Head Start is a program of the United States Department of Health and Human Services that provides comprehensive early childhood education, health, nutrition,
and parent involvement services to low-income children and their
families. The program's services and resources are designed to foster
stable family relationships, enhance children's physical and emotional well-being, and establish an environment to develop strong cognitive skills. The transition from preschool to elementary school
imposes diverse developmental challenges that include requiring the
children to engage successfully with their peers outside the family
network, adjust to the space of a classroom, and meet the expectations
the school setting provides.
Launched in 1965 by its creator and first director Jule Sugarman, Head Start was originally conceived as a catch-up summer school
program that would teach low-income children in a few weeks what they
needed to know to start elementary school. The Head Start Act of 1981 expanded the program.
The program was revised when it was reauthorized in December 2007. Head
Start is one of the longest-running programs attempting to address the
effects of systemic poverty in the United States by intervening to aid
children. As of late 2005, more than 22 million children had participated. The current director of Head Start is Dr. Deborah Bergeron
History
Head Start began as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society campaign. Its justification came from the staff of the President's Council of Economic Advisers. Stan Salett, civil rights organizer, national education policy advisor and creator of the Upward Bound Program, is also credited with initiating the Head Start program.
Johnson started the War on Poverty shortly after President
Kennedy's assassination. The murder shook the nation, and Johnson
attempted to gain public trust by passing legacy legislation during the
subsequent months. Johnson received an initial briefing from Walter Heller, who informed Johnson of Kennedy's poverty program. By March 1964, the legislation, now known as the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964,
had been prepared for Congress. The legislation included training,
educational, and service programs for communities, including the Job Corps.
The Office of Economic Opportunity's Community Action Program
launched Project Head Start as an eight-week summer program in 1965.
The program was led by Dr. Robert Cooke, a pediatrician at Johns Hopkins University, and Dr. Edward Zigler, a professor of psychology and director of the Yale Child Study Center.
They designed a comprehensive child development program intended to
help communities meet the needs of disadvantaged preschool children. The
following year it was authorized by Congress as a year–round program.
In 1968, Head Start began funding a television series that would
eventually be called Sesame Street, operated by the Carnegie Corporation Children's Television Workshop (CTW).
In 1969, Head Start was transferred to the Office of Child Development in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (later the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS)) by the Nixon Administration. Today it is a program within the Administration for Children and Families (ACF) in DHHS.
In 1994, the Early Head Start program was established to serve
children from birth to age three, in an effort to capitalize on research
evidence that showed that the first three years are critical to
children's long-term development. Programs are administered by local
organizations and education agencies such as school systems.
In the early years, some 700,000 children enrolled at a
per-capita cost of $2,000 to $3,000 (2011 dollars). Under the full-time
program, enrollment dropped to under 400,000 by the early 1970s.
Enrollment reached close to 1 million children by 2011.
Policy Council
The
Head Start Policy Council makes up part of the Head Start governing
body. Policy Council must be composed of two types of representatives:
parents of currently enrolled children and community representatives. At
least 51% of the members of this group must be the parents of currently
enrolled children (see 45 CFR 1306.3(h) for a definition of a Head
Start Parent). All parent members of the Policy Council must stand for
election or re-election annually. This is done through their individual
parent groups. Grantees/Delegates are required to provide proportionate
representation to parents in all program options and settings. If
agencies operate programs serving different geographical regions or
ethnic groups, they must ensure that all groups being served will have
an equal opportunity to serve on the Policy Council. The Policy Council
is required to meet once each month. The term follows the federal
government fiscal year, running November–November. Service on the Policy
Council board is limited to three consecutive years per lifetime. The
meetings are conducted in accordance with Robert's Rules. The meeting day and time is agreed upon during the first meeting of the term year and may be adjusted as needed.
