Following Google's corporate restructuring under the conglomerate Alphabet Inc. in October 2015, Alphabet took "Do the right thing" as its motto, also forming the opening of its corporate code of conduct.
The original motto was retained in Google's code of conduct, now a
subsidiary of Alphabet. Between April 21st and May 4th of 2018, the
motto was removed from the code of conduct's preface and retained in its
last sentence.
History
The motto was first suggested either by Google employee Paul Buchheit at a meeting about corporate values that took place either in early 2000 or 2001 or, according to another account, by Google engineer Amit Patel in 1999. Buchheit, the creator of Gmail,
said he "wanted something that, once you put it in there, would be hard
to take out", adding that the slogan was "also a bit of a jab at a lot
of the other companies, especially our competitors, who at the time, in
our opinion, were kind of exploiting the users to some extent".
While the official corporate philosophy of Google does not contain the words "Don't be evil", they were included in the prospectus (on Form S-1) of Google's 2004 IPO
(a letter from Google's founders, later called the "'Don't Be Evil'
manifesto"): "Don't be evil. We believe strongly that in the long term,
we will be better served—as shareholders and in all other ways—by a
company that does good things for the world even if we forgo some short
term gains." The motto is sometimes incorrectly stated as Do no evil.
By early 2018, the motto was still cited in the preface to Google's Code of Conduct:
"Don't be evil." Googlers generally apply those words to how we serve our users. But "Don't be evil" is much more than that...
The Google Code of Conduct is one of the ways we put "Don't be evil" into practice...
Between 21 April and 4 May 2018, Google removed the motto from the
preface, leaving a mention in the final line: "And remember... don't be
evil, and if you see something that you think isn't right – speak up!"
Google users trust our systems to
help them with important decisions: medical, financial and many others.
Our search results are the best we know how to produce. They are
unbiased and objective, and we do not accept payment for them or for
inclusion or more frequent updating. We also display advertising, which
we work hard to make relevant, and we label it clearly. This is similar
to a well-run newspaper, where the advertisements are clear and the
articles are not influenced by the advertisers’ payments. We believe it
is important for everyone to have access to the best information and
research, not only to the information people pay for you to see.
In 2009, Chris Hoofnagle, director of University of California, Berkeley Law's information privacy
programs, stated that Google's original intention expressed by the
"don't be evil" motto was linked to the company's separation of search
results from advertising.
However, he observed that clearly separating search results from
sponsored links is required by law, thus, Google's practice had since
become mainstream and was no longer remarkable or good. Hoofnagle argued
that Google should abandon the motto because:
The evil talk is not only an albatross
for Google, it obscures the substantial consumer benefits from Google’s
advertising model. Because we have forgotten the original context of
Google’s evil representations, the company should remind the public of
the company’s contribution to a revolution in search advertising, and
highlight some overlooked benefits of their model.
In a 2013 NPR interview, Eric Schmidt
revealed that when Larry Page and Sergey Brin recommended the motto as a
guiding principle for Google, he "thought this was the stupidest rule
ever", but then changed his opinion after a meeting where an engineer
successfully referred to the motto when expressing concerns about a
planned advertising product, which was eventually cancelled. Journalists have raised questions about the actual definition of what Google considered "evil".
On the user-facing 'What We Believe' page, Google appeared to replace
the original motto altogether (a carefully reworded version stood as of
April 10th, 2015, "You can make money without doing evil", which varied significantly from the absolute imperative of DON'T be evil).
Use in criticism of Google
Critics of Google frequently spin the motto in a negative way, such as InfoWorld's 2014 article "Google? Evil? You have no idea". Google's 2012 announcement to "begin tracking users universally across all its services" (via "Google Plus" accounts) prompted early privacy and anti-trust concerns referencing the motto, like "Google's Broken Promise: The End of 'Don't Be Evil'" on Gizmodo.In the same year, major social networks even co-developed a Don't be evil browser bookmarklet (specifically to expose alleged SERP manipulation promoting Google-owned content over that of others).
On May 16th, 2013 Margaret Hodge MP, the chair of the United KingdomPublic Accounts Committee, accused Google of being "calculated and unethical" over its use of highly contrived and artificial distinctions to avoid paying billions of pounds in corporation tax owed by its UK operations.
The company was accused by the committee, which represents the
interests of all UK taxpayers, of being "evil" for not paying its "fair
amount of tax". She told Matt Brittin, head of Google UK, "I think that you do evil". In 2015, the UK Government introduced a new law intended to penalise Google and other large multinational corporations' artificial tax avoidance.
Google's alleged uses of multi-platform mass surveillance, search engine results and other technologies to politically censor content visibility, manipulate public opinion, sway elections and develop weapons
triggered new protests under the former motto. "Google is evil"
according to the conservative "Internet Accountability Project", citing
Google swinging as many as 2.6 million votes to Hillary Clinton in the 2016 US election.
In 2015, The Commercial Appeal reported that "critics say Google's recent moves belie search giant's motto".
Lawsuit
On 29 November 2021, three former Google
employees filed a lawsuit alleging that Google's motto "Don't be evil"
amounts to a contractual obligation that the tech giant violated, that
Google broke their own moral code by firing them as retaliation for
their efforts against "evil", in what the trio thought were in
accordance with the principle, in drawing attention to and organizing
employees against controversial projects, such as work for the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) during the Trump administration which, as they claimed, amounted to "doing evil", and as such deserve monetary damages.
The plaintiffs' lawyer, Laurie Burgess, says Google employees can be fired for not abiding by the motto.
There are all sorts of contract terms that a jury is
required to interpret: "don't be evil" is not so "out there" as to be
unenforceable. "Since Google's contract tells employees that they can
be fired for failing to abide by the motto, 'don't be evil,' it must
have meaning." - plaintiffs' lawyer, Laurie Burgess
The trio circulated a petition calling on Google to publicly commit to not working with the CBP. The three workers (along with a fourth) were later fired in 2019 on a denied accusation of "clear and repeated violations" of the company's data security policies.
The National Labor Relations Board wrote, in May 2021, that Google "arguably violated" federal labor law by "unlawfully discharging" the workers.
The trio condemned Google for their behavior in 2021:
Google realized that "don't be evil" was both costing it
money and driving workers to organize. Rather than admit that their
stance had changed and lose the accompanying benefits to the company
image, Google fired employees who were living the motto.
