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Saturday, August 23, 2014

Communism

Communism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Communism (from Latin communis – common, universal)[1][2] is a socioeconomic system structured upon common ownership of the means of production and characterized by the absence of social classes, money,[3][4] and the state; as well as a social, political and economic ideology and movement that aims to establish this social order.[5] The movement to develop communism, in its Marxist–Leninist interpretations, significantly influenced the history of the 20th century, which saw intense rivalry between the world's most advanced capitalist states and socialist states.

Communism was first developed into a scientific theory by German philosopher and social scientist Karl Marx,[6] and the collective understanding of this scientific approach is today commonly referred to as Marxism. According to this theory, capitalism is a historically necessary stage of society, which has led to the concentration of social classes into two major groups: proletariat - who must sell their labour to survive, and who make up a majority of society - and bourgeoisie - a minority who privately own the means of production and purchase proletarian labour to operate them at a fraction of its true value, the surplus being derived as profit. The political, social, and economical conflict between both groups (class struggle), each attempting to push their interests to their logical extreme, will lead into the capture of political power by the proletariat.[7] Public ownership and management of the means of production by society will be established - this is known as socialism. As scarcity disappears from the development of the productive forces, goods and services are made available on a communal basis of free access. This ultimately results in the reduction and end of individual economic calculations and exchanges, and thereupon the disappearance of social classes and money.[8] Eventually, as the class struggle ends, the state ceases to be relevant and fades from recognition, as the social institutions for the collective self-management of the human community continue without it.[9] The result is communism: a stateless, classless and moneyless society, structured upon common ownership of the means of production.

The October Revolution, led by Lenin, consisted in the capture of political power in Russia by a Marxist party, resulting in the creation of the Soviet Union, with the aim of developing socialism and eventually communism. Leninism refers to the organizational principle of the vanguard party as a revolutionary strategy both to achieve revolution and to secure political power after the revolution in the interests of the working class. Lenin never claimed that the Soviet Union had achieved socialism; in fact, Lenin openly admitted that the economic policy which was in use at the time of his death was a form of capitalism (specifically, state capitalism), but also stated that socialism was eventually going to be developed.[10][11]

Lenin's death led to a struggle for power between opposed factions, eventually resulting in the victory of Stalin, whose rule saw the elimination of any opposition. Stalin created Marxism-Leninism,[12] an ideology which is not the mere union of both, but rather is a term created to describe the political ideology Stalin implemented in the CPSU and Comintern, which also sets deviations from both Marxism and Leninism (such as the acceptance of socialism in one country). There is no definite agreement between historians of about whether Stalin actually followed the principles of Marx and Lenin.[13] Marxism-Leninism is based on the creation of a single-party state[14] which has full control of the economy. According to Marxism-Leninism, the Soviet Union had achieved socialism and was on the way to communism; other communist tendencies disagree, some (of which some are Marxist, some others not) claiming that it had in fact established state capitalism:[15] management of capitalism by the state, additionally neither by nor in the interests of the proletariat, and that socialism was not being developed but rather that its development was halted since the come to power of Stalin. To these tendencies, Marxism-Leninism is neither Marxism, Leninism, nor the union of both; but rather an artificial term created to justify what they consider is Stalin's ideological distortion, forced upon the CPSU and Comintern. In fact, in the Soviet Union, the struggle against Marxism-Leninism was led by Trotskyism, which described itself as a Marxist and Leninist tendency.

Marxism-Leninism was made into the official ideology of the Comintern, and exported to other countries. This body of thought formed the basis for the most clearly visible communist movement in the 20th century and, as such, in the Western world, the term "communism" came to refer to social movements and states associated with the Comintern. However, these states did not develop communism, and the degree to which they had achieved socialism is debated.[16]

Etymology and terminology

In the schema of historical materialism and dialectical materialism (the application of Hegelian dialectic to historical materialism), communism is the idea of a free society with no division or alienation, where the people are free from oppression and scarcity. A communist society would have no governments or class divisions. In Marxist theory, the dictatorship of the proletariat is the intermediate system between capitalism and communism, when the government is in the process of changing the means of ownership from privatism to collective ownership.[17]
The hammer and sickle has its origin in the Russian Revolution, symbolizing the union of industrial workers with peasants. The red star is a symbol often used by the political left as well as communism.

In modern usage, the word "communism" is still often used to refer to the policies of past and present self-declared socialist governments typically comprising single-party states wherein the country's vanguard party is governing the state exclusively, operating centrally planned economies and a state ownership of the means of production. A significant sector of the modern communist movement alleges that these states never made an attempt to transition to a communist society, while others even argue that they never achieved a legitimate socialism, often arguing that they established instead state capitalism. Most of these governments claimed to base their ideology on Marxism-Leninism (though some of these states have been accused of revisionism), but they did not call the system they had set up "communism", nor did they even necessarily claim at all times that the ideology was the sole driving force behind their policies: Mao Zedong, for example, pursued New Democracy, and Vladimir Lenin in the Russian Civil War enacted war communism; later, the Vietnamese enacted doi moi, and the Chinese switched to socialism with Chinese characteristics. The governments labeled by other governments as "communist" generally claimed that they had set up a transitional socialist system. This system is sometimes referred to as state socialism or by other similar names.

