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Tuesday, April 25, 2023

Life satisfaction

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Life satisfaction is a measure of a person's well-being, assessed in terms of mood, relationship satisfaction, achieved goals, self-concepts, and self-perceived ability to cope with life. Life satisfaction involves a favorable attitude towards one's life—rather than an assessment of current feelings. Life satisfaction has been measured in relation to economic standing, degree of education, experiences, residence, and other factors.

Life satisfaction is a key part of subjective well-being. Many factors influence subjective well-being and life satisfaction. Socio-demographic factors include gender, age, marital status, income, and education. Psychosocial factors include health and illness, functional ability, activity level, and social relationships.

People tend to gain life satisfaction as they get older.

Factors affecting life satisfaction

Personality

A meta-analysis using The Big Five personality model found that, among the Big Five, low neuroticism was the strongest predictor of life satisfaction. Openness to experience also predicts life satisfaction.

Apart from the Big Five model, a person's chronotype correlates with life satisfaction; morning-oriented people ("larks") showed higher life satisfaction than evening-oriented individuals ("owls").

Socialization also affects life satisfaction. Socially engaged people tend to be more satisfied with life.

An individual's genes affect their life satisfaction, so life satisfaction is partly heritable. One study found no significant differences between males and females in terms of the heritability of life satisfaction.

Self-esteem

Several studies have shown that self-esteem is a strong predictor of life satisfaction.

Outlook on life

An individual's mood and outlook on life greatly influence the perception of their life satisfaction.[16] Two correlating emotions that may influence how people perceive their lives are hope and optimism. Both of these emotions consist of cognitive processes that are usually oriented towards the perception and reaching of goals. Additionally, optimism is linked to higher life satisfaction, whereas pessimism is related to symptoms of depression.

According to Martin Seligman, the happier people are, the less they focus on the negative aspects of their lives. Happier people also have a greater tendency to like other people, which promotes a happier environment. This correlates to a higher level of the person's satisfaction with their life, due to the notion that constructiveness with others can positively influence life satisfaction. However, others have found that life satisfaction is compatible with profoundly negative emotional states like depression.

In a study carried out by Juan Pedro Serrano, José Miguel Latorre, Margaret Gatz, and Juan Montanes from the department of psychology at Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, researchers used life-review therapy with 43 older adults. The test they used was designed to measure participants' ability to recall a specific memory in response to a cue word while being timed. Thirty cue words; including five words classified as 'positive' (e.g., funny, lucky, passionate, happy, hopeful), five as 'negative' (unsuccessful, unhappy, sad, abandoned, gloomy), and five as 'neutral' (work, city, home, shoes, family); were presented orally in a fixed, alternating order to each member of a focus group. To ensure that the participants understood the instructions, examples were provided of both 'general' memories (e.g., summers in the city) and 'specific' memories (e.g., the day I got married). For each cue word, participants were asked to share a memory evoked by that word. The memory had to be of an event that should have occurred onlyonce, at a particular time and place and lasted no longer than a day. If the person could not recall a memory within 30 seconds, then that cue instance was not counted. Two psychologists served as raters and independently scored the responses of each participant. Each memory was tagged either as 'specific'—if the recalled event lasted no more than one day—or, otherwise, as 'general'. The raters were not informed regarding the hypotheses of the study, the experimental (control) group's membership, nor the content of the pretest or post-test. The results of this study showed that with an increased specificity of memories, individuals showed decreased depression and hopelessness, as well as increased life satisfaction.

Age

A common view is that age and life satisfaction have a "U-shape", with life satisfaction declining towards middle age, and then rising as people get older. Other scholars have found that there is no general age trend in life satisfaction, arguing that Blanchflower and Oswald's work is misguided for including inappropriate control variables (which cannot affect how old someone is).

The psychologists Yuval Palgi and Dov Shmotkin (2009) studied people who were primarily in their nineties. This subject group was found to have thought highly of their past and present. But generally, the group thought lower of their future. These people were very satisfied with their life up until the point they were surveyed but knew that the end was near (and so were not quite as hopeful for the future). Intelligence is also a factor because life satisfaction grows as people become older; as they grow older, they become wiser and more knowledgeable, so they begin to see that life will be better and understand the important things in life more.

On the other hand, a study finds that adolescents have a lower level of life satisfaction than their older counterparts. This could be because many decisions are imminent, and an adolescent could be facing them for the first time in their life. Although many adolescents have insecurities about many aspects of their lives, satisfaction with friends stayed at a consistent level. This is hypothetically attributed to the amount one can identify with those in one's age group over other age groups. In this same study, researchers found that satisfaction with family decreased. This could be because more rules and regulations are typically implemented by parental figures, and adolescents tend to demonize those in control of them. Additionally, the same study reports that life satisfaction in terms of sexuality increased. This is because at this age, many adolescents reach sexual maturation, which can encourage them to find verification and satisfaction in the idea of a sexual partnership.

Life events and experiences

There are several factors that contribute towards and influence one's self-reported levels of life satisfaction, including one's unique life events and experiences. These include both acute events (e.g., death of a loved one) and chronic, daily experiences (e.g., ongoing family discord). In the book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment, Harvard lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar argues that happiness should be one's ultimate goal, the primary factor in evaluating alternative choices. As the subtitle implies, Happier recommends the pursuit of immediate joyful experience in ways that contributes to more long-term, meaningful satisfaction. Ben-Shahar further argues that pursuing genuine self-motivated goals, rather than just instant pleasure or selflessness in service of long-delayed enjoyment, results in an optimal combination of short- and long-term happiness.