The contributions of women in climate change have received
increasing attention in the early 21st century. Feedback from women and
the issues faced by women have been described as "imperative" by the United Nations and "critical" by the Population Reference Bureau. A report by the World Health Organization concluded that incorporating gender-based analysis would "provide more effective climate change mitigation and adaptation."
Many studies have documented the gender gap
in science and investigated why women are not included or represented,
particularly at higher levels of research. Despite significant progress,
female scientists continue to endure discrimination, unequal pay,
and funding inequities, according to a special report published in the
journal Nature in 2013. It also states that 70 percent of men and women
around the world regard science as a male endeavor. Women encounter
hurdles due to their family obligations, and they are underrepresented
in publications and citations.
Women are generally underrepresented in science and have faced many barriers to their success and recognition. Following the scientific revolution in the 17th century European women became involved in observational science, including astronomy, natural history and weather observations although many universities would not admit women until the late 19th century.
The latest report from the US National Science Foundation
shows that while women are now earning half of the undergraduate
degrees in science and engineering, most of these are in the biosciences
(especially pre-med) compared to physics, computer sciences and
engineering (20%). In terms of doctorates, women are also only 20% of
the engineering and physics PhDs. Although the proportion of women full
professors in the US has doubled since 1993 women occupy less than 1/4
of senior faculty positions in science and engineering and women earn
less than men at the same level.
It has been noted that women of color, indigenous women and women
from the global south are even more likely to be overlooked, to be
poorly represented in the academy and leadership.
This is associated with a legacy of discrimination, lack of
educational opportunities, language barriers, and a lack of effort to
identify and cite them.
Women in climate change disciplines
Women
are underrepresented in key disciplines for the study of climate
change. For example, women are a minority in the earth sciences where
surveys reveal that less than 20% of meteorologists and geoscientists
are women.
A recent analysis of US atmospheric science doctoral programs reveals
that women were 17% of tenure track and tenured faculty, with even
smaller proportions at higher rank, and 53% of departments had two or
fewer women faculty.
Women are slightly better represented in the ecological sciences. One
study reports that women are 55% of graduate students in ecology but
only 1/3 of tenured faculty are women and that 3/4 of the articles in
the flagship international journal - Ecology - are written by men.
Women received proportionally less research funding and were less
likely to be cited by their colleagues. Women members of the Ecological
Society of America increased from 23% in 1992 to 37% in 2010.
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization publishes data on women in science worldwide.
Overall women are better represented as a share of total scientific
researchers in Latin America, Oceania and Europe (30%+) and least in
Asia (19%).
Arguments for women in science and climate change
It
is argued that when women are overlooked as scholars and decision
makers the world fails to take advantage of its full human capacity,
which is needed for issues as urgent as climate change.
Women may also take more collaborative approaches, especially in
negotiations, and may pay more attention to disadvantaged groups and to
the natural environment.
Gender has become an issue because of women's essential roles in
managing resources such as water, forests and energy and as women lead
fights for environmental protection.
A general concern has been expressed about the need to highlight
the work of women and to include more women in major committees in order
to provide gender balance, social justice, and inspiration to young
women to enter careers in science.
This reflects more general arguments about the barriers to women's
advancement and the need for women to "Lean in" to leadership positions.
Another argument focuses on the effects climate change on
reproductive health. It was not until recently that these issues were
discovered and brought to light however, they are currently affecting
many women all around the world and in turn will eventually have
population effects. The pollutants and toxic chemicals that in air,
food, and ecosystems are causing lots of health issues. Developing
countries are currently suffering the most as they tend to be the waste
dump sites from more developed countries as they are seen as more
disposable. Not only can these pollutants cause infertility, they can
create issues with formation of babies and the overall weight and health
as well as cause miscarriages. Not only is our future generation
suffering the consequences the mothers of these children are suffering
health issues. This is another important reason why women should be
brought into the climate change discussion.
The
outcome document of the Rio+20 Conference on Sustainable Development -
the Future we Want - recognized the need to remove barriers to the full
and equal participation of women in decision making and management and
the need to increase women in leadership positions. A report prepared by UN Women, the Mary Robinson Foundation - Climate Justice, the Global Gender and Climate Alliance and the UNFCCC
recognizes the structural inequalities that impede the representation
of women in climate science, negotiations and policies and recommends
greater gender balance in the UNFCCC and national delegations.
The report argues that the "challenges of climate change cannot be
solved without empowering women" and that women have been marginalized
in international negotiations. It reports data that show weak
representation of women in the institutions of the UNFCCC including the
Adaptation Committee (25%), the GEF Council (19%) and the Expert Group
(15%) and that overall women constitute less than 20% of delegation
heads and less than 30% of delegation members at UNFCCC conferences.
The Manthropocene
A call for international science to pay greater attention to the inclusion of women scholars was made by Kate Raworth and then in her article "Must the Anthropocene be the Manthropocene?"
She pointed out that the working group of 36 scientists and scholars
who convened in Berlin in 2014 to begin assessing evidence humanity was
entering a new epoch, the Anthropocene,
was composed almost entirely of men. She stated: "Leading scientists
may have the intellect to recognize that our planetary era is dominated
by human activity, but they still seem oblivious to the fact that their
own intellectual deliberations are bizarrely dominated by white northern
male voices".
Women working in climate change
There
are a variety of ways to identify women who have made major
contributions to climate change. The first is the list of authors of
the high level international assessments for the UN and other
organizations such as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC). The second is to examine women who have been invited to join
the editorial boards of climate change refereed journals. A third is to
look at the membership of the global change committees of the International Council for Science
(ICSU). And a fourth is to recognize women that are members of their
National Academy of Sciences who work on climate change. Many of them
are IPCC or other report authors, and also members of ICSU committees,
members of their National Academy and other marks of accomplishment.
Seven cities around the world have appointed women as Chief Heat Officers (CHOs) to take action against extreme heat due to climate change.
In February 2024, the EIB Group established the Women Climate Leaders Network, bringing together 47 women leaders from the commercial sector from all 27 EU Member States, to collaborate on innovative business models and strategies to facilitate the low-carbon and green transition.