"Higher-phase communism" is a term sometimes used to refer to the stage in history after socialism (or lower-phase communism), although just as many communists use simply the term "communism" to refer to that stage. The classless, stateless society that characterizes this communism is one in which decisions on what to produce and what policies to pursue are made by a free association of equal individuals. In such a higher-phase communism the interests of every member of society is given equal weight in the practical decision-making process in both the political and economic spheres of life.

History

Early communism

The origins of communism are debatable, and there are various historical groups, as well as theorists, whose beliefs have been subsequently described as communist. German philosopher Karl Marx saw primitive communism as the original, hunter-gatherer state of humankind from which it arose. For Marx, only after humanity was capable of producing surplus, did private property develop. The idea of a classless society first emerged in Ancient Greece.[18] Plato in his The Republic described it as a state where people shared all their property, wives, and children: "The private and individual is altogether banished from life and things which are by nature private, such as eyes and ears and hands, have become common, and in some way see and hear and act in common, and all men express praise and feel joy and sorrow on the same occasions."[18]
In the history of Western thought, certain elements of the idea of a society based on common ownership of property can be traced back to ancient times. Examples include the Spartacus slave revolt in Rome.[19] The 5th-century Mazdak movement in Persia (Iran) has been described as "communistic" for challenging the enormous privileges of the noble classes and the clergy, criticizing the institution of private property and for striving for an egalitarian society.[20]

At one time or another, various small communist communities existed, generally under the inspiration of Scripture.[21] In the medieval Christian church, for example, some monastic communities and religious orders shared their land and other property (see Religious and Christian communism).

Communist thought has also been traced back to the work of 16th-century English writer Thomas More. In his treatise Utopia (1516), More portrayed a society based on common ownership of property, whose rulers administered it through the application of reason. In the 17th century, communist thought surfaced again in England, where a Puritan religious group known as the "Diggers" advocated the abolition of private ownership of land.[22] Eduard Bernstein, in his 1895 Cromwell and Communism[23] argued that several groupings in the English Civil War, especially the Diggers espoused clear communistic, agrarian ideals, and that Oliver Cromwell's attitude to these groups was at best ambivalent and often hostile.[24] Criticism of the idea of private property continued into the Age of Enlightenment of the 18th century, through such thinkers as Jean Jacques Rousseau in France. Later, following the upheaval of the French Revolution, communism emerged as a political doctrine.[25]

Various social reformers in the early 19th century founded communities based on common ownership. But unlike many previous communist communities, they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic basis.[26] Notable among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana (1825), and Charles Fourier, whose followers organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm (1841–47).[26] Later in the 19th century, Karl Marx described these social reformers as "utopian socialists" to contrast them with his program of "scientific socialism" (a term coined by Friedrich Engels). Other writers described by Marx as "utopian socialists" included Saint-Simon.

In its modern form, communism grew out of the socialist movement of 19th-century Europe. As the Industrial Revolution advanced, socialist critics blamed capitalism for the misery of the proletariat—a new class of urban factory workers who labored under often-hazardous conditions. Foremost among these critics were Marx and his associate Friedrich Engels. In 1848, Marx and Engels offered a new definition of communism and popularized the term in their famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto.[26]

Modern communism

Countries of the world now (red) or previously (orange) having nominally Marxist-Leninist governments.

The 1917 October Revolution in Russia was the first time any avowedly Communist Party, in this case the Bolshevik Party, seized state power. The assumption of state power by the Bolsheviks generated a great deal of practical and theoretical debate within the Marxist movement. Marx predicted that socialism and communism would be built upon foundations laid by the most advanced capitalist development. Russia, however, was one of the poorest countries in Europe with an enormous, largely illiterate peasantry and a minority of industrial workers. Marx had explicitly stated that Russia might be able to skip the stage of bourgeois rule.[27] Other socialists also believed that a Russian revolution could be the precursor of workers' revolutions in the West.

The moderate Mensheviks opposed Lenin's Bolshevik plan for socialist revolution before capitalism was more fully developed. The Bolsheviks' successful rise to power was based upon the slogans such as "Peace, bread, and land" which tapped the massive public desire for an end to Russian involvement in the First World War, the peasants' demand for land reform, and popular support for the Soviets.[28]
Vladimir Lenin after his return to Petrograd.

The Second International had dissolved in 1916 over national divisions, as the separate national parties that composed it did not maintain a unified front against the war, instead generally supporting their respective nation's role. Lenin thus created the Third International (Comintern) in 1919 and sent the Twenty-one Conditions, which included democratic centralism, to all European socialist parties willing to adhere. In France, for example, the majority of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) party split in 1921 to form the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC). Henceforth, the term "Communism" was applied to the objective of the parties founded under the umbrella of the Comintern. Their program called for the uniting of workers of the world for revolution, which would be followed by the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat as well as the development of a socialist economy.

During the Russian Civil War (1918–1922), the Bolsheviks nationalized all productive property and imposed a policy named war communism, which put factories and railroads under strict government control, collected and rationed food, and introduced some bourgeois management of industry. After three years of war and the 1921 Kronstadt rebellion, Lenin declared the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921, which was to give a "limited place for a limited time to capitalism." The NEP lasted until 1928, when Joseph Stalin achieved party leadership, and the introduction of the first Five Year Plan spelled the end of it. Following the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks, in 1922, formed the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), or Soviet Union, from the former Russian Empire.
Vladimir Lenin giving a speech.

