In the social sciences, the free-rider problem occurs when
those who benefit from resources, public goods, or services do not pay
for them, which results in an underprovision of those goods or services. For example, a free-rider may frequently ask for available parking lots (public goods)
from those who have already paid for them, in order to benefit from
free parking. That is, the free-rider may use the parking even more than
the others without paying a penny. The free-rider problem is the
question of how to limit free riding and its negative effects in these
situations. The free-rider problem may occur when property rights are
not clearly defined and imposed.
The free-rider problem is common with goods which are non-excludable, including public goods and situations of the Tragedy of the Commons.
Although the term "free rider" was first used in economic theory of public goods, similar concepts have been applied to other contexts, including collective bargaining, antitrust law, psychology and political science. For example, some individuals in a team or community may reduce their contributions or performance if they believe that one or more other members of the group may free ride.
Although the term "free rider" was first used in economic theory of public goods, similar concepts have been applied to other contexts, including collective bargaining, antitrust law, psychology and political science. For example, some individuals in a team or community may reduce their contributions or performance if they believe that one or more other members of the group may free ride.
The economic problem with free riding
Free riding is a problem of economic inefficiency
when it leads to the under-production or over-consumption of a good.
For example, when people are asked how much they value a particular
public good, with that value measured in terms of how much money they
would be willing to pay, their tendency is to under report their
valuations.
Goods which are subject to free riding are usually characterized
by the inability to exclude non-payers. This problem is sometimes
compounded by the fact that common-property goods are characterized by
rival consumption. Not only can consumers of common-property goods
benefit without payment, but consumption by one imposes an opportunity
cost on others. This will lead to overconsumption and even possibly
exhaustion or destruction of the common-property good. If too many
people start to free ride, a system or service will eventually not have
enough resources to operate.
The other problem of free-riding is experienced when the production of goods does not consider the external costs, particularly the use of ecosystem services.
Economic and political solutions
Assurance contracts
An assurance contract
is a contract in which participants make a binding pledge to contribute
to building a public good, contingent on a quorum of a predetermined
size being reached. Otherwise the good is not provided and any monetary
contributions are refunded.
A dominant assurance contract
is a variation in which an entrepreneur creates the contract and
refunds the initial pledge plus an additional sum of money if the quorum
is not reached. (The entrepreneur profits by collecting a fee if the
quorum is reached and the good is provided.) In game-theoretic
terms this makes pledging to build the public good a dominant strategy:
the best move is to pledge to the contract regardless of the actions of
others.
Coasian solution
A Coasian solution, named for the economist Ronald Coase,
proposes that potential beneficiaries of a public good can negotiate to
pool their resources and create it, based on each party's
self-interested willingness to pay. His treatise, "The Problem of
Social Cost" (1960), argued that if the transaction costs
between potential beneficiaries of a public good are low—that it is
easy for potential beneficiaries to find each other and organize a
pooling their resources based upon the good's value to each of them—that
public goods could be produced without government action.
Much later, Coase himself wrote that while what had become known as the
Coase Theorem had explored the implications of zero transaction costs,
he had actually intended to use this construct as a stepping-stone to
understand the real world of positive transaction costs, corporations,
legal systems and government actions:
I examined what would happen in a world in which transaction costs were assumed to be zero. My aim in doing so was not to describe what life would be like in such a world but to provide a simple setting in which to develop the analysis and, what was even more important, to make clear the fundamental role which transaction costs do, and should, play in the fashioning of the institutions which make up the economic system.
Coase also wrote:
The world of zero transaction costs has often been described as a Coasian world. Nothing could be further from the truth. It is the world of modern economic theory, one which I was hoping to persuade economists to leave. What I did in "The Problem of Social Cost" was simply to shed light on some of its properties. I argued in such a world the allocation of resources would be independent of the legal position, a result which Stigler dubbed the "Coase theorem".
Thus,
while Coase himself appears to have considered the "Coase theorem" and
Coasian solutions as simplified constructs to ultimately consider the
real 20th-century world of governments and laws and corporations, these
concepts have become attached to a world where transaction costs were
much lower, and government intervention would unquestionably be less
necessary.