Women are statistically more likely to live in conditions of
poverty in today's world. Women tend to work within the household
cooking, cleaning, and taking care of children. Women have a lack of
access to resources as well as environmental services in comparison to
the rest of the population. Despite these setbacks, there has been a
push for women to get more involved in climate change activism. Many
Indigenous communities have put more of an emphasis on passing
environmental knowledge down through generations. This provides
knowledge of the past and how to effectively go forward with more
sustainable practices. There is a push to understand how genders are
differently affected by climate change and use the various perspectives
that are not always seen to initiate change. Overall there is a general
push to push for more genders to be involved in bigger climate issues to
see how best to attack issues.
Women in climate change have taken on many roles to help the
fight against climate change in the field today. For example, Hindou
Oumarou Ibrahim is an Indigenous activist that is working in Chad. She
is working to spread the word of the people actively fighting climate
change today in Chad and educate people about their conditions. She is
trying to spread the knowledge of indigenous people as their in-depth
knowledge of the environment can help us adapt to the changes. She has
won many awards for her work and has been working within the UN on
indigenous issues as well as indigenous advocacy. Katharine Wilkinson is
an educator around the country. She is working to educate people on
climate change and the impacts that it is having on the Earth. She aims
to create an encouraging positive environment for women to work within
the climate movement.
Katharine Wilkinson has worked on a book called the All We Can Save
Project that brings together the voices of 60 women that are doing work
within climate change on the ground today. She aims to bring in more
voices of women in order to open up the climate change discussion to
different perspectives as well as show the readers the ways that we can
help to combat climate change together.
Ecofeminism
Ecofeminism is a branch of feminism
that sees environmentalism and the relationship between women and the
earth as interlinked. According to Françoise d'Eaubonne in her book Le
Féminisme ou la Mort (1974), ecofeminism relates the oppression and
domination of all marginalized groups (women, people of color, children,
the poor) to the oppression and domination of nature (animals, land,
water, air, etc.).
Ecofeminism first came to be in the 1970s when there were major
changes in policy in terms of sustainability and gender inequality.
Ecofeminism work originates in peace movements, women’s health care,
and women labor movements. Ecofeminists aim to show connection with
nonhuman life. The Ecofeminists argue that patriarchy gives the view
that men are ‘developed' and women and other underrepresented groups are
‘underdeveloped’ which normalizes the oppression of these
’underdeveloped’ groups. Ecofeminism aims to open up the woman view of
the interconnected sense of self that women hold versus males that tend
to be more disconnected. Adding women’s views within the work of climate
change brings a different perspective that lacks within the current
male dominated discussion of climate change.
Ecofeminism also aims to break stereotypes of women and the
effects that climate change has on them. Women are devalued in our
current society for their knowledge whereas men are praised for their
intellect and reasoning. Women are greatly affected by climate change
with things such as health and reproductive issues that come from the
many hazardous pollutants within the environment. With this they have no
voice within climate change discussions as they are seen as lesser.
Ecofeminism works to provide a safe space for women to come together,
share their stories, and work towards a more just green future for
women.
The Greta Thunberg effect
Currently, young girls are taking more action at a younger age which is known as the "Greta Thunberg effect." Greta Thunberg
is a nineteen-year-old environmental activist, who is well known for
her work on fighting climate change, and is seen as a role model for
younger girls. These new generations of girls are being called
"eco-warriors", they are taking actions for the environment in various
ways. In Kazakhstan, a group of young girls named Team Coco have come
together to fight the ecological problems that pollute their nation, in
order to accomplish this they have created an app known as TECO which is
an "augmented reality game that merges educational and entertainment
tools to help players change their behavior and become more
eco-conscious".
More girls have been taking action against climate change by using
technology, and in turn help encourage other political leaders to take
action for climate change and business corporations to reduce the carbon
foot print they leave behind.
The name may have been derived from a popular slogan of the movement, namely "another world is possible", which came out of the World Social Forum.
The alter-globalization movement is a cooperative movement designed to
"protest the direction and perceived negative economic, political,
social, cultural and ecological consequences of neoliberal globalization".
Many alter-globalists seek to avoid the "disestablishment of local
economies and disastrous humanitarian consequences". Most members of
this movement shun the label "anti-globalization"
as pejorative and incorrect since they actively support human activity
on a global scale and do not oppose economic globalization per se.
Proponents view the movement as an alternative to what they term
"neoliberal globalization" in which international institutions (the World Trade Organization, World Bank, International Monetary Fund
and the like) and major corporations devote themselves to enriching the
developed world while giving little or no attention to what critics say
are the detrimental effects of their actions on the people and
environments of less developed countries, countries whose governments are often too weak or too corrupt to resist or regulate them. This is not to be confused with proletarian internationalism as put forth by communists in that alter-globalists do not necessarily oppose the free market, but a subset of free-market practices characterized by certain business attitudes and political policies that they say often lead to violations of human rights.
History
The 1970s saw resistance to global expansion by both government and non-government parties. U.S. Senator Frank Church
was concerned with the role multinational corporations were beginning
to play in global trade, and created a subcommittee that reviewed
corporate practices to see if they were advancing U.S. interests or not
(i.e. exporting jobs that could be kept within the United States). The
results prompted some countries in the Global South
(ranging from Tanzania to the Philippines) to call for rules and
collective action that would raise or stabilize raw material prices, and
increase Southern exports.
The World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference of 1999
brought significant attention to the outcry against neoliberal economic
integration through media coverage, support groups, and activists. Though this opposition first became highly popularized in the 1999 Seattle WTO protests, it can be traced back prior to the 1980s when the Washington Consensus became a dominant development in thinking and policy-making.
Issues and activities
Alter-globalization activists fight for better treatment of
developing countries and their economies, workers' rights, fair trade,
and equal human rights. They oppose the exploitation of labor,
outsourcing of jobs to foreign nations (though some argue this is a
nationalistic rather than alter-globalist motive), pollution of local
environments, and harm to foreign cultures to which jobs are outsourced.
Aspects of the movement include:
Attempts at an alter-globalization movement to reform policies and processes of the WTO
include: "alternative principles of public accountability, the rights
of people and the protection of the environment" through the theoretical
framework of Robert Cox.
Labor movement and trade union
initiatives have begun to respond to economic and political
globalisation by extending their cooperation and initiatives to the
transnational level.
Fair trade
initiatives, corporate codes of conduct, and social clauses as well as a
return to local markets instead of relying too heavily on global
markets.