The Policy Council approval is needed for several program
functions, from new hires to the program, as well as for the budget and
spending. The Council can serve the program in ways that the others in
the program cannot, as it is the only body that is part of Head Start
that can do fundraising. In addition to monthly meetings, Policy Council
may at times need to hold special or emergency meetings or have a phone
vote. Policy Council representatives are required to attend classroom
meetings and report back to the Policy Council with issues and needs of
the classroom. They may also be asked to sit in on interviews as Head
Start requires that a Policy Council representative be present for all
interviews. The officers of Policy Council include vice-chairperson,
secretary, and vice-secretary. Classrooms are also able to elect
alternate Policy Council reps in case the main rep is unable to attend
the meetings.
Services and programs
Head
Start serves over 1 million children and their families each year in
urban and rural areas in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Puerto
Rico and the U.S. territories. Related health services include
pre-school education health screenings, health check-ups and dental
check-ups. Family advocates assist parents in accessing community
resources. All services are specific to each family's culture and
experience. Targets include cognitive, social, and emotional
development.
Programs include:
- Early Head Start promotes healthy prenatal outcomes, healthy families, as well as infant and toddler development beginning as early as birth.
- Head Start helps to create healthy development in low-income children ages three to five.
- Family and Community Partnerships offers parents opportunities and support as they identify and meet their own goals, nurture their children and advocate for communities that support children and families.
- Migrant and Seasonal services are for children of migrant and seasonal farm workers. Services target children from six months to five years. Service hours are longer and programs extend for fewer months than traditional Head Start.
- Head Start also serves indigenous Americans, with centers on reservations as well as in urban communities.
- Homeless children were included explicitly as subjects with the 2007 reauthorization. Programs must identify and provide services to homeless children of all ages within a reasonable period.
- Tri-Counties Regional Center is one of twenty-one non-profit regional centers in California providing lifelong services and supports for people with developmental disabilities residing in San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara and Ventura Counties.
- Early Start is California's response to federal legislation ensuring that services to eligible infants and toddlers are coordinated and family-centered. It is a statewide system of early intervention services for infants and toddlers from birth to 36 months of age. This program is coordinated by regional centers and public school districts.
- Each eligible child will be assigned a Service Coordinator who will
be responsible for the coordination of early intervention services.
Eligible children and their families may receive a variety of early
intervention services. Services for young children are family-centered,
based on family concerns, priorities and resources, and provided in a
child's natural setting. Services may include, but are not limited to:
- Infant stimulation (specialized instruction) in your home or community
- Physical, occupational and/or speech/language therapy
- Behavior services
- Family Resource Centers for parent-to-parent support
Eligibility
Eligibility
is largely income-based, although each local program includes other
eligibility criteria, such as disabilities and services needed by other
family members. Families must earn less than 100% of the federal poverty level. Families may also qualify under a categorical eligibility category—receipt of Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) funds, Supplemental Security funds, or Homeless, as per the McKinney-Vento Act.
Up to 10% of any funded program's enrollment can be from higher income
families or families experiencing emergency situations. All programs are
required to provide services to children with disabilities, who must
comprise 10% of their total enrollment. Per the Head Start Act (2007),
programs may elect to serve families whose income is between 100-130%
under certain circumstances. Programs must also complete additional
reporting requirements if this is appropriate for their community.
Budget and funding
The
2011 federal budget for Head Start was $8.1 billion. 85% was to be
devoted to direct services and no more than 15% on administration,
serving approximately one million students.
Local grantees must provide a 20% cash/in-kind match. Each local grantee is required to obtain an annual financial audit, if it receives more than $500,000 in federal support.
Grants are awarded by the Administration for Children and Families
(ACF) Regional Offices and the American Indian – Alaska Native and
Migrant and Seasonal Program Branches directly to local public agencies,
private organizations, Indian tribes and school systems.
The individual Head Start classrooms/centers "repay" the grant
through a program known as InKind. The Inkind program is a way to get
their parents and their students working together on out of class
studies.
Teachers
All
lead teachers must have a bachelor's degree or be working towards one.
Most have completed six or more courses in early-childhood education. By 2013, all teachers were to have associate degrees in a related field and half must have bachelor's degrees.
As of 2003, the average Head Start teacher made $21,000 per year, compared to the public school teacher average of $43,000.