Experiences are a significant predictor of the way that one views their external environment. There are several influences this can have on their world view, both generally and more specifically, such as the way they interact with others, the way they behave, and the way they view the world around them—all of which affect their life satisfaction. Someone who tends to see the world in a more negative light may have a completely different level of satisfaction than someone who is constantly admiring the beauty of their surroundings. People who are engaged with more stress on average can contribute to higher levels of self-report life satisfaction as long as they understand how to deal with their stress positively.

Seasonal effects

A recent study analyzes time-dependent rhythms in happiness, comparing life satisfaction by weekdays (weekend neurosis), days of the month (negative effects towards the end of the month), and year with gender and education and outlining the differences observed. Primarily within the winter months of the year, an onset of depression can affect one, called seasonal affective disorder (SAD). It is recurrent, beginning in the fall or winter months and remitting in the spring or summer. It is said that those who experience this disorder usually have a history of major depressive or bipolar disorder, which may be hereditary, having a family member affected as well.

Seasonal affective disorder is hypothesized to be caused by diminishing exposure to environmental light, which can lead to changes in levels of the neurotransmitter chemical serotonin. Diminishing active serotonin levels increases depressive symptoms. There are currently a few treatment therapies in order to help with seasonal affective disorder. The first line of therapy is light therapy. Light therapy involves exposure to bright, fluorescent lighting that acts to mimic outdoor light, counteracting the presumed effects of SAD. Due to the shifts in one's neurochemical levels, antidepressants are another form of therapy. Other than light therapy and antidepressants, there are several alternatives that involve agomelatine, melatonin, psychological interventions, as well as diet and lifestyle changes.

Research has found that the onset of SAD typically occurs between the ages of 20–30 years, but most affected people do not seek medical help. This could be due to the stigma of mental health issues. Many are afraid to state they are suffering and would rather hide it. This suggests that more education and acceptance might be needed to solve these issues.

Values

It is proposed that overall life satisfaction comes from within an individual based on the individual's values—associated with better physical health, higher performance, and stronger social relationships. How satisfied you are with your life is important for your well-being. For some, it is family, for others, it is love, and for others, it may be money or other material items; either way, it varies from one person to another. Economic materialism can be considered a value. Previous research found that materialistic individuals were predominantly male and that materialistic people also reported a lower life satisfaction level than their non-materialistic counterparts. The same is true of people who value money over helping other people; this is because the money they have can buy them the assets they deem valuable. Materialistic people are less satisfied with life because they constantly want more and more belongings, and once those belongings are obtained, they lose value, which in turn causes these people to want more belongings and the cycle continues. If these materialistic individuals do not have enough money to satisfy their cravings for more items, they become more dissatisfied. This has been referred to as a hedonic treadmill. Individuals reporting a high value on traditions and religion reported a higher level of life satisfaction. This is also true for reported routine churchgoers and people who pray frequently. Other individuals that reported higher levels of life satisfaction were people who valued creativity and people who valued respect for and from others – two more qualities seemingly not related to material goods. Because hard times come around and people often count on their peers and family to help them through, it is no surprise that a higher life satisfaction level was reported in people who had social support, whether it be friends, family, or church. The people who personally valued material items were found to be less satisfied overall in life as opposed to people who attached a higher amount of value in interpersonal relationships. In accordance with the findings above, it is also fair to say that the notion of how one values themselves plays a part in how someone considers their own life. People who take pride in themselves by staying mentally and physically fit have higher levels of life satisfaction purely due to the content of their day. These values come together in determining how somebody sees themselves in light of others.

Culture

Defining culture by reference to deeply engrained societal values and beliefs. Culture affects the subjective well-being. Well-being includes both general life satisfaction, and the relative balance of positive affect versus negative affect in daily life. Culture directs the attention to different sources of information for making life satisfaction judgments, thus affecting subjective well-being appraisal.

Individualistic cultures direct attention to inner states and feelings (such as positive or negative effects), while in collectivistic cultures the attention is directed to outer sources (i.e., adhering to social norms or fulfilling one's duties). Indeed, Suh et al. (1998) found that the correlation between life satisfaction and the prevalence of positive effects is higher in individualistic cultures, whereas in collectivistic cultures affect and adhering to norms are equally important for life satisfaction. Most modern western societies, such as the US and European countries, tend towards individualism, while eastern societies like China and Japan, are directed towards collectivism. Collectivistic cultures emphasize family and social unity. They put others' needs before their individual desires. An individualistic culture is geared towards one's own personal achievements and involves a strong sense of competition. People are expected to carry their own weight and rely on themselves. The United States is said to be one of the most individualistic countries, while Korea and Japan on the other hand are some of the most collectivistic countries. However, both have their flaws. An individualistic approach can lead to loneliness, while those in a collectivist culture may be prone to having a fear of rejection (see also social control for more).

Family

A contributing influence to life satisfaction is that of family life and household circumstances. Family life satisfaction is a pertinent topic as everyone's family influences them in some way and most strive to have high levels of satisfaction in life as well as within their own family. Family life satisfaction has been shown in studies to be enhanced by the ability of family members to jointly realize their family-related values in behavior. It is important to examine family life satisfaction from all members of the family from a "perceived" perspective and an "ideal" perspective. Greater life satisfaction within a family increases through communication and understanding each members' attitudes and perceptions. The family can make a significant contribution to an individual's life satisfaction.

In an article by Carolyn S. Henry, adolescent life satisfaction has very different origins from the life satisfaction of adults. An adolescent's life satisfaction is heavily influenced by their family's dynamics and characteristics. Family bonding, family flexibility, and parental support are all huge factors in the adolescent's life satisfaction. The more bonding, flexibility, and support there is within a family the higher the adolescent's life satisfaction. Results of this study also revealed that adolescents living in a single-parent family home had significantly lower life satisfaction than that of adolescents in a two-parent home. An adolescent's age is extremely important in terms of life satisfaction coming from their family.