"Alter-globalization activists have promoted alternative water
governance models through North-South red-green alliances between
organized labor, environmental groups, women's groups, and indigenous
groups" (spoken in response to the increase in privatization of the
global water supply).
"The first current of the alter-globalization movement considers
that instead of getting involved in a global movement and international
forums, the path to social change lies through giving life to
horizontal, participatory, convivial and sustainable values in daily
practices, personal life and local spaces. Many urban activists cite the
way that, for example, the Zapatistas in Mexico and other Latin
American indigenous movements now focus on developing communities' local
autonomy via participatory self-government, autonomous education
systems and improving the quality of life. They appreciate too, the
convivial aspect of local initiatives and their promise of small but
real alternatives to corporate globalization and mass consumption."
Groups and conferences
Opening walk of 2002 World Social Forum, held by participants in the movement
Advocates of alter-globalization have set up an online global news network, the Independent Media Center, to report on developments pertinent to the movement. Groups in favor of alter-globalization include ATTAC, an international trade reform network headquartered in France.
The largest forum for alter-globalization activity is the annual World Social Forum, organized as a democratic space reflecting the movement's values.
Flaring
a flow test, the first outward indication of a new oil or gas
discovery, which has the potential to qualify for reserves assessment
Oil and gas reserves denote discovered quantities of crude oil and natural gas (oil or gas fields)
that can be profitably produced/recovered from an approved development.
Oil and gas reserves tied to approved operational plans filed on the
day of reserves reporting are also sensitive to fluctuating global
market pricing. The remaining resource estimates (after the
reserves have been accounted) are likely sub-commercial and may still be
under appraisal with the potential to be technically recoverable once
commercially established. Natural gas is frequently associated with oil directly and gas reserves are commonly quoted in barrels of oil equivalent
(BOE). Consequently, both oil and gas reserves, as well as resource
estimates, follow the same reporting guidelines, and are referred to
collectively hereinafter as oil & gas.
As with other mineral resource estimation,
detailed classification schemes have been devised by industry
specialists to quantify volumes of oil and gas accumulated underground
(known as subsurface). These schemes provide management and investors with the means to make quantitative and relative comparisons between assets, before underwriting the significant cost of exploring for, developing and extracting those accumulations. Classification schemes are used to categorize the uncertainty
in volume estimates of the recoverable oil and gas and the chance that
they exist in reality (or risk that they do not) depending on the
resource maturity. Potential subsurface oil and gas accumulations identified during exploration are classified and reported as prospective resources. Resources are re-classified as reserves following appraisal,
at the point when a sufficient accumulation of commercial oil and/or
gas are proven by drilling, with authorized and funded development plans
to begin production within a recommended five years.
Reserve estimates are required by authorities and companies, and
are primarily made to support operational or investment decision-making
by companies or organisations involved in the business of developing and
producing oil and gas. Reserve volumes are necessary to determine the
financial status of the company, which may be obliged to report those
estimates to shareholders and "resource holders" at the various stages of resource maturation.
An oil or gas resource refers to known (discovered fields) or potentialaccumulations of oil and/or gas (i.e undiscovered prospects and leads)
in the subsurface of the Earth's crust. All reserve and resource
estimates involve uncertainty in volume estimates (expressed below as
Low, Mid or High uncertainty), as well as a risk or chance to exist in
reality,
depending on the level of appraisal or resource maturity that governs
the amount of reliable geologic and engineering data available and the
interpretation of those data.
TABLE I:Classification
summary featuring volumes uncertainty (low, mid or high) with
increasing chance for an accumulation to exist and be commercial upwards
reflecting greater resource maturity
RESOURCE CLASS
LOW
MID
HIGH
Reserves
1P
2P
3P
Contingent Resources
1C
2C
3C
Prospective Resources
1U
2U
3U
Estimating and monitoring of reserves provides an
insight into, for example, a company's future production and a country's
oil & gas supply potential. As such, reserves are an important
means of expressing value and longevity of resources.
In the PRMS, the terms 'Resources' and 'Reserves' have distinct and specific meaning with respect to oil & gas accumulations and hydrocarbon exploration
in general. However, the level of rigor required in applying these
terms varies depending on the resource maturity which informs reporting
requirements.
Oil & gas reserves are resources that are, or are reasonably
certain to be, commercial (i.e. profitable). Reserves are the main
asset of an oil & gas company; booking is the process by which they are added to the balance sheet.
Contingent and prospective resource estimates are much more
speculative and are not booked with the same degree of rigor, generally
for internal company use only, reflecting a more limited data set and
assessment maturity. If published externally, these volumes add to the
perception of asset value, which in turn can influence oil & gas company share or stock value.
The PRMS provides a framework for a consistent approach to the
estimation process to comply with reporting requirements of
particularly, listed companies. Energy companies may employ specialist, independent, reserve valuation consultants to provide third party reports as part of SEC filings for either reserves or resource booking.
Reserves
Reserves
reporting of discovered accumulations is regulated by tight controls
for informed investment decisions to quantify differing degrees of
uncertainty in recoverable volumes. Reserves are defined in three
sub-categories according to the system used in the PRMS: Proven (1P),
Probable and Possible. Reserves defined as Probable and Possible are
incremental (or additional) discovered volumes based on geological
and/or engineering criteria similar to those used in estimating Proven
reserves. Though not classified as contingent, some technical,
contractual, or regulatory uncertainties preclude such reserves being
classified as Proven. The most accepted definitions of these are based
on those originally approved by the SPE and the WPC in 1997, requiring
that reserves are discovered, recoverable, commercial and remaining
based on rules governing the classification into sub-categories and the
declared development project plans applied.
Probable and Possible reserves may be used internally by oil companies
and government agencies for future planning purposes but are not
routinely or uniformly compiled.
Proven reserves are discovered volumes claimed to have a reasonable certainty
of being recoverable under existing economic and political conditions,
and with existing technology. Industry specialists refer to this
category as "P90" (that is, having a 90% certainty of producing or
exceeding the P90 volume on the probability distribution). Proven reserves are also known in the industry as 1P. Proven reserves may be referred to as proven developed (PD) or as proven undeveloped (PUD).
PD reserves are reserves that can be produced with existing wells and
perforations, or from additional reservoirs where minimal additional
investment (operating expense) is required (e.g. opening a set of perforations already installed). PUD reserves require additional capital investment (e.g., drilling new wells) to bring the oil and/or gas to the surface.