Teachers are also required to complete a (CDA) Child Development Associate certificate.
Operations
Head
Start programs typically operate independently from local school
districts. Most often they are administered through local
social-services agencies. Classes are generally small, with fewer than
ten enrollees per adult staff member. Individual programs develop their
own academic and social curricula, following federal performance
standards.
Effectiveness
Many
studies of program effectiveness have been conducted during Head
Start's multi-decade history. The studies failed to produce an academic
or political consensus about the program's effects.
Supportive studies and statements
In 2015, CCR Analytics,
formerly Child Care Analytics, published the results of their Family
Outcomes Survey completed by nearly 11,600 California Head Start and Early Head Start
parents. 90% of parents surveyed said that Head Start helped them to
get or keep a job. 92% of parents surveyed said that Head Start helped
them to enroll in an educational or training program. 99% of families
surveyed said that Head Start helped them to improve their parenting
skills, such as responding to children's misbehavior and helping their
children to learn. These results indicate that Head Start has a positive
impact on the whole family, beyond the individual children who attend
the program.
In 2014, CCR Analytics
published the results of their study of 49,467 children assessed in the
2012-2013 school year from 81 Head Start programs throughout the state
of California (more than 50% of the entire California Head Start
population). Participation in the study was open to all California Head
Start programs who used the DRDP-PS 2010 assessment tool. The study
found that providing two years of Head Start to a child increases the
probability by between 13% to 86% that the child will meet age
appropriate expectations. Regression discontinuity design was used to measure program impact without denying a control group
the opportunity to attend Head Start. The analysis compared
three-year-olds enrolled in Head Start to four-year-olds who returned to
Head Start for their second year. This also eliminated the issue of selection bias because both groups chose to attend Head Start as three-year-olds.
In 2009, David Deming evaluated the program, using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth.
He compared siblings and found that those who attended Head Start
showed stronger academic performance as shown on test scores for years
afterward, were less likely to be diagnosed as learning-disabled, less
likely to commit crime, more likely to graduate from high school and
attend college, and less likely to suffer from poor health as an adult.
Lee collected data across sixty Head Start classrooms in 2007 and
2008. A sample of 1,260 children ages three to four were selected as
the final sample. Of these children, 446 had entered Head Start at age 3
and enrolled for a year (Group 1); 498 had been entered at age 4 and
enrolled for a year (Group 2); and 316 children had been enrolled for 2
years, entering at age 3 (Group 3). Academic outcome measures in
literacy, math and science were collected based on the Head Start and
Early Childhood Program Observational Checklist rating on a 4-point
scale (1—not yet to 4—excels. Family risk factor indicators (developed
by the State Department of Education) included single parent, unemployed
parent, teenage parent, parental loss (divorce/death), low parental
school achievement, food insufficiency. Group 3 had higher literacy,
math and science scores than the other groups. Children in the high-risk
group had significantly lower literacy, math, and science scores than
those who had three or fewer risk factors. Head Start is associated with
significant gains in test scores. Head Start significantly reduces the
probability that a child will repeat a grade.
In 2002, Garces, Thomas and Currie used data from the Panel
Survey of Income Dynamics to review outcomes for close to 4,000
participating adults followed from childhood and compared with
non-participant siblings. Among European Americans, adults who had
attended Head Start were significantly more likely to complete high
school, attend college and possibly have higher earnings in their early
twenties. African-American adults who had attended Head Start were
significantly less likely to be booked/charged for a crime. Head Start
may increase the likelihood that African-American males graduate from
high school. Separately the authors noted larger effects for younger
siblings who attended Head Start after an older sibling.
In 1998, Congress mandated an intensive study of the effectiveness of Head Start, the "Head Start Impact Study", which studied a target population of 5,000 3- and 4-year-old children.