The family also relates to life satisfaction in a very different way: a woman's decision to have children or not. An article by Carole K. Holahan, reveals that childless women have much higher life satisfaction than women with children. Women who consciously decided not to have children overall had very high life satisfaction. It was found that most of the life satisfaction came from careers instead of children. On the other hand, women who did have children had high life satisfaction which depended on the reasons and decision-making for having children. These are just generalizations and life satisfaction comes from many different sources which are unique and different for every person. Life satisfaction can shift throughout time from events, situations, family and friend implications, and many different things that all must be taken into consideration. Furthermore, a 2011 survey reported in Psychology Today under the title "Meet the Least Happy People in America," identifies women in their early forties, unmarried and childless, in a professional position (doctor, lawyer, etc.) as the most unhappy out of all people surveyed. We can thus conclude that there are conflicting reports on the issue and the possibility of people falsely reporting high levels of life satisfaction while in reality they might have low levels of life satisfaction. Long-term life satisfaction is also crucial, but is often neglected (the people who report high levels of life satisfaction at a given moment might report much different levels of life satisfaction in ten or twenty years).

On the other hand, life satisfaction is also affected by parenthood and couples introducing children into their relationships. Research done by McLanahan & Adams (1987) provides evidence that adults with children can be less happy due to less life satisfaction, less marital satisfaction, more anxiety, and more depression.

Marriage

Marriage has a correlation with life satisfaction, but causality is still under debate. Many studies do not consider whether self-selection could be a factor affecting the relationship between marriage and life satisfaction. In other words, it could be that happier individuals are more likely to marry, painting a different picture of the effects of marriage. Myers said, "happy people may be more appealing marriage partners. Because they are more good-natured, more outgoing, and more focused on others, they generally are socially attractive." Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that people select into marriage. In addition, even if there is such a causation effect, social exclusion and stigma experienced by single individuals may be those responsible for higher levels of life satisfaction among married couples, rather than marriage itself. Yet, numerous studies have shown that most couples were no more satisfied with life than they were previously, before marriage. Taking culture into effect, people in collective societies are often in arranged marriages, but are reportedly very happy in these situations. The individuals learn to love each other throughout the course of their marriage.

Education

Some research has suggested that those who gain higher levels of education also experience higher levels of life satisfaction. This could be because those who graduate from college and have higher education levels report working in fields and positions that are more meaningful, engaging, and secure than their lesser educated counterparts. Consequently, those who are employed in more secure and meaningful jobs are more likely to report achieving success.

Career

A satisfying career is an important component of life satisfaction. Doing something meaningful in a productive capacity contributes to one's feeling of life satisfaction. This notion of accomplishment is related to a person's drive. The need for accomplishment is an essential part of becoming a fully functional person, and when someone feels accomplished in their career status they are more likely to be optimistic about their life and future; thus improving their life satisfaction.

Research has shown that career satisfaction and life satisfaction are uniquely correlated with each other and that as career satisfaction increases, so does life satisfaction. In a longitudinal study completed at the Department of Psychology and Sports Science at Universitaet Erlangen-Neurnberg, they followed 1200 individuals who graduated with master's degrees at different German Universities. Participants were given a survey after their final exam in 1999, and then received further surveys in the years 2001, 2004, 2008, and 2011. The results of this study concluded that there is a correlation between career satisfaction and life satisfaction. Specifically the researchers found that "a person with high life satisfaction will also experience his or her career and work more positively than a person with lower life satisfaction."

Internationally, the salary one earns is important–income levels show a moderate correlation with individual evaluations of life satisfaction. However, in developed nations, the connection is weak and disappears for the most part when individuals earn enough money to meet basic needs. In a study done by Kahneman & Deaton (2010) it was found that annual income correlated with well-being only to a certain point which was ~$75,000. Incomes greater than $75,000 had a weak correlation. (Kahneman & Deaton 2010; Diener et al., 2010; Myers and Diener, 1995).

Social Narratives

Daniel Kahneman has said that “life satisfaction is connected to a large degree to social yardsticks–achieving goals, meeting expectations.”  Building on this view, Paul Dolan suggests that social yardsticks are an integral part of ‘social narratives’, defined as ‘meta-social preferences’, where people in general consciously or unconsciously thrive to fulfill. A classic example of social narrative would be: “getting married and having kids is essential for a female to be happy and fulfilled”. From an evolutionary perspective, such inclination most likely stems from our strong innate drive of culture-learning, whereby we have evolved to trust and rely more on information embedded in our communities than in our own personal experiences or intuitions. While our ‘addiction to culture’ is shown to be an evolutionarily successful strategy, pursuing social narratives has mixed results in achieving happiness and life satisfaction in modern society. Overall, focusing too much on reaching social narratives may deviate people from engaging in what actually elevates their life satisfaction level. This is called “a narrative trap.”

Systematic errors towards a narrative trap

Research had found clear discrepancies between experienced utility (i.e.. Hedonic experience related to an outcome) to decision utility (i.e.. Wantability inferred from choices) whereby the former is subject to the systematic influence of peak-end effect and duration neglect and is most frequently used to direct our actual decision. Validating this view, cold-hand experiment shows that people overwhelmingly prefer to have their hands in freezing water for 90 seconds with a slight increase in temperature (thus improved experience at the end) than to have their hands in for 60 seconds without an increase in temperature in the end, implying that a decision is not aligned with experience. Questions on measuring life satisfaction are predominantly answered by the “Remembering self” (i.e., How was it, overall?) reflected on experienced utility, with respect to a subjective evaluation of what accounts for a good life. Therefore, despite having a strong preference for longer periods of happiness, there are systematic errors that divert us from engaging in coherent and consistent behavior, and in reflecting on our life-satisfaction level. This is fundamental to a narrative trap where the neglection effect undermines experience in its contribution towards well-being, while socially salient narratives drive our decision and behavior.