Accounting for production is an important exercise for
businesses. Produced oil or gas that has been brought to surface
(production) and sold on international markets or refined in-country are
no longer reserves and are removed from the booking and company balance
sheets. Until January 2010, "1P" proven reserves
were the only type the U.S. SEC allowed oil companies to report to
investors. Companies listed on U.S. stock exchanges may be called upon
to verify their claims confidentially, but many governments and national oil companies
do not disclose verifying data publicly. Since January 2010 the SEC now
allows companies to also provide additional optional information
declaring 2P (both proven and probable) and 3P (proven plus probable
plus possible)
with discretionary verification by qualified third party consultants,
though many companies choose to use 2P and 3P estimates only for
internal purposes.
Probable and possible reserves
An example of a Volume Uncertainty Distribution, with the P10, P50 and
P90 volumes indicated (created using a probabilistic calculation method)
Probable
additional reserves are attributed to known accumulations and the
probabilistic, cumulative sum of proven and probable reserves (with a
probability of P50), also referred to in the industry as "2P" (Proven plus Probable)
The P50 designation means that there should be at least a 50% chance
that the actual volumes recovered will be equal to or will exceed the 2P estimate.
Possible additional reserves are attributed to known accumulations that have a lower chance of being recovered than probable reserves.
Reasons for assigning a lower probability to recovering Possible
reserves include varying interpretations of geology, uncertainty due to
reserve infill (associated with variability in seepage towards a
production well from adjacent areas) and projected reserves based on
future recovery methods. The probabilistic, cumulative sum of proven,
probable and possible reserves is referred to in the industry as "3P" (proven plus probable plus possible) where there is a 10% chance of delivering or exceeding the P10 volume.(ibid)
Resource estimates
Resource estimates are undiscovered volumes, or volumes that have not yet been drilled and flowed to surface. A non-reserve resource,
by definition, does not have to be technically or commercially
recoverable and can be represented by a single, or an aggregate of
multiple potential accumulations, e.g. an estimated geological basin resource.
Schematic
graph illustrating petroleum volumes and probabilities. Curves
represent categories of oil in assessment. There is a 95% chance i.e.,
probability, (P95 and often referred to in the industry as F95) of at
least volume V1 of economically recoverable oil, and there is a 5%
chance (P05 or F05) of at least volume V2 of economically recoverable
oil.
There are two non-reserve resource categories:
Contingent resources
Once a discovery has been made, prospective resources can be reclassified as contingent resources.
Contingent resources are those accumulations or fields that are not yet
considered mature enough for commercial development, where development is contingent on one or more conditions changing.
The uncertainty in the estimates for recoverable oil & gas volumes
is expressed in a probability distribution and is sub-classified based
on project maturity and/or economic status (1C, 2C, 3C, ibid) and in addition are assigned a risk, or chance, to exist in reality (POS or COS).
Prospective resources
Prospective resources,
being undiscovered, have the widest range in volume uncertainties and
carry the highest risk or chance to be present in reality (POS or COS). At the exploration stage (before discovery) they are categorized by the wide range of volume uncertainties (typically P90-P50-P10). In the PRMS the range of volumes is classified by the abbreviations 1U, 2U and 3U again reflecting the degrees of uncertainty.
Companies are commonly not required to report publicly their views of
prospective resources but may choose to do so voluntarily.
Estimation techniques
The total estimated quantity (volumes) of oil and/or gas contained in a subsurface reservoir, is called oil or gas initially in place (STOIIP or GIIP respectively). However, only a fraction of in place oil & gas can be brought to the surface (recoverable), and it is only this producible fraction that is considered to be either reserves or a resource of any kind. The ratio between in place and recoverable volumes is known as the recovery factor (RF), which is determined by a combination of subsurface geology and the technology applied to extraction. When reporting oil & gas volumes, in order to avoid confusion, it should be clarified whether they are in place or recoverable volumes.
The appropriate technique for resource estimations
is determined by resource maturity. There are three main categories of
technique, which are used through resource maturation to differing
degrees: analog (substitution), volumetric (static) and
performance-based (dynamic), which are combined to help fill gaps in
knowledge or data. Both probabilistic and deterministic
calculation methods are commonly used to calculate resource volumes,
with deterministic methods predominantly applied to reserves estimation
(low uncertainty) and probabilistic methods applied to general resource
estimation (high uncertainty).
TABLE II:Estimation techniques applied with decreasing resource maturity to the right
Method
Technique
1P
2P
3P
1C
2C
3C
1U
2U
3U
Analog
YTF (No segment production)
☉
☉
☉
YTF (With segment production)
☉
☉
☉
Volumetric
Deterministic
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
Probabilistic models
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
Static reservoir models
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
Performance-based
Dynamic reservoir simulation
☉
☉
☉
☉
Material balance
☉
☉
Decline curve analysis
☉
☉
Unconventional reservoir
Pilot (rate transient)
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
☉
The combination of geological, geophysical and technical engineering
constraints means that the quantification of volumes is usually
undertaken by integrated technical, and commercial teams composed
primarily of geoscientists and subsurface engineers, surface engineers and economists. Because the geology of the subsurface cannot be examined directly, indirect techniques must be used to estimate the size and recoverability of the resource. While new technologies
have increased the accuracy of these estimation techniques, significant
uncertainties still remain, which are expressed as a range of potential
recoverable oil & gas quantities using probabilistic methods.
In general, most early estimates of the reserves of an oil or gas field
(rather than resource estimates) are conservative and tend to grow with time.
This may be due to the availability of more data and/or the improved
matching between predicted and actual production performance.
Appropriate external reporting of resources and reserves is
required from publicly traded companies, and is an accounting process
governed by strict definitions and categorisation administered by
authorities regulating the stock market and complying with governmental
legal requirements.
Other national or industry bodies may voluntarily report resources and
reserves but are not required to follow the same strict definitions and
controls.
Analog (YTF) method
Analogs
are applied to prospective resources in areas where there are little,
or sometimes no, existing data available to inform analysts about the
likely potential of an opportunity or play segment. Analog-only techniques are called yet-to-find (YTF),
and involve identifying areas containing producing assets that are
geologically similar to those being estimated and substituting data to
match what is known about a segment.