A minor alternative, especially for information goods, is for the
producer to refuse to release a good to the public until payment to
cover costs is met. Author Stephen King,
for instance, authored chapters of a new novel downloadable for free on
his website while stating that he would not release subsequent chapters
unless a certain amount of money was raised. Sometimes dubbed holding for ransom, this method of public goods production is a modern application of the street performer protocol
for public goods production. Unlike assurance contracts, its success
relies largely on social norms to ensure (to some extent) that the
threshold is reached and partial contributions are not wasted.
One of the purest Coasian solutions today is the new phenomenon of Internet crowdfunding. Here rules are enforced by computer algorithms and legal contracts as well as social pressure. For example, on the Kickstarter
site, each funder authorizes a credit card purchase to buy a new
product or receive other promised benefits, but no money changes hands
until the funding goal is met.
Because automation and the Internet so reduce the transaction costs for
pooling resources, project goals of only a few hundred dollars are
frequently crowdfunded, far below the costs of soliciting traditional
investors.
Government provision
If
voluntary provision of public goods will not work, then the solution is
making their provision involuntary. This saves each of us from our own
tendency to be a free rider, while also assuring us that no one else
will be allowed to free ride. One frequently proposed solution to the
problem is for governments or states to impose taxation to fund the production of public goods. This does not actually solve the theoretical problem because good government
is itself a public good. Thus it is difficult to ensure the government
has an incentive to provide the optimum amount even if it were possible
for the government to determine precisely what amount would be optimum.
These issues are studied by public choice theory and public finance.
Sometimes the government provides public goods using "unfunded
mandates". An example is the requirement that every car be fit with a catalytic converter. This may be executed in the private sector, but the end result is predetermined by the state: the individually involuntary provision of the public good clean air. Unfunded mandates have also been imposed by the U.S. federal government on the state and local governments, as with the Americans with Disabilities Act, for example.
Regardless the role of the government is provide vital goods to all individuals, some of which they cannot obtain on themselves. In order to ensure that government services are properly funded taxes and other government controlled entities are enforced.
Although enforced taxes deter the free-rider problem many contend that
some goods should be excluded and made into private goods. However, this
not possible with all goods such as pure public goods that are
inseparable and inclusive, thus require "provision by public means".
In short, the government has a responsibility to ensure that the social
welfare of individuals is met as opposed to privatized goods.
Subsidies and joint products
A government may subsidize production of a public good in the private sector. Unlike government provision, subsidies may result in some form of a competitive market. The potential for cronyism
(for example, an alliance between political insiders and the businesses
receiving subsidies) can be limited with secret bidding for the
subsidies or application of the subsidies following clear general
principles. Depending on the nature of a public good and a related
subsidy, principal–agent problems
can arise between the citizens and the government or between the
government and the subsidized producers; this effect and
counter-measures taken to address it can diminish the benefits of the
subsidy.
Subsidies can also be used in areas with a potential for non-individualism: For instance, a state may subsidize devices to reduce air pollution and appeal to citizens to cover the remaining costs.
Similarly, a joint-product model analyzes the collaborative
effect of joining a private good to a public good. For example, a tax
deduction (private good) can be tied to a donation to a charity
(public good). It can be shown that the provision of the public good
increases when tied to the private good, as long as the private good is
provided by a monopoly (otherwise the private good would be provided by
competitors without the link to the public good).
Privileged group
The study of collective action
shows that public goods are still produced when one individual benefits
more from the public good than it costs him to produce it; examples
include benefits from individual use, intrinsic motivation to produce, and business models based on selling complement goods. A group that contains such individuals is called a privileged group.
A historical example could be a downtown entrepreneur who erects a
street light in front of his shop to attract customers; even though
there are positive external benefits to neighboring nonpaying
businesses, the added customers to the paying shop provide enough
revenue to cover the costs of the street light.
The existence of privileged groups may not be a complete solution to the free rider problem, however, as underproduction
of the public good may still result. The street light builder, for
instance, would not consider the added benefit to neighboring businesses
when determining whether to erect his street light, making it possible
that the street light isn't built when the cost of building is too high
for the single entrepreneur even when the total benefit to all the
businesses combined exceeds the cost.