Researchers had agreed on the importance that attention plays in determining our emotional state. It is suggested that inputs’ impact on output, such as life satisfaction, is mediated by the amount of attention being allocated upon input. Happiness is felt on things that we pay attention to, yet it is claimed that “nothing in life is as important as you think it is when you are thinking about it”, which is referred to as focusing illusion. For example, research had found that income has a greater impact on life satisfaction for those who see the high-financial status as essential than those who don't. Further, people who reached their goal of achieving high earnings are on average more satisfied than those who failed to reach their expectations. We have a limited amount of attention, and its allocation is fundamental in determining our overall happiness.

Incorporated under the umbrella term “Affective forecasting”, it is argued that having attention problems such as mistaken beliefs and projections, whereby we make systematic errors in perceiving the reality and predicting the future's influence, creates the fundamental vulnerability to falling into narrative traps. In terms of mistaken projection, apart from 1) peak-end effect, and 2) focusing illusion, there are other types: 3) distinction bias (focus on dissimilarities of two choices yet fell to take into consideration of the experience after the decision is made); 4) Impact bias (the tendency for people to overestimate the length or the intensity of future feeling states). Lying at the core of mistaken belief is our sense of volition (i.e. having freewill), acting on mechanisms such as fundamental attributional bias (where we judge others’ motive as external will ourselves as internal), confirmation bias (which in itself is a form of narrative-reaching), and cognitive dissonance. In contrast, it was argued that instead of willpower, genes, context, and luck plays a much larger role in explaining behavior.

Components of Narrative traps

Fulfilling social narratives is regarded as having a key influence on happiness, defined by Paul Dolan as ‘a flow of pleasure and purpose over time’. This implies that rather than allowing our natural tendency where the “Remembering self” to make most of the happiness decision, by recognizing and accepting social narrative traps relevant to self, we are better able to regulate our attention, thereby improving satisfaction at “Experiencing self” as well. Three major narrative traps are identified: 1) reaching (more happiness is achieved with greater income, a marker of success and intellectual validation), 2) related (people ought to have a monogamous marriage and have kids), and 3) responsible (to act altruistically with a pure selfless motive; to prioritize good health and to act with free will to be held accountable). Validating narrative traps’ effect on life satisfaction, it has been found that factors such as income and education attainment explain satisfaction in relative terms. For example, it was found that despite being more educated in absolute terms, people were less satisfied if others around them improves education more. This implies that the contribution of more traditionally researched factors of life satisfaction (i.e. Income, employment, education, relationships) could be mediated by the extent of social narrative fulfillment.

Relationship with subjective well-being

Life satisfaction is one component of subjective well-being, along with affective balance.

Ghetto

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The main square of the Venetian Ghetto, Italy
 
Jewish quarter of Caltagirone

A ghetto is a part of a city in which members of a minority group live, especially as a result of political, social, legal, environmental or economic pressure. Ghettos are often known for being more impoverished than other areas of the city. Versions of the ghetto appear across the world, each with their own names, classifications, and groupings of people.

The term was originally used for the Venetian Ghetto in Venice, Italy, as early as 1516, to describe the part of the city where Jewish people were restricted to live and thus segregated from other people. However, early societies may have formed their own versions of the same structure; words resembling ghetto in meaning appear in Hebrew, Yiddish, Italian, Germanic, Old French, and Latin. During the Holocaust, more than 1,000 Nazi ghettos were established to hold the Jewish populations of Europe, with the goal of exploiting and killing European Jews as part of the Final Solution of Nazi Germany.

The term ghetto acquired deep cultural meaning in the United States, especially in the context of segregation and civil rights; as such, it has been widely used in the country to refer to poor neighborhoods. It is also used in some European countries such as Romania and Slovenia to refer to poor neighborhoods.

Etymology

The word ghetto comes from the Jewish area of Venice, the Venetian Ghetto in Cannaregio, traced to a special use of Venetian ghèto, meaning 'foundry', as there was one near the site of that city's ghetto in 1516. By 1899, the term had been extended to crowded urban quarters of other minority groups.

The etymology of the word is uncertain, as there is no agreement among etymologists about the origins of the Venetian language term. According to various theories it comes from:

  • the above-mentioned Venetian ghèto ('foundry')
  • the Hebrew get (bill of divorce, deed of separation)
  • the Yiddish gehektes ('enclosed')
  • the Late Latin Giudaicetum (Jewish enclave)
  • the Italian borghetto ('little town, small section of a town'; diminutive of borgo, a word of Germanic origin; see borough)
  • the Old French guect ('guard')

Another possibility is from the Italian Egitto ('Egypt', from Latin: Aegyptus), possibly in memory of the exile of the Israelites in Egypt.

Jewish ghettos

Europe

Plan of Jewish ghetto, Frankfurt, 1628
 
Demolition of the Jewish ghetto, Frankfurt, 1868

The character of ghettos has varied through times. The term was used for an area in Jewish quarter, which meant the area of a city traditionally inhabited by Jews in the diaspora. Jewish quarters, like the Jewish ghettos in Europe, were often the outgrowths of segregated ghettos instituted by the surrounding authorities. A Yiddish term for a Jewish quarter or neighborhood is Di yiddishe gas (Yiddish: די ייִדדישע גאַס), or 'The Jewish street'. Many European and Middle Eastern cities once had a historical Jewish quarter.