The opportunity segment can be scaled to any level depending on the
specific interest of the analyst, whether at a global, country, basin,
structural domain, play, license or reservoir level.
YTF is conceptual and is commonly used as a method for scoping
potential in frontier areas where there is no oil or gas production or
where new play concepts are being introduced with perceived potential.
However, analog content can also be substituted for any subsurface
parameters where there are gaps in data in more mature reserves or
resource settings (below).
Volumetric method
Oil & gas volumes in a conventional reservoir can be calculated using a volume equation:
Recoverable volume = Gross Rock Volume * Net/Gross * Porosity * Oil or Gas Saturation * Recovery Factor / Formation Volume Factor
Deterministic volumes are calculated when single values are used as input parameters to this equation, which could include analog content. Probabilistic
volumes are calculations when uncertainty distributions are applied as
input to all or some of the terms of the equation (see also Copula (probability theory)), which preserve dependencies between parameters. These geostatistical methods are most commonly applied to prospective resources that still need to be tested by the drill bit. Contingent resources
are also characterized by volumetric methods with analog content and
uncertainty distributions before significant production has occurred,
where spatial distribution information may be preserved in a static reservoir model.
Static models and dynamic flow models can be populated with analog
reservoir performance data to increase the confidence in forecasting as
the amount and quality of static geoscientific and dynamic reservoir
performance data increase.
Performance-based methods
Once
production has commenced, production rates and pressure data allow a
degree of prediction on reservoir performance, which was previously
characterized by substituting analog data. Analog data can still be
substituted for expected reservoir performance where specific dynamic
data may be missing, representing a "best technical" outcome.
Reservoir simulation is an area of reservoir engineering in which computer models are used to predict the flow of fluids (typically, oil, water, and gas) through porous media.
The amount of oil & gas recoverable from a conventional reservoir
is assessed by accurately characterising the static recoverable volumes
and history matching that to dynamic flow.
Reservoir performance is important because the recovery changes as the
physical environment of the reservoir adjusts with every molecule
extracted; the longer a reservoir has been flowing, the more accurate
the prediction of remaining reserves. Dynamic simulations are commonly
used by analysts to update reserves volumes, particularly in large
complex reservoirs. Daily production can be matched against production
forecasts to establish the accuracy of simulation models based on actual
volumes of recovered oil or gas. Unlike analogs or volumetric methods
above, the degree of confidence in the estimates (or the range of
outcomes) increases as the amount and quality of geological, engineering
and production performance data increase. These must then be compared
with previous estimates, whether derived from analog, volumetric or
static reservoir modelling before reserves can be adjusted and booked.
Materials balance method
The materials balance method
for an oil or gas field uses an equation that relates the volume of
oil, water and gas that has been produced from a reservoir and the
change in reservoir pressure to calculate the remaining oil & gas.
It assumes that, as fluids from the reservoir are produced, there will
be a change in the reservoir pressure that depends on the remaining
volume of oil & gas. The method requires extensive
pressure-volume-temperature analysis and an accurate pressure history of
the field. It requires some production to occur (typically 5% to 10% of
ultimate recovery), unless reliable pressure history can be used from a
field with similar rock and fluid characteristics.
Production decline curve method
Example of a production decline curve for an individual well
The decline curve method is an extrapolation of known
production data to fit a decline curve and estimate future oil & gas
production. The three most common forms of decline curves are
exponential, hyperbolic, and harmonic. It is assumed that the production
will decline on a reasonably smooth curve, and so allowances must be
made for wells shut in and production restrictions. The curve can be
expressed mathematically or plotted on a graph to estimate future
production. It has the advantage of (implicitly) conflating all
reservoir characteristics. It requires a sufficient production history
to establish a statistically significant trend, ideally when production
is not curtailed by regulatory or other artificial conditions.
Reserves growth
Experience
shows that initial estimates of the size of newly discovered oil &
gas fields are usually too low. As years pass, successive estimates of
the ultimate recovery of fields tend to increase. The term reserve growth
refers to the typical increases (but narrowing range) of estimated
ultimate recovery that occur as oil & gas fields are developed and
produced.
Many oil-producing nations do not reveal their reservoir engineering
field data and instead provide unaudited claims for their oil reserves.
The numbers disclosed by some national governments are suspected of
being manipulated for political reasons.In order to achieve international goals for decarbonisation, the International Energy Agency
said in 2021 that countries should no longer expand exploration or
invest in projects to expand reserves to meet climate goals set by the Paris Agreement.
The categories and estimation techniques framed by the PRMS above
apply to conventional reservoirs, where oil & gas accumulations are
controlled by hydrodynamic interactions between the buoyancy of oil
& gas in water versus capillary forces. Oil or gas in unconventional reservoirs
are much more tightly bound to rock matrices in excess of capillary
forces and therefore require different approaches to both extraction and
resource estimation. Unconventional reservoirs or accumulations also
require different means of identification and include coalbed methane (CBM), basin-centered gas (low permeability), low permeability tight gas (including shale gas) and tight oil (including shale oil),
gas hydrates, natural bitumen (very high viscosity oil), and oil shale
(kerogen) deposits. Ultra low permeability reservoirs exhibit a half
slope on a log-plot of flow-rates against time believed to be caused by
drainage from matrix surfaces into adjoining fractures.
Such reservoirs are commonly believed to be regionally pervasive that
may be interrupted by regulatory or ownership boundaries with the
potential for large oil & gas volumes, which are very hard to
verify. Non-unique flow characteristics in unconventional accumulations
means that commercial viability depends on the technology applied to
extraction. Extrapolations from a single control point, and thereby
resource estimation, are dependent on nearby producing analogs with
evidence of economic viability. Under these circumstances, pilot
projects may be needed to define reserves. Any other resource estimates are likely to be analog-only derived YTF volumes, which are speculative.
The cardinal virtues are four virtues of mind and character in classical philosophy. They are prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance. They form a virtue theory of ethics. The term cardinal comes from the Latin cardo (hinge); these four virtues are called "cardinal" because all other virtues fall under them and hinge upon them.
Prudence (φρόνησις, phrónēsis; Latin: prudentia; also wisdom, sophia, sapientia),
the ability to discern the appropriate course of action to be taken in a
given situation at the appropriate time, with consideration of
potential consequences; cautiousness.
