A contemporary quartz watch
Time perception is a field of study within psychology, cognitive linguistics and neuroscience that refers to the subjective experience, or sense, of time,
 which is measured by someone's own perception of the duration of the 
indefinite and unfolding of events. The perceived time interval between 
two successive events is referred to as perceived duration. 
Though directly experiencing or understanding another person's 
perception of time is not possible, such a perception can be objectively
 studied and inferred through a number of scientific experiments. Time 
perception is a construction of the sapient brain, but one that is 
manipulable and distortable under certain circumstances. These temporal 
illusions help to expose the underlying neural mechanisms of time 
perception.
Pioneering work, emphasizing species-specific differences, was conducted by Karl Ernst von Baer.
In other words time can be perceived or understood as Subjective Time and Objective Time.
Theories
William J. Friedman (1993) also contrasted two theories for a sense of time:
- The strength model of time memory. This posits a memory trace that persists over time, by which one might judge the age of a memory (and therefore how long ago the event remembered occurred) from the strength of the trace. This conflicts with the fact that memories of recent events may fade more quickly than more distant memories.
- The inference model suggests the time of an event is inferred from information about relations between the event in question and other events whose date or time is known.
Another theory involves the brain's subconscious tallying of "pulses"
 during a specific interval, forming a biological stopwatch. This theory
 alleges that the brain can run multiple biological stopwatches at one 
time depending on the type of task one is involved in. The location of 
these pulses and what these pulses actually consist of is unclear. This model is only a metaphor and does not stand up in terms of brain physiology or anatomy.
Philosophical perspectives
The specious present is the time duration wherein a state of consciousness is experienced as being in the present. The term was first introduced by the philosopher E. R. Clay in 1882 (E. Robert Kelly), and was further developed by William James.
 James defined the specious present to be "the prototype of all 
conceived times... the short duration of which we are immediately and 
incessantly sensible". In "Scientific Thought" (1930), C. D. Broad
 further elaborated on the concept of the specious present and 
considered that the specious present may be considered as the temporal 
equivalent of a sensory datum. A version of the concept was used by Edmund Husserl in his works and discussed further by Francisco Varela based on the writings of Husserl, Heidegger, and Merleau-Ponty.
Neuroscientific perspectives
Although the perception of time is not associated with a specific sensory system, psychologists and neuroscientists suggest that humans do have a system, or several complementary systems, governing the perception of time. Time perception is handled by a highly distributed system involving the cerebral cortex, cerebellum and basal ganglia. One particular component, the suprachiasmatic nucleus, is responsible for the circadian (or daily) rhythm, while other cell clusters appear to be capable of shorter (ultradian)
 timekeeping. There is some evidence that very short (millisecond) 
durations are processed by dedicated neurons in early sensory parts of 
the brain.
Professor Warren Meck
 devised a physiological model for measuring the passage of time. He 
found the representation of time to be generated by the oscillatory 
activity of cells in the upper cortex. The frequency of these cells' activity is detected by cells in the dorsal striatum at the base of the forebrain. His model separated explicit timing and implicit timing. Explicit timing is used in estimating the duration of a stimulus.
 Implicit timing is used to gauge the amount of time separating one from
 an impending event that is expected to occur in the near future. These 
two estimations of time do not involve the same neuroanatomical areas. 
For example, implicit timing often occurs to achieve a motor task, 
involving the cerebellum, left parietal cortex, and left premotor cortex. Explicit timing often involves the supplementary motor area and the right prefrontal cortex.
Two visual stimuli, inside someone's field of view, can be successfully regarded as simultaneous up to five milliseconds.
In the popular essay "Brain Time", David Eagleman
 explains that different types of sensory information (auditory, 
tactile, visual, etc.) are processed at different speeds by different 
neural architectures. The brain must learn how to overcome these speed 
disparities if it is to create a temporally unified representation of 
the external world: "if the visual brain wants to get events correct 
timewise, it may have only one choice: wait for the slowest information 
to arrive. To accomplish this, it must wait about a tenth of a second. 