Jewish ghettos in Europe existed because Jews were viewed as outsiders. As a result, Jews were placed under strict regulations throughout many European cities.

In some cases, the ghetto was a Jewish quarter with a relatively affluent population (for instance the Jewish ghetto in Venice). In other cases, ghettos were places of terrible poverty and during periods of population growth, ghettos (as that of Rome) had narrow streets and tall, crowded houses. Residents had their own justice system.

Nazi-occupied Europe

Liquidation of the Warsaw Ghetto, 1943

During World War II, ghettos were established by the Nazis to confine Jews and Romani into tightly packed areas of the cities of Eastern Europe. The Nazis most often referred to these areas in documents and signage at their entrances as "Jewish quarter." These Nazi ghettos sometimes coincided with traditional Jewish ghettos and Jewish quarters, but not always. On June 21, 1943, Heinrich Himmler issued a decree ordering the dissolution of all ghettos in the East and their transference to Nazi concentration camps or their extermination.

Morocco

A mellah (Arabic: ملاح; probably from Arabic ملح, 'salt') is a walled Jewish quarter of a city in Morocco, an analogue of the European ghetto. Jewish populations were confined to mellahs in Morocco beginning from the 15th century and especially since the early 19th century. In cities, a mellah was surrounded by a wall with a fortified gateway. Usually, the Jewish quarter was situated near the royal palace or the residence of the governor in order to protect its inhabitants from recurring riots. In contrast, rural mellahs were separate villages inhabited solely by the Jews.

Shanghai ghetto

The Shanghai Ghetto was an area of approximately one square mile (≈ 2.6 km2) in the Hongkou District of Japanese-occupied Shanghai to which about 20,000 Jewish refugees were relocated by the Japanese-issued Proclamation Concerning Restriction of Residence and Business of Stateless Refugees, after having fled from German-occupied Europe before and during World War II.

United States

Early ghettos

Children in the Ghetto and the Ice-Cream Man — postcard from 1909 in Maxwell Street, Chicago
 
A scene of Maxwell Street in Chicago circa 1908. The title reads "THE GHETTO OF CHICAGO". The image has been colorized and is taken from a souvenir guide to Chicago printed in 1908. Note the signage in Yiddish that reads 'Fish Market'.

The development of ghettos in the United States is closely associated with different waves of immigration and internal urban migration. The Irish and German immigrants of the mid-19th century were the first ethnic groups to form ethnic enclaves in United States cities. This was followed by large numbers of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, including many Italians and Poles between 1880 and 1920. Most of these remained in their established immigrant communities, but by the second or third generation, many families were able to relocate to better housing in the suburbs after World War II.

These ethnic ghetto areas included the Lower East Side in Manhattan, New York, which later became notable as predominantly Jewish, and East Harlem, which was once predominantly Italian and became home to a large Puerto Rican community in the 1950s. Little Italys across the country were predominantly Italian ghettos. Many Polish immigrants moved to sections like Pilsen of Chicago and Polish Hill of Pittsburgh. Brighton Beach in Brooklyn is the home of mostly Russian and Ukrainian (mostly Jewish) immigrants.

During the Great Depression, many people would congregate in large open parking lots. They built shelters out of whatever materials they could find at the time. These congregations of shelters were also called "ghettos."

Black or African-American ghettos

A commonly used definition of a ghetto is a community distinguished by a homogeneous race or ethnicity. Additionally, a key feature that developed throughout the post-industrial era and continues to symbolize the demographics of American ghettos is the prevalence of poverty. Poverty constitutes the separation of ghettos from other, suburbanized or private neighborhoods. The high percentage of poverty partly justifies the difficulty of emigration, which tends to reproduce constraining social opportunities and inequalities in society.

Chicago ghetto on the South Side, May 1974

The term ghettos has been commonly used for some time, but ghettos were around long before the term was coined. Urban areas in the U.S. can often be classified as "black" or "white", with the inhabitants primarily belonging to a homogenous racial grouping. This classification can be traced back as early as the year 1880 as African Americans were living in their own neighborhoods. Sixty years after the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, most of the United States remains a residentially segregated society in which black people and white people inhabit different neighborhoods of significantly different quality.

Many of these neighborhoods are located in Northern and Western cities where African-Americans moved during the Great Migration (1914–1970), a period when over a million African-Americans moved out of the rural southern United States to escape the widespread racism of the South; to seek out employment opportunities in urban environments; and to pursue what was widely perceived to be a better quality of life in the North and West, such as New York City, Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Los Angeles, Oakland, Portland, and Seattle. This perception did not end up being reality as many had hoped and dreamed. 1919 started race wars in Northern states and specifically in Chicago. These racist attacks directed at blacks were extremely violent, they included the likes of bombing African Americans’ homes and killing of many other innocent blacks. These attacks were given the name the Red Summer because of the time period and brutal murders of mainly African Americans.

Two main factors ensured further separation between races and classes, and ultimately the development of contemporary ghettos: the relocation of industrial enterprises, and the movement of middle to upper class residents into suburban neighborhoods. Between 1967 and 1987, economic restructuring resulted in a dramatic decline of manufacturing jobs. The once thriving northern and western industrial cities directed a shift to service occupations and in combination with the movement of middle-class families and other businesses to the suburbs, left much economic devastation in the inner cities. Consequently, African-Americans were disproportionately affected and became either unemployed or underemployed with little wage and reduced benefits. Accordingly, a concentration of African-Americans was established in the inner city neighborhoods.