The study measured Head Start's effectiveness as compared to other
forms of community support and educational intervention, as opposed to
comparing Head Start to a nonintervention alternative. Head Start Impact
Study First Year Findings were released in June 2005. Study
participants were assigned to either Head Start or other parent–selected
community resources for one year. 60% of the children in the control
group were placed in other preschools. The first report showed
consistent small to moderate advantages to 3-year-old children including
pre-reading, pre-vocabulary and parent reports of children's literacy
skills. No significant impacts were found for oral comprehension,
phonological awareness, or early mathematics skills for either age
group. Fewer positive benefits were found for 4-year-olds. The benefits
improved with early participation and varied across racial and ethnic
groups. These analyses did not assess the benefits' durability.
In 1976, Datta summarized 31 studies, concluding that the program showed immediate improvement in IQ scores of participating children, though nonparticipants narrowed the difference over time.
In 1975, Seitz, Abelson, Levine and Zigler compared disadvantaged children enrolled and not enrolled in Head Start, using the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test
(PPVT). The participants were low-income inner-city black children
whose unemployed, economically disadvantaged parents were considered
unskilled. The Head Start children had attended for at least five months
at the time of testing, including nine boys and 11 girls. The
non-enrolled group was on the Head Start waiting list. The control group
consisted of 11 boys and nine girls. The groups were matched by family
income, parental employment and marital status. The tester tested
children at home and in a school or office setting. The Head Start
children scored higher than the controls in both settings, which
suggested preschool intervention programs may have influenced the
result. The controls tested at home scored the lowest, apparently due to
anxiety from having an unfamiliar person in their homes. The Head Start
children were unaffected by the environmental factor. In evaluating
this study vs. others, the relatively small sample size should be noted:
20 children vs. thousands in other studies.
Mixed studies and statements
In 2005, Barnett and Hustedt reviewed the literature and stated,
Our review finds mixed, but generally positive, evidence regarding Head Start's long-term benefits. Although studies typically find that increases in IQ fade out over time, many other studies also find decreases in grade retention and special education placements. Sustained increases in school achievement are sometimes found, but in other cases flawed research methods produce results that mimic fade-out. In recent years, the federal government has funded large-scale evaluations of Head Start and Early Head Start. Results from the Early Head Start evaluation are particularly informative, as study participants were randomly assigned to either the Early Head Start group or a control group. Early Head Start demonstrated modest improvements in children's development and parent beliefs and behavior.
A 1995 within–family analysis compared subjects with nonparticipant
siblings. Mothers who had themselves been enrolled in Head Start were
compared to adult sisters who were not. Currie and Thomas separately
analyzed white, black and Hispanic participants. White children, who
were the most disadvantaged, showed larger and longer lasting
improvements than black children.
Head Start "fade"
"Head
Start Fade", in which significant initial impacts quickly fade, has
often been observed, as early as second and third grade.
One hypothesis is that the decline is because Head Start participants
are likely to attend lower-quality schools, which fail to reinforce Head
Start gains.
Critical studies and statements
Head Start Impact study
A 2010 report by the Department of Health and Human Services, Head Start Impact, examined the cognitive development, social-emotional development, and physical health outcomes of 4,667
three- and four-year-old children in a nationally representative sample
of programs across 23 states. Children were randomly assigned to either
a Head Start group (participants) or a non-Head Start group (control
group). The children in the two groups were similar in all measured
characteristics at program entry. Pre-participation assessments of all
critical outcome measures were taken. Control group children optionally
enrolled in non-Head Start programs. Nearly half of the control-group
children enrolled in other preschool programs. Outcome measures covered
cognitive development, social-emotional development, health status and
access to health care, and parenting practices. Head Start students were
split into two cohorts – 3-year-olds with two years of Head Start and
4-year-olds with one year of Head Start. The study found:
- Participants showed positive effects in cognitive skills during their Head Start years, including letter-naming, vocabulary, letter-word identification and applied math problems, although the "advantages children gained during their Head Start and age 4 years yielded only a few statistically significant differences in outcomes at the end of 1st grade for the sample as a whole. Impacts at the end of kindergarten were scattered. ... " The gains applied to different skills across cohorts and grades, undermining generalizations about program impacts.