In the early days of television broadcasting, engineers worried about 
the problem of keeping audio and video signals synchronized. Then they 
accidentally discovered that they had around a hundred milliseconds of 
slop: As long as the signals arrived within this window, viewers' brains
 would automatically resynchronize the signals". He goes on to say that 
"This brief waiting period allows the visual system to discount the 
various delays imposed by the early stages; however, it has the 
disadvantage of pushing perception into the past. There is a distinct 
survival advantage to operating as close to the present as possible; an 
animal does not want to live too far in the past. Therefore, the 
tenth-of- a-second window may be the smallest delay that allows higher 
areas of the brain to account for the delays created in the first stages
 of the system while still operating near the border of the present. 
This window of delay means that awareness is postdictive, incorporating 
data from a window of time after an event and delivering a retrospective
 interpretation of what happened."
Experiments have shown that rats can successfully estimate a time interval of approximately 40 seconds, despite having their cortex entirely removed. This suggests that time estimation may be a low level process.
Types of temporal illusions
A temporal illusion is a distortion in the perception of time. Time perception refers to a variety of time-related tasks. For example:
- estimating time intervals, e.g., "When did you last see your primary care physician?";
- estimating time duration, e.g., "How long were you waiting at the doctor's office?"; and
- judging the simultaneity of events (see below for examples).
Short list of types of temporal illusions:
- Telescoping effect: People tend to recall recent events as occurring further back in time than they actually did (backward telescoping) and distant events as occurring more recently than they actually did (forward telescoping)
- Vierordt's law: Shorter intervals tend to be overestimated while longer intervals tend to be underestimated
- Time intervals associated with more changes may be perceived as longer than intervals with fewer changes
- Perceived temporal length of a given task may shorten with greater motivation
- Perceived temporal length of a given task may stretch when broken up or interrupted
- Auditory stimuli may appear to last longer than visual stimuli
- Time duration may appear longer with greater stimulus intensity (e.g., auditory loudness or pitch)
- Simultaneity judgments can be manipulated by repeated exposure to non-simultaneous stimuli
Kappa effect
The Kappa effect or perceptual time dilation is a form of temporal illusion verifiable by experiment,
 wherein the temporal duration between a sequence of consecutive stimuli
 is thought to be relatively longer or shorter than its actual elapsed 
time, due to the spatial/auditory/tactile separation between each 
consecutive stimuli. The kappa effect can be displayed when considering a
 journey made in two parts that take an equal amount of time. Between 
these two parts, the journey that covers more distance may appear to 
take longer than the journey covering less distance, even though they 
take an equal amount of time.
Eye movements and "Chronostasis"
The perception of space and time undergoes distortions during rapid saccadic eye movements.
Chronostasis
 is a type of temporal illusion in which the first impression following 
the introduction of a new event or task demand to the brain appears to 
be extended in time. For example, chronostasis temporarily occurs when fixating on a target stimulus, immediately following a saccade (e.g., quick eye movement).
 This elicits an overestimation in the temporal duration for which that 
target stimulus (i.e., post-saccade stimulus) was perceived. This effect
 can extend apparent duration by up to 500 ms and is consistent with 
the idea that the visual system models events prior to perception. The most well-known version of this illusion is known as the stopped-clock illusion,
 wherein a subject's first impression of the second-hand movement of an 
analog clock, subsequent to one's directed attention (i.e., saccade) to 
the clock, is the perception of a slower-than-normal second-hand 
movement rate (the seconds hand of the clock may seemingly temporarily 
freeze in place after initially looking at it).
The occurrence of chronostasis extends beyond the visual domain into the auditory and tactile domains.
 In the auditory domain, chronostasis and duration overestimation occur 
when observing auditory stimuli. One common example is a frequent 
occurrence when making telephone calls. If, while listening to the 
phone's dial tone, research subjects move the phone from one ear to the 
other, the length of time between rings appears longer.