Following Lenin's democratic centralism, the communist parties were organized on a hierarchical basis, with active cells of members as the broad base; they were made up only of elite cadres approved by higher members of the party as being reliable and completely subject to party discipline.[29] The Great Purge of 1937–1938 was Stalin's attempt to destroy any possible opposition within the Communist Party. In the Moscow Trials many old Bolsheviks who had played prominent roles during the Russian Revolution of 1917, or in Lenin's Soviet government afterwards, including Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, and Bukharin, were accused, pleaded guilty, and executed.[30]

Following World War II, Communists consolidated power in Central and Eastern Europe, and in 1949, the Communist Party of China (CPC), led by Mao Zedong, established the People's Republic of China, which would follow its own ideological path of Communist development following the Sino-Soviet split. Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Angola, and Mozambique were among the other countries in the Third World that adopted or imposed a Communist government at some point. By the early 1980s almost one-third of the world's population lived in states ruled by a self-declared communist party, including the former Soviet Union and PRC.[citation needed]

States such as the Soviet Union and PRC succeeded in becoming industrial and technological powers, challenging the capitalists' powers in the arms race and space race.

Cold War

USSR postage stamp depicting the states ruled by self-declared communist parties, launching the first artificial satellite Sputnik 1.

Its leading role in the Second World War saw the emergence of the Soviet Union as a superpower, with strong influence over Eastern Europe and parts of Asia. At the same time the existing European empires were shattered and Communist parties played a leading role in many independence movements.

Governments modelled on the Soviet Union took power with Soviet assistance in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Romania. A Communist government was also created under Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia, but Tito's independent policies led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform, which had replaced the Comintern. Titoism, a new branch in the world Communist movement, was labelled "deviationist". Albania also became an independent Communist nation after World War II.[31]

By 1950, the Chinese Communists had taken over all of mainland China. In the Korean War and Vietnam War, Communists fought for power in their countries against the United States and its allies. With varying degrees of success, Communists attempted to unite with nationalist and socialist forces against perceived Western imperialism in these poor countries.

Communism was seen as a rival of and a threat to western capitalism for most of the 20th century.[32] This rivalry peaked during the Cold War, as the world's two remaining superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, polarized most of the world into two camps of nations. It supported the spread of their respective economic and political systems. As a result, the camps expanded their military capacity, stockpiled nuclear weapons, and competed in space exploration.

Dissolution of the Soviet Union

A demonstration of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Moscow, December 2011.

In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of the Soviet Union and relaxed central control, in accordance with reform policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The Soviet Union did not intervene as Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, and Hungary all abandoned Communist rule by 1990. In 1991, the Soviet Union dissolved.

By the beginning of the 21st century, states controlled by communist parties under a single-party system include the People's Republic of China, Cuba, Laos, Vietnam, and North Korea. Communist parties, or their descendant parties, remain politically important in a number of other countries. President Dimitris Christofias of Cyprus is a member of the Progressive Party of Working People, but the country is not run under single-party rule. The South African Communist Party is a partner in the African National Congress-led government. In India, communists lead the governments of three states, with a combined population of more than 115 million. In Nepal, communists hold a majority in the parliament.[33] The Communist Party of Brazil is a part of the parliamentary coalition led by the ruling democratic socialist Workers' Party and is represented in the executive cabinet of Dilma Rousseff.

The People's Republic of China has reassessed many aspects of the Maoist legacy; it, along with Laos, Vietnam, and, to a lesser degree Cuba, has reduced state control of the economy in order to stimulate growth. Chinese economic reforms started in 1978 under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping; since then, China has managed to bring down the poverty rate from 53% in the Mao era to just 6% in 2001.[34] The People's Republic of China runs Special Economic Zones dedicated to market-oriented enterprise, free from central government control. Several other states ran by self-declared communist parties have also attempted to implement market-based reforms, including Vietnam.

Theories within Marxism as to why communism in Central and Eastern Europe was not achieved after revolutions pointed to such elements as the pressure of external capitalist states, the relative backwardness of the societies in which the revolutions occurred, and the emergence of a bureaucratic stratum or class that arrested or diverted the transition process in its own interests. Marxist critics of the Soviet Union, most notably Trotsky, referred to the Soviet system, along with other states ran by self-declared communist parties, as "degenerated" or "deformed workers' states", arguing that the Soviet system fell far short of Marx's communist ideal and he claimed the working class was politically dispossessed. The ruling stratum of the Soviet Union was, by Trotskyism, held to be a bureaucratic caste, but not a new ruling class, despite their political control.

Marxist communism

Marxism

Like other socialists, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels sought an end to capitalism and the systems which they perceived to be responsible for the exploitation of workers.
According to the Marxist argument for communism, the main characteristic of human life in class society is alienation; and communism is desirable because it entails the full realization of human freedom.[35] Marx here follows Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel in conceiving freedom not merely as an absence of restraints but as action with content.[36] According to Marx, communism's outlook on freedom was based on an agent, obstacle, and goal. The agent is the common/working people; the obstacles are class divisions, economic inequalities, unequal life-chances, and false consciousness; and the goal is the fulfilment of human needs including satisfying work, and fair share of the product.[37][38]

They believed that communism allowed people to do what they want, but also put humans in such conditions and such relations with one another that they would not wish to exploit, or have any need to. Whereas for Hegel the unfolding of this ethical life in history is mainly driven by the realm of ideas, for Marx, communism emerged from material forces, particularly the development of the means of production.[36]