Justice (δικαιοσύνη, dikaiosýnē; Latin: iustitia): also considered as fairness; the Greek word also having the meaning righteousness.
Courage (ἀνδρεία, andreía; Latin: fortitudo):
forbearance, strength, endurance, fortitude (patience and
perseverance), dedication and the ability to confront fear, uncertainty,
and intimidation (bravery, boldness, valor, daring). Notably, ἀνδρεία, being closely related to ἀνήρ
("adult male"), could also be translated "manliness". Some other
definitions of courage are "Andrea, virtus, spirit, heart, mettle,
thumos, tenacity, gameness, resolution, bravery, boldness, valor,
daring, hardihood, assertiveness, frame, gravitas, determination".
Temperance (σωφροσύνη, sōphrosýnē; Latin: temperantia): also known as restraint, the practice of self-control, abstention, discretion, and moderation tempering the appetition. Plato considered sōphrosynē, which may also be translated as sound-mindedness, to be the most important virtue. σωφροσύνη was often used in reference to drinking and "knowing the right amount" to avoid belligerence.
Gallery, depiction of the cardinal virtues in 9th-century Europe
An early European representation of the cardinal virtues from 845 AD is found in the Vivian Bible, Paris.
The four virtues (in the corners) face a scene with King David (center), along with men who served David and who wrote psalms.
Fortitudo or Courage, from the Vivian Bible, Bibliothèque nationale, Latin 1, folio 215v.
Prydentia or Prudentia (Prudence), from the Vivian Bible.
Iustitia or Justice, from the Vivian Bible.
Temperantia or Temperance, from the Vivian Bible.
Antiquity
The four cardinal virtues appeared as a group (sometimes included in larger lists) long before they were given this title.
Hellenistic philosophy
Plato associated the four cardinal virtues with the social classes of the ideal city described in The Republic,
and with the faculties of humanity. Plato narrates a discussion of the
character of a good city where the following is agreed upon:
Clearly, then, it will be wise, brave, temperate [literally: healthy-minded], and just.
Temperance was most closely associated with the producing classes, the farmers and craftsmen, to moderate their animal appetites. Fortitude was assigned to the warrior class, to strengthen their fighting spirit. Prudence was assigned to the rulers, to guide their reason. Justice stood above these three to properly regulate the relations among them.
Plato sometimes lists holiness (hosiotes, eusebeia, aidos)
amongst the cardinal virtues. He especially associates holiness with
justice, but leaves their precise relationship unexplained.
Philo of Alexandria,
a Hellenistic Jewish philosopher, also recognized the four cardinal
virtues as prudence, temperance, courage, and justice. In his writings,
he states:
In these words Moses intends to
sketch out the particular virtues. And they also are four in number,
prudence, temperance, courage, and justice.
These virtues, according to Philo, serve as guiding principles for a virtuous and fulfilling life.
Roman philosophy
The Roman philosopher and statesman Cicero (106-43 BC), like Plato, limits the list to four virtues:
Virtue may be defined as a habit of mind (animi) in harmony with reason and the order of nature. It has four parts: wisdom (prudentiam), justice, courage, temperance.
Cicero discusses these further in De Officiis (I, V, and following).
Seneca writes in Consolatio ad Helviam Matrem about justice (iustitia from Ancient Greekδικαιοσύνη), self-control (continentia from Ancient Greek σωφροσύνη), practical wisdom (prudentia from Ancient Greek φρόνησις) and devotion (pietas) instead of courage (fortitudo from Ancient Greek ἀνδρεία).
The Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius discusses these in Book V:12 of Meditations
and views them as the "goods" that a person should identify in one's
own mind, as opposed to "wealth or things which conduce to luxury or
prestige".
The Platonist view of the four cardinal virtues is described in Definitions.
Practical wisdom or prudence (phrónēsis)
is the perspicacity necessary to conduct personal business and affairs
of state. It encompasses the skill to distinguish the beneficial from
the detrimental, to understand the attainment of happiness, and to
discern the right course of action in every situation. Its antithesis or
opposite is the vice of folly.
Justice (dikaiosunê)
is the harmonious alignment of one's inner self and the comprehensive
integrity of the soul. It involves fostering sound discipline within
each facet of our being, enabling us to live with others and extend the
same regard to every individual. Additionally, justice pertains to a
state's aptitude to equitably allocate resources based on individuals'
deservingness, as determined by their merits. It entails refraining from
undue harshness, fostering a universal perception of fairness.
Furthermore, it entails embodying the qualities of a law-abiding citizen
or member of society, upholding principles of social equality. Justice
encompasses the formulation of laws that can be substantiated by valid
justifications, leading to a society where actions align with these
laws.
Moderation or temperance (sôphrosunê)
is the capacity to temper the indulgence of desires and sensory
pleasures within the bounds of what is customary for the individual,
aligning only with experiences already familiar to the soul. It
encompasses achieving a harmonious equilibrium and exercising
disciplined control when it comes to overall pleasure and pain, ensuring
that they remain within normal ranges. Moreover, moderation involves
cultivating a harmonious relationship and a balanced rule between the
soul's governing and being governed aspects. It signifies maintaining a
state of natural self-reliance and exercising proper discipline as and
when required by the soul. Rational consensus within the soul is
essential concerning what merits admiration and what warrants disdain.
This approach entails deliberate caution in one's choices, as one's
selection navigates between the extremes.
Courage (andreia)
can be defined as the ability to conquer fear within oneself when
action is necessary. It encompasses military confidence, a deep
understanding of warfare, and maintaining unwavering beliefs in the face
of challenges. It involves self-discipline to overcome fear, obeying
wisdom, and facing death boldly. Courage also entails maintaining sound
judgment in tough situations, countering hostility, upholding virtues,
remaining composed when faced with frightening (or encouraging)
discussions and events, and not becoming discouraged. It reflects
valuing the rule of law in our daily lives rather than diminishing its
importance.
She [Wisdom] teaches temperance,
and prudence, and justice, and fortitude, which are such things as men
can have nothing more profitable in life.
They are also found in other non-canonical scriptures like 4 Maccabees 1:18–19, which relates:
Now the kinds of wisdom are right
judgment, justice, courage, and self-control. Right judgment is supreme
over all of these since by means of it reason rules over the emotions.
In the New Testament
Wisdom, usually sophia, rather than Prudence (phrónēsis), is discussed extensively in all parts of the New Testament. It is a major topic of 1 Corinthians 2, where the author discusses how divine teaching and power are greater than worldly wisdom.