An example of the privileged group solution could be the Linux
community, assuming that users derive more benefit from contributing
than it costs them to do it. For more discussion on this topic see also Coase's Penguin.
Another example is those musicians and writers who create music
and writings for their own personal enjoyment, and publish because they
enjoy having an audience. Financial incentives are not necessary to
ensure the creation of these public goods. Whether this creates the
correct production level of writings and music is an open question.
Merging free riders
Another
method of overcoming the free rider problem is to simply eliminate the
profit incentive for free riding by buying out all the potential free
riders. A property developer that owned an entire city street, for
instance, would not need to worry about free riders when erecting street
lights since he owns every business that could benefit from the street
light without paying. Implicitly, then, the property developer would
erect street lights until the marginal social benefit met the marginal
social cost. In this case, they are equivalent to the private marginal
benefits and costs.
While the purchase of all potential free riders may solve the
problem of underproduction due to free riders in smaller markets, it may
simultaneously introduce the problem of underproduction due to monopoly.
Additionally, some markets are simply too large to make a buyout of all
beneficiaries feasible—this is particularly visible with public goods
that affect everyone in a country.
Introducing an exclusion mechanism (club goods)
Another solution, which has evolved for information goods, is to introduce exclusion mechanisms which turn public goods into club goods. One well-known example is copyright and patent laws. These laws, which in the 20th century came to be called intellectual property
laws, attempt to remove the natural non-excludability by prohibiting
reproduction of the good. Although they can address the free rider
problem, the downside of these laws is that they imply private monopoly
power and thus are not Pareto-optimal.
For example, in the United States, the patent rights given to
pharmaceutical companies encourage them to charge high prices (above marginal cost) and to advertise to convince patients to persuade their doctors to prescribe the drugs. Likewise, copyright provides an incentive for a publisher to act like The Dog in the Manger, taking older works out of print so as not to cannibalize revenue from the publisher's own new works.
The laws also end up encouraging patent and copyright owners to sue
even mild imitators in court and to lobby for the extension of the term
of the exclusive rights in a form of rent seeking.
These problems with the club-good mechanism arise because the underlying marginal cost of giving the good to more people is low or zero, but, because of the limits of price discrimination those who are unwilling or unable to pay a profit-maximizing price do not gain access to the good.
If the costs of the exclusion mechanism are not higher than the gain from the collaboration, club goods can emerge naturally. James M. Buchanan showed in his seminal paper that clubs can be an efficient alternative to government interventions.
On the other hand, the inefficiencies and inequities of club
goods exclusions sometimes cause potentially excludable club goods to be
treated as public goods, and their production financed by some other
mechanism. Examples of such "natural" club goods include natural monopolies
with very high fixed costs, private golf courses, cinemas, cable
television and social clubs. This explains why many such goods are
often provided or subsidized by governments, co-operatives or volunteer
associations, rather than being left to be supplied by profit-minded
entrepreneurs. These goods are often known as social goods.
Joseph Schumpeter
claimed that the "excess profits", or profits over normal profit,
generated by the copyright or patent monopoly will attract competitors
that will make technological innovations and thereby end the monopoly.
This is a continual process referred to as "Schumpeterian creative destruction",
and its applicability to different types of public goods is a source of
some controversy. The supporters of the theory point to the case of
Microsoft, for example, which has been increasing its prices (or
lowering its products' quality), predicting that these practices will
make increased market shares for Linux and Apple largely inevitable.
A nation can be seen as a club whose members are its citizens.
Government would then be the manager of this club. This is further
studied in the Theory of the State.
Altruistic solutions
Social norms
When
enough people do not think like free-riders, the private and voluntary
provision of public goods may be successful. For example, a free rider
might come to a public park to enjoy its beauty, yet discard litter that
makes it less enjoyable for others. Other public-spirited individuals
don't do this and might even pick up existing litter. Reasons for the
act could be that the person derives pleasure from helping their
community, feels ashamed if their neighbors or friends saw them, or
could be emotionally attached to the public good. Even people who
engaged in free-riding by littering elsewhere are less likely to if they
see others hold on to their trash.