 In the tactile domain, chronostasis has persisted in research subjects 
as they reach for and grasp objects. After grasping a new object, 
subjects overestimate the time in which their hand has been in contact 
with this object.
 In other experiments, subjects turning a light on with a button were 
conditioned to experience the light before the button press.
Oddball effect
The
 perception of the duration of an event seems to be modulated by our 
recent experiences. Humans typically overestimate the perceived duration
 of the initial event in a stream of identical events
 and unexpected “oddball” stimuli seem to be perceived as longer in 
duration, relative to expected or frequently presented “standard” 
stimuli.
The oddball effect may serve an evolutionarily adapted “alerting”
 function and is consistent with reports of time slowing down in 
threatening situations. The effect seems to be strongest for images that
 are expanding in size on the retina, in other words, that are "looming"
 or approaching the viewer, and the effect can be eradicated for oddballs that are contracting or perceived to be receding from the viewer. The effect is also reduced or reversed with a static oddball presented among a stream of expanding stimuli.
Initial studies suggested that this oddball-induced “subjective 
time dilation” expanded the perceived duration of oddball stimuli by 
30–50% but subsequent research has reported more modest expansion of around 10% or less.
 The direction of the effect, whether the viewer perceives an increase 
or a decrease in duration, also seems to be dependent upon the stimulus 
used.
Effects of emotional states
Awe
Research has suggested the feeling of awe
 has the ability to expand one's perceptions of time availability. Awe 
can be characterized as an experience of immense perceptual vastness 
that coincides with an increase in focus. Consequently, it is 
conceivable that one's temporal perception would slow down when 
experiencing awe.
Fear
Possibly related to the oddball effect, research suggests that time seems to slow down for a person during dangerous events (such as a car accident, a robbery, or when a person perceives a potential predator or mate), or when a person skydives or bungee jumps, where they're capable of complex thoughts in what would normally be the blink of an eye (See Fight-or-flight response).
 This reported slowing in temporal perception may have been 
evolutionarily advantageous because it may have enhanced one's ability 
to intelligibly make quick decisions in moments that were of critical importance to our survival.
 However, even though observers commonly report that time seems to have 
moved in slow motion during these events, it is unclear whether this is a
 function of increased time resolution during the event, or instead an 
illusion created by the remembering of an emotionally salient event.
A strong time dilation effect has been reported for perception of
 objects that were looming, but not of those retreating, from the 
viewer, suggesting that the expanding discs — which mimic an approaching
 object — elicit self-referential processes which act to signal the presence of a possible danger. Anxious people, or those in great fear, experience greater "time dilation" in response to the same threat stimuli due to higher levels of epinephrine, which increases brain activity (an adrenaline rush). In such circumstances, an illusion of time dilation could assist an efficacious escape. When exposed to a threat, three-year-old children were observed to exhibit a similar tendency to overestimate elapsed time.
Research suggests that the effect appears only at the point of 
retrospective assessment, rather than occurring simultaneously with 
events as they happened. Perceptual abilities were tested during a frightening experience — a free fall
 — by measuring people's sensitivity to flickering stimuli. The results 
showed that the subjects' temporal resolution was not improved as the 
frightening event was occurring. Events appear to have taken longer only
 in retrospect, possibly because memories were being more densely packed
 during the frightening situation.
People shown extracts from films known to induce fear
 often overestimated the elapsed time of a subsequently presented visual
 stimulus, whereas people shown emotionally neutral clips (weather 
forecasts and stock market updates) or those known to evoke feelings of 
sadness showed no difference. It is argued that fear prompts a state of 
arousal in the amygdala,
 which increases the rate of a hypothesized "internal clock". This could
 be the result of an evolved defensive mechanism triggered by a 
threatening situation.