It is also significant to compare the demographic patterns between black people and European immigrants, according to the labor market. European immigrants and African-Americans were both subject to an ethnic division of labor, and consequently African-Americans have predominated in the least secure division of the labor market. David Ward refers to this stagnant position in African-American or Black ghettos as the 'elevator' model, which implies that each group of immigrants or migrants takes turns in the processes of social mobility and suburbanization; and several groups did not start on the ground floor. The inability of black people to move from the ground floor, as Ward suggests, is dependent upon prejudice and segregationist patterns experienced in the South prior to World War I. After the exodus of African-Americans to the North during and after World War I, the range of occupations in the North was further altered by the settlement of European immigrants; thus, African-Americans were diminished to unskilled jobs. The slow rate of advancement in black communities outlines the rigidity of the labor market, competition and conflict, adding another dimension to the prevalence of poverty and social instability in African-American or Black ghettos.

Effect of World War II on development

In the years following World War II, many white Americans began to move away from inner cities to newer suburban communities, a process known as white flight. White flight occurred, in part, as a response to black people moving into white urban neighborhoods. Discriminatory practices, especially those intended to "preserve" emerging white suburbs, restricted the ability of black people to move from inner cities to the suburbs, even when they were economically able to afford it. In contrast to this, the same period in history marked a massive suburban expansion available primarily to whites of both wealthy and working-class backgrounds, facilitated through highway construction and the availability of federally subsidized home mortgages (VA, FHA, Home Owners' Loan Corporation). These made it easier for families to buy new houses in the suburbs, but not to rent apartments in cities.

The United States began restructuring its economy after World War II, fueled by new globalizing processes, and demonstrated through technological advances and improvements in efficiency. The structural shift of 1973, during the post-Fordist era, became a large component to the racial ghetto and its relationship with the labor market. Sharon Zukin declares the designated stratum of African-Americans in the labor force was placed even below the working class; low-skill urban jobs were now given to incoming immigrants from Mexico or the Caribbean. Additionally, Zukin notes, "Not only have social services been drastically reduced, punitive and other social controls over the poor have been increased," such as law enforcement and imprisonment. Described as the "urban crisis" during the 1970s and 1980s, the transition stressed regional divisions according to differences in income and racial lines—white "donuts" around black holes. Hardly coincidental, the steady separation occurred during the period of civil rights laws, urban riots and Black Power. In addition, the International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences stresses the various challenges developed by this "urban crisis", including:

[P]oorly underserviced infrastructures, inadequate housing to accommodate a growing urban populace, group conflict and competition over limited jobs and space, the inability for many residents to compete for new technology-based jobs, and tensions between the public and private sectors left to the formation and growth of U.S. ghettos.

The cumulative economic and social forces in ghettos give way to social, political and economic isolation and inequality, while indirectly defining a separation between superior and inferior status of groups.

In response to the influx of black people from the South, banks, insurance companies, and businesses began denying or increasing the cost of services, such as banking, insurance, access to jobs, access to health care, or even supermarkets to residents in certain, often racially determined, areas. The most devastating form of redlining, and the most common use of the term, refers to mortgage discrimination. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration suggest that in the mid-twentieth century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by non-black people to exclude black people from outside neighborhoods.

The "Racial" Provisions of the FHA Underwriting Manual of 1936 included the following guidelines which exacerbated the segregation issue:

Recommended restrictions should include provision for: prohibition of the occupancy of properties except by the race for which they are intended ... Schools should be appropriate to the needs of the new community and they should not be attended in large numbers by inharmonious racial groups.

This meant that ethnic minorities could secure mortgage loans only in certain areas, and it resulted in a large increase in the residential racial segregation and urban decay in the United States. The creation of new highways in some cases divided and isolated black neighborhoods from goods and services, many times within industrial corridors. For example, Birmingham, Alabama's interstate highway system attempted to maintain the racial boundaries that had been established by the city's 1926 racial zoning law. The construction of interstate highways through black neighborhoods in the city led to significant population loss in those neighborhoods and is associated with an increase in neighborhood racial segregation. Residential segregation was further perpetuated because whites were willing to pay more than black people to live in predominantly white areas. Some social scientists suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are instances of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.

Following the emergence of anti-discrimination policies in housing and labor sparked by the civil rights movement, members of the black middle class moved out of the ghetto. The Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968. This was the first federal law that outlawed discrimination in the sale and rental of housing on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion and later sex, familial status, and disability. The Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity was charged with administering and enforcing the law. Since housing discrimination became illegal, new housing opportunities were made available to the black community and many left the ghetto. Urban sociologists frequently title this historical event as "black middle class exodus", or black flight. Elijah Anderson describes a process by which members of the black middle class begin to distance themselves socially and culturally from ghetto residents during the later half of the twentieth century, "eventually expressing this distance by literally moving away." This is followed by the exodus of black working-class families. As a result, the ghetto becomes primarily occupied by what sociologists and journalists of the 1980s and 1990s frequently title the "underclass." William Julius Wilson suggests this exodus worsens the isolation of the black underclass — not only are they socially and physically distanced from whites, they are also isolated from the black middle class.

Theories on the development of Black ghettos

Two dominant theories arise pertaining to the production and development of U.S. ghettos: race-based and class-based; as well as an alternative theory put forward by Thomas Sowell.

Race-based theories

First are the race-based theorists, who argue the importance of race in ghettos. Their analysis consists of the dominant racial group in the U.S. (White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) and their use of certain racist tactics in order to maintain their hegemony over black people and lengthen their spatial separation. Race-based theorists offset other arguments that focus on the influence of the economy on segregation. More contemporary research of race-based theorists is to frame a range of methods conducted by white Americans to "preserve race-based residential inequities" as a function of the dominantly white, state-run government. Involving uneven development, mortgage and business discrimination and disinvestment—U.S. ghettos then, as suggested by race-based theorists, are conserved by distinctly racial reasoning.