Marxism holds that a process of class conflict and revolutionary struggle will result in victory for the proletariat and the establishment of a communist society in which private property and ownership is abolished over time and the means of production and subsistence belong to the community. (Private property and ownership, in this context, means ownerships of the means of production, not private possessions).[39] Marx himself wrote little about life under communism, giving only the most general indication as to what constituted a communist society. In the popular slogan that was adopted by the communist movement, communism was a world in which each gave according to their abilities, and received according to their needs. The German Ideology (1845) was one of Marx's few writings to elaborate on the communist future:
In communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticize after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic.[40]
Marx's lasting vision was to add this vision to a theory of how society was moving in a law-governed way towards communism, and, with some tension, a political theory that explained why revolutionary activity was required to bring it about.[36]

In the late 19th century, the terms "socialism" and "communism" were often used interchangeably. However, Marx and Engels argued that communism would not emerge from capitalism in a fully developed state, but would pass through a "first phase" in which most productive property was owned in common, but with some class differences remaining. The "first phase" would eventually evolve into a "higher phase" in which class differences were eliminated, and a state was no longer needed. Lenin frequently used the term "socialism" to refer to Marx and Engels' supposed "first phase" of communism and used the term "communism" interchangeably with Marx and Engels' "higher phase" of communism.[41]

These later aspects, particularly as developed by Vladimir Lenin, provided the underpinning for the mobilizing features of 20th century communist parties.

Leninism

"We want to achieve a new and better order of society: in this new and better society there must be neither rich nor poor; all will have to work. Not a handful of rich people, but all the working people must enjoy the fruits of their common labour. Machines and other improvements must serve to ease the work of all and not to enable a few to grow rich at the expense of millions and tens of millions of people. This new and better society is called socialist society. The teachings about this society are called 'socialism'."
-Vladimir Lenin, "To the Rural Poor" (1903); Collected Works, Vol 6, p. 366
Leninism is the revolutionary theories developed by Vladimir Lenin, including the organizational principles of democratic centralism, Vanguardism and the political theory of imperialism. Leninist theory postulates that, with the strongly determined will of the Bourgeoisie to establish Imperialism, socialism will not arise spontaneously through the natural decay of capitalism, and that workers by themselves, who may be more or less sedated by reactionary propaganda, are unable to effectively organize and develop socialist consciousness, therefore requiring the leadership of a revolutionary vanguard organized on the basis of democratic centralism. As a result, Leninism promotes a Vanguard party in order to lead the working-class and peasants in a revolution. Because this revolution takes place in underdeveloped, largely pre-capitalist countries such as Russia, Leninism establishes a single-party, authoritarian state, justifying single-party control over the state and economy as a means to safeguard the revolution against counter-revolutionary insurrection and foreign invasion.[42]

Although the creation of a vanguard party was outlined by Marx and Engels in Chapter II: "Proletarians and Communists" of The Communist Manifesto, Lenin modified this position by changing the role of the vanguards to professional revolutionaries, who were to hold power post-revolution and direct the national economy and society in developing world socialism.

After disposing of the Bourgeois dictatorship through socialist revolution, Leninists seek to create a socialist state in which the working class would be in power, which they see as being essential for laying the foundations for a transitional withering of the state towards communism (Stateless society). In this state, the vanguard party would act as a central nucleus in the organization of socialist society, presiding over a single-party political system. Leninism rejects political pluralism, seeing it as divisive and destructive. Instead, Leninism advocates the concept of democratic centralism as a process to ensure the voicing of concern and disagreement and to refine policy. Generally, the purpose of democratic centralism is "diversity in ideas, unity in action."

After Lenin's death in 1924, Leninism branched into multiple (sometimes opposing) interpretations, including Trotskyism and Marxism-Leninism.

Marxism-Leninism, Stalinism and Trotskyism

Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism


Marxism–Leninism is a political ideology developed by Stalin,[43] officially based on Marxism (the scientific socialist concepts theorised by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels) and Leninism (Vladimir Lenin's theoretical expansions of Marxism which include anti-imperialism, democratic centralism, and Vanguardist party-building principles).[44] However, it is not the mere union of both but rather is a term created to describe the specific ideology which Stalin implemented in the CPSU and Comintern. There is no definite agreement between historians of about whether Stalin actually followed the principles of Marx and Lenin.[45] It also contains deviations from both Marxism and Leninism, such as socialism in one country. Marxism-Leninism was the ideology of the most clearly visible communist movement. As such, it is the most prominent ideology associated with communism. Marxism-Leninism advocates the creation of a single-party state[14] with total control of the economy, which according to it forms the basis of a socialist state.

Marxism-Leninism refers to the socioeconomic system and political ideology implemented by Stalin in the Soviet Union and later copied by other states based on the Soviet model (central planning, single-party state, etc.), whereas Stalinism refers to Stalin's style of governance (political repression, cult of personality, etc.); Marxism-Leninism stayed after de-Stalinization, Stalinism did not. However, the term "Stalinism" is sometimes used to refer to Marxism-Leninism, sometimes to avoid implying Marxism-Leninism is related to Marxism and Leninism.

Maoism is a form of Marxism-Leninism associated with Chinese leader Mao Zedong. After de-Stalinization, Marxism-Leninism was kept in the Soviet Union but certain "anti-revisionist" tendencies, such as Hoxhaism and Maoism, argued that it was deviated from. Therefore, different policies were applied in Albania and China, which became more distanced from the Soviet Union.