Empathy
The 
perception of another persons' emotions can also change our sense of 
time. The theory of embodied mind (or cognition), caused by mirror neurons,
 helps explain how the perception of other people's emotions has the 
ability to change one's own sense of time. Embodied cognition hinges on 
an internal process that mimics or simulates an other's emotional state. 
For example, if person #1 spends time with person #2 who speaks and 
walks incredibly slowly, person #1's internal clock may slow down.
Depression
Depression
 may increase one's ability to perceive time accurately. One study 
assessed this concept by asking subjects to estimate the amount of time 
that passed during intervals ranging from 3 seconds to 65 seconds.
 Results indicated that depressed subjects more accurately estimated the
 amount of time that had passed than non-depressed patients; 
non-depressed subjects overestimated the passing of time. This 
difference was hypothesized to be because depressed subjects focused 
less on external factors that may skew their judgment of time. The 
authors termed this hypothesized phenomenon "depressive realism."
Changes with age
Psychologists
 have found that the subjective perception of the passing of time tends 
to speed up with increasing age in humans. This often causes people to 
increasingly underestimate a given interval of time as they age. This 
fact can likely be attributed to a variety of age-related changes in the
 aging brain, such as the lowering in dopaminergic levels with older age; however, the details are still being debated.
 In an experimental study involving a group of subjects aged between 19 
and 24 and a group between 60 and 80, the participants' abilities to 
estimate 3 minutes of time were compared. The study found that an 
average of 3 minutes and 3 seconds passed when participants in the 
younger group estimated that 3 minutes had passed, whereas the older 
group's estimate for when 3 minutes had passed came after an average of 3
 minutes and 40 seconds.
Very young children literally "live in time" before gaining an 
awareness of its passing. A child will first experience the passing of 
time when he or she can subjectively perceive and reflect on the 
unfolding of a collection of events. A child's awareness of time 
develops during childhood when the child's attention and short-term 
memory capacities form — this developmental process is thought to be 
dependent on the slow maturation of the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus.
One day to an 11-year-old would be approximately 1/4,000 of their
 life, while one day to a 55-year-old would be approximately 1/20,000 of
 their life. This helps to explain why a random, ordinary day may 
therefore appear longer for a young child than an adult. The short term appears to go faster in proportion to the square root of the perceiver's age.
 So a year would be experienced by a 55-year-old as passing 
approximately 2¼ times more quickly than a year experienced by an 
11-year-old. If long-term time perception is based solely on the proportionality
 of a person's age, then the following four periods in life would appear
 to be quantitatively equal: ages 5–10 (1x), ages 10–20 (2x), ages 20–40
 (4x), age 40–80 (8x).
The common explanation is that most external and internal 
experiences are new for young children but repetitive for adults. 
Children have to be extremely engaged (i.e. dedicate many neural 
resources or significant brain power) in the present moment because they
 must constantly reconfigure their mental models of the world to 
assimilate it and manage behaviour properly. Adults however may rarely 
need to step outside mental habits and external routines. When an adult 
frequently experiences the same stimuli, they seem "invisible" because 
already sufficiently and effectively mapped by the brain. This 
phenomenon is known as neural adaptation.
 Thus, the brain will record fewer densely rich memories during these 
frequent periods of disengagement from the present moment. Consequently, the subjective perception is often that time passes by at a faster rate with age.
Effects of drugs
Stimulants produce overestimates of time duration, whereas depressants and anaesthetics produce underestimates of time duration.
Psychoactive drugs can alter the judgment of time. These include traditional psychedelics such as LSD, psilocybin, and mescaline as well as the dissociative class of psychedelics such as PCP, ketamine and dextromethorphan.
 At higher doses time may appear to slow down, speed up or seem out of 
sequence. In a 2007 study, psilocybin was found to significantly impair 
the ability to reproduce interval durations longer than 2.5 seconds, 
significantly impair synchronizing motor actions (taps on a computer 
keyboard) with regularly occurring tones, and impair the ability to keep
 tempo when asked to tap on a key at a self-paced but consistent 
interval. In 1955, British MP Christopher Mayhew took mescaline hydrochloride in an experiment under the guidance of his friend, Dr Humphry Osmond. On the BBC documentary The Beyond Within, he described that half a dozen times during the experiment, he had "a period of time that didn't end for [him]". 