Class-based theories

The more dominant view, on the other hand, is represented by class-based theorists. Such theories confirm class to be more important than race in the structuring of U.S. ghettos. Although racial concentration is a key signifier for ghettos, class-based theorists emphasize the role and impact of broader societal structures in the creation of African-American or Black ghettos. Dynamics of low-wage service and unemployment triggered from deindustrialization, and the intergenerational diffusion of status within families and neighborhoods, for instance, prove the rise in socioeconomic polarization between classes to be the creator of American ghetto; not racism. Furthermore, the culture of poverty theory, first developed by Oscar Lewis, states that a prolonged history of poverty can itself become a cultural obstacle to socioeconomic success, and in turn can continue a pattern of socioeconomic polarization. Ghettos, in short, instill a cultural adaptation to social and class-based inequalities, reducing the ability of future generations to mobilize or migrate.

Alternative theory

An alternative theory put forward by Thomas Sowell in Black Rednecks and White Liberals asserts that modern urban black ghetto culture is rooted in the white Cracker culture of the North Britons and Scots-Irish who migrated from the generally lawless border regions of Britain to the American South, where they formed a redneck culture common to both black and white people in the antebellum South. Characteristics of this culture included lively music and dance, violence, unbridled emotions, flamboyant imagery, illegitimacy, religious oratory marked by strident rhetoric, and a lack of emphasis on education and intellectual interests. Because redneck culture proved counterproductive, "that culture long ago died out...among both white and black Southerners, while still surviving today in the poorest and worst of the urban black ghettos", which Sowell described as being characterized by "brawling, braggadocio, self-indulgence, [and] disregard of the future", and where "belligerence is considered being manly and crudity is considered cool, while being civilized is regarded as 'acting white'." Sowell blames liberal Americans who since the 1960s have embraced black ghetto culture as the only "'authentic' black culture and even glamorize it" while they "denounce any criticism of the ghetto lifestyle or any attempt to change it." Sowell asserts that white liberal Americans have perpetuated this "counterproductive and self-destructive lifestyle" among black Americans living in urban ghettos through "the welfare state, and look-the-other-way policing, and smiling at 'gangsta rap'."

U.S. characterizations of "ghetto"

Contemporary African-American or Black ghettos are characterized by an overrepresentation of a particular ethnicity or race, vulnerability to crime, social problems, governmental reliance and political disempowerment. Sharon Zukin explains that through these reasons, society rationalizes the term "bad neighborhoods." Zukin stresses that these circumstances are largely related to "racial concentration, residential abandonment, and de-constitution and reconstitution of communal institutions."Many scholars diagnose this poorly facilitated and fragmented view of the United States as the "age of extremes." This term argues that inequalities of wealth and power reinforce spatial separation; for example, the growth of gated communities can be interconnected with the continued "ghettoization" of the poor.

Another characteristic to African-American or Black ghettos and spatial separation is the dependence on the state, and lack of communal autonomy; Sharon Zukin refers to Brownsville, Brooklyn, as an example. This relationship between racial ghettos and the state is demonstrated through various push and pull features, implemented through government subsidized investments, which certainly assisted the movement of white Americans into the suburbs after World War II. Since the 1960s, after the de-constitution of the inner cities, African-American or Black ghettos have attempted to reorganize or reconstitute; in effect, they are increasingly regarded as public- and state-dependent communities. Brownsville, for instance, initiated the constitution of community-established public housing, anti-poverty organizations, and social service facilities—all, in their own way, depend on state resources. However, certain dependence contradicts society's desires to be autonomous actors in the market. Moreover, Zukin implies, "the less 'autonomous' the community—in its dependence on public schools, public housing and various subsidy programs—the greater the inequity between their organizations and the state, and the less willing residents are to organize." This should not, however, undermine local development corporations or social service agencies helping these neighborhoods. The lack of autonomy and growing dependence on the state, especially in a neoliberal economy, remains a key indicator to the production as well as the prevalence of African-American or Black ghettos, particularly due to the lack of opportunities to compete in the global market.

The concept of the ghetto and underclass has faced criticism both theoretically and empirically. Research has shown significant differences in resources for neighborhoods with similar populations both across cities and over time. This includes differences in the resources of neighborhoods with predominantly low income or racial minority populations. The cause of these differences in resources across similar neighborhoods has more to do with dynamics outside of the neighborhood. To a large extent the problem with the ghetto and underclass concepts stem from the reliance on case studies (in particular case studies from Chicago), which limit social scientist understandings of socially disadvantaged neighborhoods.

Internal characterizations

Despite mainstream America's use of the term ghetto to signify a poor, culturally or racially homogenous urban area, those living in the area often used it to signify something positive. The black ghettos did not always contain dilapidated houses and deteriorating projects, nor were all of its residents poverty-stricken. For many African-Americans, the ghetto was "home": a place representing authentic blackness and a feeling, passion, or emotion derived from rising above the struggle and suffering of being black in America.

Langston Hughes relays in his "Negro Ghetto" (1931) and "The Heart of Harlem" (1945) poems:

The buildings in Harlem are brick and stone
And the streets are long and wide,
But Harlem's much more than these alone,
Harlem is what's inside.

— "The Heart of Harlem" (1945)

Playwright August Wilson uses the term "ghetto" in Ma Rainey's Black Bottom (1984) and Fences (1985), both of which draw upon the author's experience growing up in the Hill District of Pittsburgh, a black ghetto.

Modern usage and reinterpretations of "ghetto"

Recently the word "ghetto" has been used in slang as an adjective rather than a noun. It is used to indicate an object's relation to the inner city and also more broadly to denote something that is shabby or of low quality. While "ghetto" as an adjective can be used derogatorily, the African-American or Black community, particularly the hip hop scene, has taken the word for themselves and begun using it in a more positive sense that transcends its derogatory origins.