Marxism-Leninism has been criticized by other communist and Marxist tendencies. They argue that Marxist-Leninist states did not establish socialism but rather state capitalism.[46] The dictatorship of the proletariat, according to Marxism, represents the rule of the majority (democracy) rather than of one party, to the extent that co-founder of Marxism Friedrich Engels described its "specific form" as the democratic republic.[47] Additionally, according to Engels, state property by itself is private property of capitalist nature[48] unless the proletariat has control of political power, in which case it forms public property.[49] Whether the proletariat was actually in control of the Marxist-Leninist states is a matter of debate between Marxism-Leninism and other communist tendencies. These tendencies conclude that Marxism–Leninism is neither Marxism nor Leninism nor the union of both, but rather an artificial term created to justify what in their view is Stalin's ideological distortion, forced into the CPSU and Comintern. In the Soviet Union, this struggle against Marxism–Leninism was represented by Trotskyism, which describes itself as a Marxist and Leninist tendency.

Trotskyism


Trotskyism is a Marxist and Leninist tendency that was developed by Leon Trotsky, opposed to Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism. It supports the theory of permanent revolution and world revolution instead of the two stage theory and socialism in one country. It supported proletarian internationalism and another Communist revolution in the Soviet Union, which, under the leadership of Stalin, Trotsky claimed had become a degenerated worker's state, rather than the dictatorship of the proletariat, in which class relations had re-emerged in a new form.

Trotsky and his supporters, struggling against Stalin for power in the Soviet Union, organized into the Left Opposition and their platform became known as Trotskyism. Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining control of the Soviet regime and Trotskyist attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. Trotsky later founded the Fourth International, a Trotskyist rival to the Comintern, in 1938.

Trotsky's politics differed sharply from those of Stalin and Mao, most importantly in declaring the need for an international proletarian revolution (rather than socialism in one country) and unwavering support for a true dictatorship of the proletariat based on democratic principles.

Libertarian Marxism

Libertarian Marxism refers to a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. Early currents of libertarian Marxism, known as left communism,[50] emerged in opposition to Marxism–Leninism[51] and its derivatives, such as Stalinism, Maoism, and Trotskyism.[52] Libertarian Marxism is also critical of reformist positions, such as those held by social democrats.[53] Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France;[54] emphasizing the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for a revolutionary party or state to mediate or aid its liberation.[55] Along with anarchism, Libertarian Marxism is one of the main currents of libertarian socialism.[56]
Libertarian Marxism includes such currents as Luxemburgism, council communism, left communism, Socialisme ou Barbarie, the Johnson-Forest tendency, world socialism, Lettrism/Situationism and operaismo/autonomism, and New Left.[57] Libertarian Marxism has often had a strong influence on both post-left and social anarchists. Notable theorists of libertarian Marxism have included Anton Pannekoek, Raya Dunayevskaya, CLR James, Antonio Negri, Cornelius Castoriadis, Maurice Brinton, Guy Debord, Daniel Guérin, Ernesto Screpanti and Raoul Vaneigem.

Council communism

Council communism is a far-left movement originating in Germany and the Netherlands in the 1920s. Its primary organization was the Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD). Council communism continues today as a theoretical and activist position within both left-wing Marxism and libertarian socialism.
The central argument of council communism, in contrast to those of social democracy and Leninist communism, is that democratic workers' councils arising in the factories and municipalities are the natural form of working class organization and governmental power. This view is opposed to both the reformist and the Leninist ideologies, with their stress on, respectively, parliaments and institutional government (i.e., by applying social reforms, on the one hand, and vanguard parties and participative democratic centralism on the other).

The core principle of council communism is that the government and the economy should be managed by workers' councils composed of delegates elected at workplaces and recallable at any moment. As such, council communists oppose state-run authoritarian "State socialism"/"State capitalism". They also oppose the idea of a "revolutionary party", since council communists believe that a revolution led by a party will necessarily produce a party dictatorship. Council communists support a worker's democracy, which they want to produce through a federation of workers' councils.

Left communism

Rosa Luxemburg, inspiration of left communism.

Left communism is the range of communist viewpoints held by the communist left, which criticizes the political ideas of the Bolsheviks at certain periods, from a position that is asserted to be more authentically Marxist and proletarian than the views of Leninism held by the Communist International after its first and during its second congress.

Left Communists see themselves to the left of Leninists (whom they tend to see as 'left of capital', not socialists), anarchist communists (some of whom they consider internationalist socialists) as well as some other revolutionary socialist tendencies (for example De Leonists, who they tend to see as being internationalist socialists only in limited instances).

Although she died before left communism became a distinct tendency, Rosa Luxemburg has heavily influenced most left communists, both politically and theoretically. Proponents of left communism have included Amadeo Bordiga, Herman Gorter, Anton Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Karl Korsch, Sylvia Pankhurst and Paul Mattick.

Prominent left communist groups existing today include the International Communist Party, the International Communist Current and the Internationalist Communist Tendency.

Non-Marxist communism

The dominant forms of communism are based on Marxism, but non-Marxist versions of communism (such as Christian communism and anarchist communism) also exist.