Stimulants can lead both humans and rats to overestimate time intervals, while depressants can have the opposite effect. The level of activity in the brain of neurotransmitters such as dopamine and norepinephrine may be the reason for this.
 Dopamine has a particularly strong connection with one's perception of 
time. Drugs that activate dopamine receptors speed up one's perception 
of time, while dopamine antagonists cause one to feel that time is 
passing slowly.
The effect of cannabis on time perception has been studied with inconclusive results.
Effects of body temperature
Time
 perception may speed up as body temperature rises, and slow down as 
body temperature lowers. This is especially true during stressful 
events.
Reversal of temporal order judgment
Numerous
 experimental findings suggest that temporal order judgments of actions 
preceding effects can be reversed under special circumstances. 
Experiments have shown that sensory simultaneity judgments can be 
manipulated by repeated exposure to non-simultaneous stimuli. In an 
experiment conducted by David Eagleman,
 a temporal order judgment reversal was induced in subjects by exposing 
them to delayed motor consequences. In the experiment, subjects played 
various forms of video games. Unknown to the subjects, the experimenters
 introduced a fixed delay between the mouse movements and the subsequent
 sensory feedback. For example, a subject may not see a movement 
register on the screen until 150 milliseconds after the mouse had moved.
 Participants playing the game quickly adapted to the delay and felt as 
though there was less delay between their mouse movement and the sensory
 feedback. Shortly after the experimenters removed the delay, the 
subjects commonly felt as though the effect on the screen happened just 
before they commanded it. This work addresses how the perceived timing 
of effects is modulated by expectations, and the extent to which such 
predictions are quickly modifiable.
 In an experiment conducted by Haggard and colleagues in 2002, 
participants pressed a button that triggered a flash of light at a 
distance after a slight delay of 100 milliseconds.
 By repeatedly engaging in this act, participants had adapted to the 
delay (i.e., they experienced a gradual shortening in the perceived time
 interval between pressing the button and seeing the flash of light). 
The experimenters then showed the flash of light instantly after the 
button was pressed. In response, subjects often thought that the flash 
(the effect) had occurred before the button was pressed (the cause). 
Additionally, when the experimenters slightly reduced the delay, and 
shortened the spatial distance between the button and the flash of 
light, participants had often claimed again to have experienced the 
effect before the cause. 
Several experiments also suggest that temporal order judgment of a pair of tactile
 stimuli delivered in rapid succession, one to each hand, is noticeably 
impaired (i.e., misreported) by crossing the hands over the mid-line. 
However, congenitally blind subjects showed no trace of temporal order 
judgment reversal after crossing the arms. These results suggest that 
tactile signals taken in by the congenitally blind are ordered in time 
without being referred to a visuospatial representation. Unlike the 
congenitally blind subjects, the temporal order judgments of the 
late-onset blind subjects were impaired when crossing the arms to a 
similar extent as non-blind subjects. These results suggest that the 
associations between tactile signals and visuospatial representation is 
maintained once it is accomplished during infancy. Some research studies
 have also found that the subjects showed reduced deficit in tactile 
temporal order judgments when the arms were crossed behind their back 
than when they were crossed in front.
Flash-lag effect
In an experiment, participants were told to stare at an "x" symbol on
 a computer screen whereby a moving blue doughnut-like ring repeatedly 
circled the fixed "x" point.
 Occasionally, the ring would display a white flash for a split second 
that physically overlapped the ring's interior. However, when asked what
 was perceived, participants responded that they saw the white flash 
lagging behind the center of the moving ring. In other words, despite 
the reality that the two retinal images were actually spatially aligned,
 the flashed object was usually observed to trail a continuously moving 
object in space — a phenomenon referred to as the flash-lag effect.
