent review found that women afflicted with coronary heart disease are generally older and have more cardiovascular risks than men with coronary heart disease. While men have nearly twice the incidence of coronary heart disease and related mortality, women experience more incidence at increasing age.

Women also have higher rates of autoimmune disorders than men; one hypothesis for this is that testosterone facilitates immunosuppression in men, decreasing the likelihood men create autoantibodies that can target their own bodies, leading to autoimmune disease.

Most countries report higher rates of chronic kidney disease (CKD) in women compared to men. However, the difference in CKD rates may be due to the longer life expectancy of women, as kidney function declines with age. Although more women are diagnosed with CKD, among individuals diagnosed with CKD who are not on dialysis treatment, the men exhibit greater mortality rates compared to women. Studies investigating sex differences in kidney disease have suggested that men lose kidney function faster than women. It is hypothesized that this may be due to the protective effects of estrogens and the harmful effects of testosterone on the kidneys, or due to lifestyle differences between men and women.

Biological factors

Proposed explanations for the paradox range from genetic, hormonal, and physiological processes unique to females and males.

Genetic factors

The female sex has two X chromosomes that can protect against expression of recessive genes and allows a female survival advantage. A research study conducted on flies indicated that the alleles that contribute to male inclusive fitness also harm female health, and thus contribute to the paradox.

Physiological factors

It is also a possibility that the female hormone, estrogen, contributes to the female survival advantage. In cutaneous melanoma, estrogen was evaluated to determine its effect on a steroid hormone-sensitive cancer. While no difference in survival was concluded between two genders due to limited data, women tend to have better prognosis due to the presence of estrogen receptor beta. However, this is a continued study that may be due to biological factors—such as immune response, inflammation, pharmacokinetics, or hormones—or from social factors—such as women tending to have more ultraviolet protection and frequent medical visits.

Although studies have shown the protective effects of estrogen on cardiovascular health (i.e. by lowering LDL and increasing HDL) and brain cell health, there are doubts about the role of hormones due to mixed results in hormone replacement therapy studies on elderly women. For instance, although lower levels of LDL may prevent atherosclerotic buildup which can lead to chronic heart disease, estrogen may overall elevate chronic heart disease in older women with advanced plaque buildup by causing thrombosis.

Women can store excess high-density lipoproteins, which most likely slows the progression of plaque growth. Interestingly, calcium metabolism may contribute to the female mortality advantage. After age 35, where the human skeleton grows to its maximum size, calcium buildup increases significantly due to constant release from a deteriorating skeleton, less exercise for calcium release via sweating, and continued dietary intake. Consequently, excess calcium deposits in soft tissues, causing stiffening of arteries and higher blood pressure, thus cardiovascular disease. For women, however, calcium influx can halt or be reversed during pregnancy and lactation. Women can also release calcium via menstrual cycle until menopause.

Women additionally have lower mortality rates in high-mortality conditions like famine and epidemics. In such conditions, most of the advantage comes from differences in infant mortality rates.

Social factors

Another possible explanation of the paradox is a social expectation of the female sex role, making women more willing to seek medical help sooner. There is mixed evidence on the role of help-seeking and reporting behavior, with some studies reporting that women are more likely to seek and report medical treatment for all symptoms, while others report that women only tend to seek more treatment on malaise-type symptoms.

As child bearers, females face maternal mortality, which peaked in between 1900 and 1930s. At the time, aseptic technique was not applied to medical practice, including child delivery, abortions, and associated surgical procedures. Obstetrics was also a poorly regarded medical specialty where practitioners were poorly trained, if trained at all. In the early 1930s, hospitals in the United States began establishing rigorous physician qualification and practice guidelines to ensure sufficiently trained obstetricians, application of aseptic technique, as well as safe and effective deliveries. Other medical advancements including antibiotic use, blood transfusions, and improved medication management during pregnancy also improved maternal mortality. Collectively, these improvements reduced maternal mortality by 71%. However, the significant decrease in maternal mortality during this period only accounted for 14% of the longevity difference between females and males.