Anarchist communism


Anarchist communism (also known as libertarian communism) is a theory of anarchism which advocates the abolition of the state, private property, and capitalism in favor of common ownership of the means of production,[58][59] direct democracy and a horizontal network of voluntary associations and workers' councils with production and consumption based on the guiding principle: "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need".[60][61]

Anarcho-communism differs from Marxism rejecting its view about the need for a State Socialism phase before building communism. The main anarcho-communist theorist Peter Kropotkin argued "that a revolutionary society should "transform itself immediately into a communist society,", that is, should go immediately into what Marx had regarded as the "more advanced," completed, phase of communism."[62] In this way it tries to avoid the reappearence of "class divisions and the need for a state to oversee everything".[62]

Some forms of anarchist communism such as insurrectionary anarchism are egoist and strongly influenced by radical individualism,[63][64][65] believing that anarchist communism does not require a communitarian nature at all. Most anarcho-communists view anarcho-communism as a way of reconciling the opposition between the individual and society.[66][67][68]

To date in human history, the best known examples of an anarchist communist society, established around the ideas as they exist today, that received worldwide attention and knowledge in the historical canon, are the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution and the Free Territory during the Russian Revolution. Through the efforts and influence of the Spanish Anarchists during the Spanish Revolution within the Spanish Civil War, starting in 1936 anarchist communism existed in most of Aragon, parts of the Levante and Andalusia, as well as in the stronghold of Anarchist Catalonia before being brutally crushed by the combined forces of the authoritarian regime that won the war, Hitler, Mussolini, Spanish Communist Party repression (backed by the USSR) as well as economic and armaments blockades from the capitalist countries and the Spanish Republic itself. During the Russian Revolution, anarchists such as Nestor Makhno worked to create and defend—through the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine—anarchist communism in the Free Territory of the Ukraine from 1919 before being conquered by the Bolsheviks in 1921.

Christian communism

Christian communism is a form of religious communism centred on Christianity. It is a theological and political theory based upon the view that the teachings of Jesus Christ urge Christians to support communism as the ideal social system. Christian communists trace the origins of their practice to teachings in the New Testament, such as the Acts of the Apostles at chapter 2 and verses 42, 44 and 45:
42 And they continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and in fellowship ... 44 And all that believed were together, and had all things in common; 45 And sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need.
Christian communism can be seen as a radical form of Christian socialism. Also, because many Christian communists have formed independent stateless communes in the past, there is a link between Christian communism and Christian anarchism. Christian communists may not agree with various parts of Marxism, but they share some of the political goals of Marxists, for example replacing capitalism with socialism, which should in turn be followed by communism at a later point in the future. However, Christian communists sometimes disagree with Marxists (and particularly with Leninists) on the way a socialist or communist society should be organized.

Criticism

The government's forced collectivization of agriculture is considered a main reason for the Soviet famine of 1932–1933.

Some people[who?] have criticized socialism and by extension communism, stating that the two systems would distort or remove price signals,[69][70] slow or stagnate technological advance,[71] reduce incentives,[72][73][74] and reduce prosperity,[75][76] as well as on the grounds of its feasibility[69][70][71] and its social and political effects.[77][78][79][80][81][82]

Imagine -- John Lennon

Imagine there is no heaven
It's easy if you try
No hell below us
Above us only sky

Imagine all the people
Living for today

Imagine there's no countries
It isn't hard to do
Nothing to kill or die for
And no religion, too

Imagine all the people
Living life in peace
You may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope someday you will join us
And the world will be as one

Imagine no possessions
I wonder if you can
No need for greed or hunger
A brotherhood of man
Imagine all the people
Sharing all the world
You, you may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one

I hope someday you will join us
And the world will live as one

Songwriters
Lennon, John

Published by
Lyrics © EMI Music Publishing

Read more: John Lennon - Imagine Lyrics | MetroLyrics

Neanderthals and humans had 'ample time' to mix

Neanderthals and humans had 'ample time' to mix

FRANK JORDANS, The Associated Press Posted: Wednesday, August 20, 2014, 12:09 PM 
Original link:  http://www.philly.com/philly/news/science/20140820_ap_aab2df384fb64a6d94fece227515ee9f.html
 
BERLIN (AP) - Humans and Neanderthals may have coexisted in Europe for more than 5,000 years, providing ample time for the two species to meet and mix, according to new research.

Using new carbon dating techniques and mathematical models, researchers examined about 200 samples found at 40 sites from Spain to Russia, according to a study published Wednesday in the journal Nature. They concluded with a high probability that pockets of Neanderthal culture survived until between 41,030 and 39,260 years ago.

Although this puts the disappearance of Neanderthals earlier than some scientists previously thought, the findings support the idea that they lived alongside humans, who arrived in Europe about 45,000-43,000 years ago.

"We believe we now have the first robust timeline that sheds new light on some of the key questions around the possible interactions between Neanderthals and modern humans," said Thomas Higham, an archaeologist at the University of Oxford who led the study.
 
While it's known that Neanderthal genes have survived in the DNA of many modern humans to this day, suggesting that at least some interbreeding took place, scientists are still unclear about the extent of their contact and the reasons why Neanderthals vanished.

"These new results confirm a long-suspected chronological overlap between the last Neanderthals and the first modern humans in Europe," said Jean-Jacques Hublin, director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, who wasn't involved in the study.
Apart from narrowing the length of time that the two species existed alongside each other to between 2,600 and 5,400 years, Higham and his colleagues also believe they have shown that Neanderthals and humans largely kept to themselves.