Justice (δικαιοσύνη, dikaiosýnē) is taught in the gospels, where most translators give it as "righteousness".
Plato's word for Fortitude (ἀνδρεία) is not present in the New Testament, but the virtues of steadfastness (ὑπομονή, hypomonē) and patient endurance (μακροθυμία, makrothymia) are praised. Paul exhorts believers to "act like men" (ἀνδρίζομαι, andrizomai, 1 Corinthians 16:13).
Temperance (σωφροσύνη, sōphrosýnē), usually translated "sobriety," is present in the New Testament, along with self-control (ἐγκράτεια, egkrateia).
In Christian tradition
Catholic moral theology drew from both the Wisdom of Solomon and the Fourth Book of Maccabees in developing its thought on the virtues. Ambrose (c. 330s – c. 397) used the expression "cardinal virtues":
And we know that there are four cardinal virtues - temperance, justice, prudence, and fortitude.
— Commentary on Luke, V, 62
Augustine of Hippo, discussing the morals of the church, described them:
For these four virtues (would that
all felt their influence in their minds as they have their names in
their mouths!), I should have no hesitation in defining them: that
temperance is love giving itself entirely to that which is loved;
fortitude is love readily bearing all things for the sake of the loved
object; justice is love serving only the loved object, and therefore
ruling rightly; prudence is love distinguishing with sagacity between
what hinders it and what helps it.
And now these three remain: faith, hope, and love. But the greatest of these is love.
Because of this reference, a group of seven virtues
is sometimes listed by adding the four cardinal virtues (prudence,
temperance, fortitude, justice) and three theological virtues (faith,
hope, charity).
While the first four date back to Greek philosophers and were applicable to all people seeking to live moral lives, the theological virtues appear to be specific to Christians as written by Paul in the New Testament.
Efforts to relate the cardinal and theological virtues differ.
Augustine sees faith as coming under justice. Beginning with a wry
comment about the moral mischief of pagan deities, he writes:
They [the pagans] have made Virtue
also a goddess, which, indeed, if it could be a goddess, had been
preferable to many. And now, because it is not a goddess, but a gift of
God, let it be obtained by prayer from Him, by whom alone it can be
given, and the whole crowd of false gods vanishes. For as much as they
have thought proper to distribute virtue into four divisions - prudence,
justice, fortitude, and temperance - and as each of these divisions has
its own virtues, faith is among the parts of justice, and has the chief
place with as many of us as know what that saying means, ‘The just
shall live by faith.’
Dante Alighieri also attempts to relate the cardinal and theological virtues in his Divine Comedy, most notably in the complex allegorical scheme drawn in Purgatorio
XXIX to XXXI. Depicting a procession in the Garden of Eden (which the
author situates at the top of the mountain of purgatory), Dante
describes a chariot drawn by a gryphon and accompanied by a vast number
of figures, among which stand three women on the right side dressed in
red, green, and white, and four women on the left, all dressed in
purple. The chariot is generally understood to represent the holy
church, with the women on right and left representing the theological
and cardinal virtues respectively.
The exact meaning of the allegorical women's role, behaviour,
interrelation, and color-coding remains a matter of literary
interpretation.
In relation to the seven deadly sins
In the High Middle Ages, some authors opposed the seven virtues (cardinal plus theological) to the seven deadly sins.
However, “treatises exclusively concentrating on both septenaries are
actually quite rare.” and “examples of late medieval catalogues of
virtues and vices which extend or upset the double heptad can be easily
multiplied.” And there are problems with this parallelism:
The opposition between the virtues
and the vices to which these works allude despite the frequent inclusion
of other schemes may seem unproblematic at first sight. The virtues and
the vices seem to mirror each other as positive and negative moral
attitudes, so that medieval authors, with their keen predilection for
parallels and oppositions, could conveniently set them against each
other. … Yet artistic representations such as Conrad’s trees are
misleading in that they establish oppositions between the principal
virtues and the capital vices which are based on mere juxtaposition. As
to content, the two schemes do not match each other. The capital vices
of lust and avarice, for instance, contrast with the remedial virtues of
chastity and generosity, respectively, rather than with any theological
or cardinal virtue; conversely, the virtues of hope and prudence are
opposed to despair and foolishness rather than to any deadly sin.
Medieval moral authors were well aware of the fact. Actually, the
capital vices are more often contrasted with the remedial or contrary
virtues in medieval moral literature than with the principal virtues,
while the principal virtues are frequently accompanied by a set of
mirroring vices rather than by the seven deadly sins.
Contemporary thought
Jesuit scholars Daniel J. Harrington and James F. Keenan, in their Paul and Virtue Ethics
(2010), argue for seven "new virtues" to replace the classical cardinal
virtues in complementing the three theological virtues, mirroring the
seven earlier proposed in Bernard Lonergan's Method in Theology (1972): "be humble, be hospitable, be merciful, be faithful, reconcile, be vigilant, and be reliable".
Allegory
Fresco with allegories of the four cardinal virtues in the ‘’Assunta’’ church in Manerba del Garda.The Tomb of Sir John Hotham, supported by figures of the cardinal virtues.
The Cardinal Virtues are often depicted as female allegorical figures.
These were a popular subject for funerary sculpture. The attributes and
names of these figures may vary according to local tradition.
Yves Decadt, a Flemish artist, has created a series of artworks titled “Falling Angels: Allegories about the 7 Sins and 7 Virtues
for Falling Angels and other Curious Minds”. The series explores the
topic of morality, sins, and virtues, which have dominated Western
cultures for more than 2000 years. In this work, Decadt follows in the
footsteps of Pieter Breughel, who made a series of sketches on the 7
sins and 7 virtues about 500 years ago. The work takes the viewer on
an adventurous trip through time and across the barriers and edges of
reality, mythology, religion, and culture.
The virtues in art
Four cardinal virtues; Louvre, Paris. Brooklyn Museum Archives, Goodyear Archival Collection.
In many churches and artwork the Cardinal Virtues are depicted with symbolic items:
Justice
sword, balance and scales, a crown
Temperance
wheel, bridle and reins, vegetables and fish, cup, water and wine in two jugs
Fortitude
armor, club, with a lion, palm, tower, a yoke, a broken column
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