In 1973, Geographical Review claimed "The degree of residential segregation of the black community is greater than for any other group in urban America, yet black people have not had the political power necessary to exercise any significant degree of control over the improvement of the basic services necessary for their health, education, and welfare." Scholars have been interested in the study of African-American or Black ghettos precisely for the concentration of disadvantaged residents and their vulnerability to social problems. American ghettos also bring attention to geographical and political barriers, and as Doreen Massey highlights, that racial segregation in African-American or Black ghettos challenge America's democratic foundations. However, it is still advocated that "One solution to these problems depends on our ability to use the political process in eliminating the inequities... geographical knowledge and theory to public-policy decisions about poor people and poor regions is a professional obligation."

European ghettos (Non-Jewish)

Roma ghettos

Roma settlement Luník IX near Košice, Slovakia

There are many Roma ghettos in the European Union. The Czech government estimates that there are approximately 830 Roma ghettos in the Czech Republic.

In Northern Ireland

A "peace line" in Belfast, seen from the Irish nationalist/republican side. The small back row of houses are protected by cages as missiles are sometimes thrown from the other side.
 
Mural at the edge of a loyalist ghetto in Belfast

In Northern Ireland, towns and cities have long been segregated along ethnic, religious and political lines. The two main communities of Northern Ireland are:

  1. the Irish nationalist-republican community, who mainly self-identify as Irish or Catholic; and
  2. the unionist-loyalist community, who mainly self-identify as British or Protestant.

Ghettos emerged in Belfast during the riots that accompanied the Irish War of Independence. For safety, people fled to areas where their community was the majority. Many more ghettos emerged after the 1969 riots and beginning of the "Troubles." In August 1969 the British Army was deployed to restore order and separate the two sides. The government built barriers called "peace lines." Many of the ghettos came under the control of paramilitaries such as the (republican) Provisional Irish Republican Army and the (loyalist) Ulster Defence Association. One of the most notable ghettos was Free Derry.

In the United Kingdom

The existence of ethnic enclaves in the United Kingdom is controversial. Southall Broadway, a predominantly Asian area in Greater London, where less than 12 percent of the population is white, has been cited as an example of a 'ghetto', but in reality the area is home to a number of different ethnic groups and religious groups.

Analysis of data from Census 2001 revealed that only two wards in England and Wales, both in Birmingham, had one dominant non-white ethnic group comprising more than two-thirds of the local population, but there were 20 wards where whites were a minority making up less than a third of the local population. By 2001, two London boroughs—Newham and Brent—had "minority majority" populations, and most parts of the city tend to have a diverse population.

Historically, some parts of London have long been noted for the prevalence of a particular ethnic or religious group (such as the Jewish communities of Golders Green and other parts of the London Borough of Barnet, and the West Indian community of Notting Hill), but in each case these populations have been part of a broader multicultural population. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the East End of London was also noted for its Jewish population, but now has a significant British Bangladeshi populace.

In Denmark

During the period 2010-2021, the word ghetto was used officially by the Danish government to describe certain officially designated vulnerable social housing areas in the country. The designation was applied to areas based on the residents' income levels, employment status, education levels, criminal convictions and proportion of non-Western immigrants and their descendants. The term was controversial during its period of use and was finally removed in 2021.

In 2010, the Danish Ministry of Transport, Building and Housing introduced an official listing of vulnerable social housing districts where the inhabitants fulfilled certain criteria. The list has informally and at times formally been called Ghettolisten (the 'List of Ghettos'). Since 2010, the list has been updated annually, with changes in the definition and/or terminology in 2013, 2018 and 2021.

In 2018, the Danish government at the time, led by Prime Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen, announced its intention to "end the existence of parallel societies and ghettos by 2030." A number of measures was introduced to solve the issue of integration, including policies like 25 hours of obligatory daycare or corresponding parent supervision per week for children in the appointed areas starting age 1, lowering social welfare for residents, incentives for reducing unemployment, demolition and rebuilding of certain tenements, rights for landlords to refuse housing to convicts, etc. The policies have been criticized for undercutting 'equality before law' and for portraying immigrants, especially Muslim immigrants, in a bad light.

The term "ghetto" was controversial during the period of its usage, inhabitants feeling stigmatized by the wording and researchers pointing out that the areas in question were typically inhabited by 20-40 different ethnic minorities, hence being diametrically opposed to the ethnic homogeneity of the original ghettos, so that multi-ethnic residential areas would be a more appropriate term.

In June 2019 a new social democratic government was formed in Denmark, with Kaare Dybvad becoming housing minister. He stated that the new government would stop using the word "ghetto" for vulnerable housing areas, as it was both imprecise and derogatory. In a 2021 reform, the name was finally removed in legal texts by Parliament. Instead, a new category called "parallel societies" was instituted.

In France

In France, a banlieue (French: [bɑ̃ljø]) is a suburb of a large city. Banlieues are divided into autonomous administrative entities and do not constitute part of the city proper. For instance, 80% of the inhabitants of the Paris area live outside the city of Paris. Like the city centre, suburbs may be rich, middle-class or poor — Versailles, Le Vésinet, Maisons-Laffitte and Neuilly-sur-Seine are affluent banlieues of Paris, while Clichy-sous-Bois, Bondy and Corbeil-Essonnes are less so. However, since the 1970s, banlieues increasingly means, in French of France, low-income housing projects (HLMs) in which mainly foreign immigrants and French of foreign descent reside, often in perceived poverty traps.

In popular culture

A number of songs and films have been written about/depicting the ghetto.

Film

Music

Copper in renewable energy

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