"What we don't see is that there is spatial overlap (in where they settled)," said Higham.
This is puzzling, because there is evidence that late-stage Neanderthals were culturally influenced by modern humans. Samples taken from some Neanderthal sites include artifacts that look like those introduced to Europe by humans migrating from Africa.

This would point to the possibility that Neanderthals - whose name derives from a valley in western Germany - adopted certain human habits and technologies even as they were being gradually pushed out of their territory.

"I think they were eventually outcompeted," said Higham.

Wil Roebroeks, an archaeologist at Leiden University in the Netherlands, cautioned that the study relies to a large decree on testing of stone tools, rather than bones, and these haven't been conclusively linked to particular species, or hominins.

"The results of this impressive dating study are clear, but the assumptions about the association of stone artefact with hominin types underlying the interpretation of the dating results will be undoubtedly rigorously tested in field- and laboratory work over the near future," said Roebroeks, who wasn't involved in the study. "Such testing can now be done with a chronologically clean slate."

Follow Frank Jordans on Twitter at http://www.twitter.com/wirereporter

Read more at http://www.philly.com/philly/news/science/20140820_ap_aab2df384fb64a6d94fece227515ee9f.html#UIu15WrXt7EHFlFB.99

Worldview: In Ukraine, some good news on foreign policy

Worldview: In Ukraine, some good news on foreign policy


I've got some foreign policy good news. Really.

Never mind that U.S. foreign policy appears irrelevant in Gaza, spineless in Syria, irresponsible in Iraq, and grossly stupid in Germany (whoever OKd our dumb spy efforts there should be fired).

There is one important country where U.S. efforts may yet achieve a positive outcome. I'm talking about Ukraine, where Russia's Vladimir Putin has just blinked in his efforts to dismantle the country - in large part because Western sanctions (even mild ones) jeopardized his weak economy.

"In a world where everything is going to hell, this is a place where something is working," says Adrian Karatnycky, a Ukraine expert at the Atlantic Council who just returned from Kiev. "If the United States is looking to reverse a tide of failures, Ukraine is one place where there is a possibility of success."

Last week, the revamped Ukrainian military took back the key town of Slovyansk, which had been occupied by Russian-backed separatists. Ukraine has now recaptured around half of the territory that was once held by the rebels in eastern Ukraine, who have pulled back to the two large cities of Donetsk and Luhansk.

Having seized and annexed Crimea, Putin appears to have abandoned earlier threats to invade eastern and southern Ukraine with Russian forces. He is even ratcheting down the Goebbels-like propaganda blaring from Russian state media denouncing the Kiev government as "fascists."
Putin met more resistance than he expected, internationally and from the newly elected Ukrainian president, Petro Poroshenko, so he is rethinking his goals.

Yet the Ukraine situation remains critical. The Kiev government doesn't want to bomb Donetsk and Luhansk and jeopardize civilians. Putin is still playing a double game, pretending to compromise at peace talks with Ukraine, France, and Germany, while failing to force Russia's separatist proxies to agree to a cease-fire. New sanctions are needed to persuade Putin to end Russia's proxy war in Ukraine.

This is the moment to recall why Ukraine's fate is so important to America's interests - and values.

Putin's invasion of Crimea upended all of the rules about respecting sovereign borders that have kept Europe peaceful since the end of World War II. If one European country can invade another - on the flimsy excuse of protecting the rights of co-ethnics - we are cast back to the 1930s, and the peace that Europe has known for the last 70 years would be shattered. That is the Pandora's box Putin opened when he sent Russian troops into Ukraine.

The Russian leader has spoken longingly of re-creating the 18th-century Russian empire, which would require Russia to annex large swaths of southern Ukraine north of the Black Sea. He borrowed ideas from the ultranationalist philosopher Alexander Dugin, who advocated forming a Eurasian Union (including Ukraine) that would work to undermine NATO and the European Union. Toward that end, Putin cozied up to Europe's rising roster of nationalist parties, some of them neofascist (neofascists don't seem to bother him when he thinks they are useful for his ends).

Putin's ultranationalist fantasies present a real threat to Europe. Yet, in a feat worthy of Houdini, Ukraine helped turn a possible disaster into potential good news.

Despite Russia's military and economic blackmail, Kiev held free elections and chose a highly competent president, a billionaire who'd made his fortune by building a confectionary empire. Poroshenko rallied the country and rebuilt his tattered military with help from thousands of civic activists who raised funds and volunteered to fight. He has offered eastern Ukraine Russian-language rights and a huge amount of decentralized power - the very things that Putin demands but falsely claims that Kiev denies.

Another piece of good news: Putin overreached economically.

Despite his country's oil wealth, the Russian leader's mismanagement and the country's staggering corruption have prevented Russia from reaching a fraction of its potential. With an economy whose size hovers between that of the Netherlands and Italy, Putin could not afford a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, his business elite warned him that even limited sanctions have done serious damage to the economy.

The final piece of good news: Putin's proxies couldn't rally the Ukrainians, even ethnic Russians in the east who distrust Kiev. That's because so many of the rebels either came from Russia (or Chechnya) or were disaffected losers who didn't represent the communities in which they lived.

Moreover, despite Moscow's denials, key rebel leaders have been revealed as Russian intelligence agents. Muscovite Igor Strelkov, the current "rebel" leader in Donetsk, has admitted he served in the FSB, the KGB's successor organization, until a year ago. Western governments say he is controlled by Russia's military intelligence. Other separatist leaders are also linked to Moscow, while Russian fighters and heavy weapons have poured across the border into Ukraine.