Psychological factors

A study conducted in the United States (US) consisting of 9,000 participants determined that women have a 1.5 times greater risk of experiencing a mood disorder compared to men. Additionally, a 2006 study examining mental health in New Zealand found that lifetime rates for major depression are higher in women (20.3%) compared to men (11.4%). Not only do women experiences a greater preponderance of depression compared to men, they also experience greater severity of symptoms. The symptoms that women experienced with greater severity included weight gain and increased appetite, greater interpersonal sensitivity, and reduced energy. Women also experience onset of depression at an earlier age, and experience more years of depression when compared to men.

Female survival advantage

Records of the female survival advantage can be traced back to the 18th century, but gained popularity and caught the eyes of researchers in the 19th century. Women outlive men for all age groups and every year for which reliable records exist. Specifically in "contemporary industrialized countries", female survival is 1.5-2.0 times higher than that of males.

A female survival advantage is found in some, but not all species. Various explanations for this have been proposed but none are strongly supported. Most species studied for differences in morbidity and mortality between sexes show conditional sex differences in life span, with both male and females experiencing advantage depending on the species. In humans, females appear to have a consistent survival advantage. Women outlive men in 176 of 178 countries for which records are available, both at age 5 and at age 50. In a study in the UK, men scoring higher "femininity scores", when compared to their more stereotypical "masculine" male counterparts, had lower death rates from heart disease, suggesting that masculine behavior increases the risk of premature mortality.

The female survival advantage holds true among humans, but the same can not be said for baboons and birds. In a study conducted on Amboseli baboons, it was found that although females outlive their male counterparts similar to humans, both sexes had either similar rates of age-related declines in health, or greater health declines in males compared to females. In another study focused on Eurasian Blackbirds found lower survival in females due to more passive phenotypes that increased predation susceptibility.

A significant biological factor that may contribute to the female survival advantage is the difference in sex chromosome composition in males and females. The male sex is biologically defined by having one Y sex chromosome, and are heterogametic. While, females only have X chromosomes. Typically females have two X chromosomes, one active and one inactive, that can compensate one another for X chromosome gene mutations. In a longitudinal study following identical female twins and changes in X chromosome inactivation, skewed X chromosome inactivation patterns present at later stages of life suggested homologous sex chromosomes to benefit survival. Without multiple X chromosomes, males are more susceptible to X-linked diseases, or the effects of X chromosome mutations. These X-linked diseases include color blindness, hemophilia, and Duchenne's muscular dystrophy.

Male morbidity advantage

Although males experience greater mortality, they appear to have the advantage of lower morbidity. Women tend to report poorer health and more hospital visits than men. Women also have a greater tendency to develop psychological disorders compared to men. Women spend more years in good health than men, however, women spend more years in poor health than men as a proportion of their life expectancy. This implies that the male morbidity advantage is linked to the female survival advantage.

Potential bias

Data collected from a research study in Denmark indicated that the paradox is likely due, in part, to selection bias. Women have higher preferences for absenteeism. On average, they are absent from work for health reasons more often than men, including when they do not have objectively worse health.

It may also be a possibility that under-reporting and selective non-participation of health problems, and delaying medical attention and treatment may make it appear that men have less medical problems than women. Misperceptions, such as women being more protected from cardiovascular diseases, may contribute to the morbidity-mortality paradox; women tend to have less aggressive treatment regimens, shown by having lower diagnostic angiograms and interventional procedures when compared to men.

Researchers also suggest that because men have been shown to have an increased likelihood of suddenly dying, women may appear to have higher incidence of morbidity when surveyed in research studies; in other words, women tend to outlive men, and the women carry diseases that are counted as morbidity in studies while men die earlier from these morbidities and leave healthier male counterparts in the study, which makes it appear that they have lower morbidity than women. However, in a systematic review encompassing over 37,000 adults from developed and developing countries, this confounder appeared to be discredited since women experienced higher frailty index scores (used as a surrogate to measure morbidity) than males for any age group.

Samaritans

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