Social norms can be observed wherever people interact, not only
in physical spaces but in virtual communities on the Internet. For
example, if a disabled person boards a crowded bus, everyone expects
that some able-bodied person will volunteer their seat. The same social
norm, although executed in a different environment, can also be applied
to the Internet. If a user enters a discussion in a chat room and
continues to use all capital letters or to make personal attacks
("flames") when addressing other users, the culprit may realize he or
she has been blocked by other participants. As in real life, users
learning to adapt to the social norms of cyberspace communities provide a
public good—here, not suffering disruptive online behavior—for all the
participants.
Social sanctions (punishment)
Experimental
literature suggests that free riding can be overcome without any state
intervention. Peer-to-peer punishment, that is, members sanction those
members that do not contribute to the public good at a cost, is
sufficient to establish and maintain cooperation.
Such punishment is often considered altruistic, because it comes at a
cost to the punisher, however, the exact nature remains to be explored. Whether costly punishment can explain cooperation is disputed.
Recent research finds that costly punishment is less effective in real
world environments. For example, punishment works relatively badly under
imperfect information, where people cannot observe the behavior of
others perfectly.
Voluntary organizations
Organizations such as the Red Cross, public radio, television, or a volunteer fire department
provide public goods to the majority at the expense of a minority who
voluntarily participate or contribute funds. Contributions to online
collaborative media like Wikipedia and other wiki projects, and free software projects such as Linux
are another example of relatively few contributors providing a public
good (information) freely to all readers or software users.
Proposed explanations for altruistic behavior include biological altruism and reciprocal altruism.
For example, voluntary groups such as labor unions and charities often
have a federated structure, probably in part because voluntary
collaboration emerges more readily in smaller social groups than in
large ones.
While both biological and reciprocal altruism are observed in
other animals, our species' complex social behaviors take these raw
materials much farther. Philanthropy by wealthy individuals—some, such as Andrew Carnegie
giving away their entire vast fortunes—have historically provided a
multitude of public goods for others. One major impact was the Rockefeller Foundation's development of the "Green Revolution" hybrid grains that probably saved many millions of people from starvation in the 1970s. Christian missionaries,
who typically spend large parts of their lives in remote, often
dangerous places, have had disproportionate impact compared with their
numbers worldwide for centuries. Communist revolutionaries in the 20th century had similar dedication and outsized impacts. International relief organizations such as Doctors Without Borders, Save the Children and Amnesty International
have benefited millions, while also occasionally costing workers their
lives. For better and for worse, humans can conceive of, and sacrifice
for, an almost infinite variety of causes in addition to their
biological kin.
Religions and ideologies
Voluntary altruistic organizations often motivate their members by
encouraging deep-seated personal beliefs, whether religious or other
(such as social justice or environmentalism) that are taken "on faith"
more than proved by rational argument. When individuals resist
temptations to free riding (e.g., stealing) because they hold these
beliefs (or because they fear the disapproval of others who do), they
provide others with public goods that might be difficult or impossible
to "produce" by administrative coercion alone.
One proposed explanation for the ubiquity of religious belief in human societies is multi-level selection:
altruists often lose out within groups, but groups with more altruists
win. A group whose members believe a "practical reality" that motivates
altruistic behavior may out-compete other groups whose members'
perception of "factual reality" causes them to behave selfishly. A
classic example is a soldier's willingness to fight for his tribe or
country. Another example given in evolutionary biologist David Sloan Wilson's Darwin's Cathedral is the early Christian church under the late Roman Empire; because Roman society was highly individualistic, during frequent epidemics many of the sick died not of the diseases per se
but for lack of basic nursing. Christians, who believed in an
afterlife, were willing to nurse the sick despite the risks. Although
the death rate among the nurses was high, the average Christian had a much better chance of surviving an epidemic than other Romans did, and the community prospered.
Religious and non-religious traditions and ideologies (such as nationalism and patriotism)
are in full view when a society is in crisis and public goods such as
defense are most needed. Wartime leaders invoke their God's protection
and claim that their society's most hallowed traditions are at stake.
For example, according to President Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address during the American Civil War,
the Union was fighting so "that government of the people, by the
people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth". Such
voluntary, if exaggerated, exhortations complement forcible
measures—taxation and conscription—to motivate people to make sacrifices
for their cause.