So President Obama has gotten lucky. He has a smart partner in Poroshenko, even as Putin is retreating. This is the moment to press Putin to pull back the Strelkovs and broker a real cease-fire, or face tougher sanctions. If Europe won't join, then Washington should go forward unilaterally. (Another piece of luck: Obama has support for tougher sanctions on both sides of the congressional aisle.)

"Circumstances have given the White House a chance at a do-over, a chance to reassert the inviolability of borders," says Karatnycky. Given his rash of foreign policy stumbles, Obama would be foolish to pass up that chance.

Tell the truth about ISIS threat

Tell the truth about ISIS threat


President Obama gave vent yesterday to an uncharacteristic show of emotion over the barbaric beheading of American journalist James Foley by the militant jihadi group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). He denounced the group as a "cancer" in the region and accused it of rampaging "across cities and villages, killing unarmed civilians in cowardly acts of violence" as it seized a third of Syria and Iraq.

Yet for months, as this cancer metastasized, the White House refused to recognize the growing ISIS danger - despite warnings from the State Department and the intelligence community. In January, Obama famously dismissed ISIS as a local "JV team" trying to imitate al-Qaeda, but with no capacity to threaten us.

Only recently, when his hand was forced, did the president act - after ISIS had taken Iraq's largest city, Mosul, marched toward Baghdad, and threatened the Kurdish city of Erbil - and was poised to slaughter 70,000 members of the minority Yazidi sect. U.S. air strikes have helped the Kurds push the group back and retake Iraq's most important dam, as well as to rescue most of the Yazidis.
But the president still hasn't laid out a coherent strategy to deal with a group that is now more dangerous than al-Qaeda. How can he, when his administration is still downplaying the threat? The White House motto appears to be "think small and insist that ISIS is mostly an Iraqi problem."
Thus, the president's rationale for the air strikes was the need to protect U.S. personnel in Erbil and in Baghdad, and to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe for the Yazidis. He justified the strikes to help recapture the Mosul dam as needed because, had ISIS breached the dam, it could have flooded our massive embassy in Baghdad. Pretty tortured logic given that the dam is more than 270 miles away.
When asked on Aug. 9 about the ISIS threat, deputy national security adviser Tony Blinken insisted in a TV interview that the group presented no immediate threat to the United States.

"Unlike core al-Qaeda," Blinken said, "right now, their focus is not on attacking the U.S. homeland or attacking our interests here in the United States or abroad. It's focused intently on trying to create a caliphate now in Iraq and a base from which over time to operate."

Yet that assessment has been repeatedly contradicted by the administration's own experts. ISIS "is al-Qaeda in its doctrine, ambition, and, increasingly, in its threat to U.S. interests," said Brett McGurk, the deputy assistant secretary of state for Iraq, at a recent House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing. "In fact, it is worse than al-Qaeda."

McGurk said the group had become so strong - after seizing enormous quantities of U.S.-made heavy weapons when it took Mosul - that it was "no longer a terrorist organization. It is a full-blown army." The group has amassed hundreds of millions of dollars from extortion, from robbing banks, and from selling oil from wells and refineries it has seized in Syria.

McGurk added that the ISIS leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, "seeks to follow in the footsteps of Osama bin Laden as the leader of a global jihad, but with further reach - from his own terrorist state in the heart of the Middle East."

After bin Laden was killed in May 2011, Baghdadi eulogized him and promised "violent retaliation." His audio messages routinely contain thinly veiled threats against the United States, and he has promised in a "message to the Americans" that "we will be in direct confrontation."

ISIS suicide bombers in Iraq, says McGurk, who average 30 to 50 bombs per month, are increasingly Western passport holders. The group "boasted that an Australian and a German blew themselves up in Baghdad," said the diplomat, "and it is a matter of time before these suicide bombers are directed elsewhere."

Indeed, FBI Director James Comey, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson, and Attorney General Eric Holder have all expressed concerns about the threat posed by thousands of European jihadis and dozens of Americans, trained by ISIS, who could return home undetected.

In other words, the ISIS threat is far bigger than the possibility that some U.S. embassy employees would get their feet wet.

We all understand that Obama doesn't want to get sucked back into a counterterrorism war in the country from which he withdrew the last American troops. (Never mind that no one, repeat, no one - not even Sen. John McCain - wants U.S. ground troops to return to battle in Baghdad or Mosul or Anbar.)

We know that Obama hopes Iraq's Shiite leaders will somehow rise to the challenge and woo back alienated Sunnis, thus undercutting ISIS. Whether or not that happens, denying the threat that ISIS presents to the United States only delays the development of an adequate U.S. strategy.

At a minimum, that strategy would involve U.S. arming and continuing air support of the reliable Iraqi Kurds; giving better intelligence and possible air support to Baghdad; figuring out how to degrade ISIS training camps in Syria; and organizing Iraq's Sunni allies into a coherent anti-ISIS stand.

None of that can happen so long as the White House insists on downplaying the nature of ISIS. It's time for Obama to tell the U.S. public the truth about the ISIS threat.

Read more at http://www.philly.com/philly/opinion/inquirer/20140821_Tell_the_truth_about_ISIS_threat.html#BUXQUIxwKWKIHaO8.99

Religious abuse

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religious_abuse ...