The first proposed explanation, called the 'motion extrapolation'
 hypothesis, is that the visual system extrapolates the position of 
moving objects but not flashing objects when accounting for neural 
delays (i.e., the lag time between the retinal image and the observer's 
perception of the flashing object). The second proposed explanation by 
David Eagleman and Sejnowski, called the 'latency difference' 
hypothesis, is that the visual system processes moving objects at a 
faster rate than flashed objects. In the attempt to disprove the first 
hypothesis, David Eagleman conducted an experiment in which the moving 
ring suddenly reverses direction to spin in the other way as the flashed
 object briefly appears. If the first hypothesis were correct, we would 
expect that, immediately following reversal, the moving object would be 
observed as lagging behind the flashed object. However, the experiment 
revealed the opposite — immediately following reversal, the flashed 
object was observed as lagging behind the moving object. This 
experimental result supports of the 'latency difference' hypothesis. A 
recent study tries to reconcile these different approaches by 
approaching perception as an inference mechanism aiming at describing 
what is happening at the present time.
Effects of clinical disorders
Parkinson's disease, schizophrenia, and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) have been linked to abnormalities in dopamine
 levels in the brain as well as to noticeable impairments in time 
perception. Neuropharmacological research indicates that the internal 
clock, used to time durations in the seconds-to-minutes range, is linked
 to dopamine function in the basal ganglia.
 Studies in which children with ADHD are given time estimation tasks 
shows that time passes very slowly for them. Children with Tourette’s 
Syndrome, in contrast, who need to use the pre-frontal cortex to help 
them control their tics, are better at estimating intervals of time just
 over a second than other children. 
In his book Awakenings, the neurologist Dr. Oliver Sacks discussed how patients with Parkinson's disease
 experience deficits in their awareness of time and tempo. For example, 
Mr E, when asked to clap his hands steadily and regularly, did so for 
the first few claps before clapping faster and irregularly, culminating 
in an apparent freezing of motion. When he finished, Mr E asked if his 
observers were glad he did it correctly, to which they replied "no". Mr E
 was offended by this because to him, his claps were regular and steady.
Dopamine is also theorized to play a role in the attention deficits present with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Specifically, dopaminergic systems are involved in working memory and inhibitory processes, both of which are believed central to ADHD pathology.
 Children with ADHD have also been found to be significantly impaired on
 time discrimination tasks (telling the difference between two stimuli 
of different temporal lengths) and respond earlier on time reproduction 
tasks (duplicating the duration of a presented stimulus) than controls.
Along with other perceptual abnormalities, it has been noted by psychologists that schizophrenia patients have an altered sense of time. This was first described in psychology by Minkowski in 1927.
 Many schizophrenic patients stop perceiving time as a flow of causally 
linked events. It has been suggested that there is usually a delay in 
time perception in schizophrenic patients compared to normal subjects.
These defects in time perception may play a part in the 
hallucinations and delusions experienced by schizophrenic patients 
according to some studies. Some researchers suggest that "abnormal 
timing judgment leads to a deficit in action attribution and action 
perception."
Sleep
The perception of time is temporarily suspended during sleep, or more often during REM sleep. This can be attributed to the altered state of consciousness associated with sleep that prevents awareness of the surroundings,
 which would make it difficult to remain informed of the passing of time
 — new memories are rarely made during sleep. Therefore, upon waking up 
in the morning a person subjectively feels no time has passed but 
reasons that many hours have elapsed simply because it is now light 
outside. The passing of time must be inferred by observations of objects
 (e.g., the sun’s location, the moon, a clock's time) relative
 to the previous evening. So, time may feel as passing "faster" during 
sleep due to the lack of reference points. Another experience sometimes 
reported is a long dream seeming to go on for hours when it actually lasted only a few seconds or minutes.

 