- Participants showed fewer significant improvements in social and behavioral skills, even in the Head Start year, with inconsistent results between the three- and four-year-old cohorts. The four-year-old cohort showed no significant improvement in the Head Start year or kindergarten, but in third grade, parents reported a significant reduction in total problem behavior and social and behavioral skills. Three-year-olds showed multiple, significant improvements in social and behavioral skills, but only for outcomes assessed by parents. Significant negative effects emerged in teacher relationships as rated by first-grade and third-grade teachers; and no significant positive effects for this cohort were reported by teachers for any elementary year.
- By the end of first grade, only "a single cognitive impact was found for each cohort". Compared to students in the control group, the 4-year-old Head Start cohort did "significantly better" on vocabulary and the 3-year-old cohort tested better in oral comprehension.
- Head Start had significant health-related effects, especially in increasing the number of children receiving dental care and having health-insurance coverage. These effects were not consistent, however. For example, while participants increased health-insurance coverage, it did not extend into the third-grade year for either cohort. Parenting practice changes were significant, but applied only to the three-year-old cohort. Most related to discipline, such as reduced spanking or time-outs. The spanking outcome occurred did not last into the first grade. The significant effect on parental reading to children did not last into kindergarten.
A secondary analysis by Peter Bernardy used HSIS data to explore the
transient aspect of the initial effects. He considered whether learning
skills not examined in the HSIS might be more durable than cognitive
skills. These included attention, persistence, and confidence as
evaluated by teachers, parents and independent assessors. Improvements
in these skills could portend better longer-term outcomes.
Bernardy also examined whether Head Start curriculum or
elementary school quality affected outcomes and whether control group
attendance at other preschools compromised the results. Only one effect
was statistically significant out of the 43 possible comparisons, and
none was in the elementary grades. Since statistical significance is
generally measured at the 95th percentile, the false positive rate is 5
percent, meaning that approximately 2 "significant" effects would be
expected to emerge from the 43 comparisons even if the data were random.
The significant effect reported was the parent rating of attention at
the end of the Head Start year for three-year-old children. This finding
was not buttressed by ratings by independent assessors and teachers.
The HSIS study concludes, "Head Start has benefits for both
3-year-olds and 4-year-olds in the cognitive, health, and parenting
domains, and for 3-year-olds in the social-emotional domain. However,
the benefits of access to Head Start at age four are largely absent by
1st grade for the program population as a whole. For 3-year-olds, there
are few sustained benefits, although access to the program may lead to
improved parent-child relationships through 1st grade, a potentially
important finding for children's longer-term development."
Other comments
According
to the Administrative History of the Office of Economic Opportunity,
children who finish the program and are placed into disadvantaged
schools perform worse than their peers by second grade. Only by
isolating such children (such as dispersing and sending them to
better-performing school districts) could gains be sustained.
In an op-ed piece in The New York Times, "Head Start Falls
Further Behind", Besharov and Call discuss a 1998 evaluation that led
to a national reevaluation of the program. The authors stated that
research concluded that the current program had little meaningful
impact. However, they did not cite primary sources.
In 2011, Time magazine's columnist Joe Klein
called for the elimination of Head Start, citing an internal report
that the program is costly and makes a negligible impact on children's
well-being over time. Klein wrote:
You take the million or so poorest 3- and 4-year-old children and give them a leg up on socialization and education by providing preschool for them; if it works, it saves money in the long run by producing fewer criminals and welfare recipients ... it is now 45 years later. We spend more than $7 billion providing Head Start to nearly 1 million children each year. And finally there is indisputable evidence about the program's effectiveness, provided by the Department of Health and Human Services: Head Start simply does not work.
W. Steven Barnett, director of the National Institute for Early Education Research at Rutgers University,
rebutted Klein, "Weighing all of the evidence and not just that cited
by partisans on one side or the other, the most accurate conclusion is
that Head Start produces modest benefits including some long-term gains
for children."
Fryer and Levitt found no evidence that Head Start participation had lasting effect on test scores in the early years of school.