General
Sexual orientation is traditionally defined as including heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality, while asexuality
is considered the fourth category of sexual orientation by some
researchers and has been defined as the absence of a traditional sexual
orientation. An asexual has little to no sexual attraction to people. It may be considered a lack of a sexual orientation, and there is significant debate over whether or not it is a sexual orientation.
Most definitions of sexual orientation include a psychological
component, such as the direction of an individual's erotic desires, or a
behavioral component, which focuses on the sex of the individual's
sexual partner/s. Some people prefer simply to follow an individual's
self-definition or identity.
Scientific and professional understanding is that "the core attractions
that form the basis for adult sexual orientation typically emerge
between middle childhood and early adolescence".
Sexual orientation differs from sexual identity in that it encompasses
relationships with others, while sexual identity is a concept of self.
The American Psychological Association
states that "[s]exual orientation refers to an enduring pattern of
emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both
sexes" and that "[t]his range of behaviors and attractions has been
described in various cultures and nations throughout the world. Many
cultures use identity labels to describe people who express these
attractions. In the United States, the most frequent labels are lesbians (women attracted to women), gay
men (men attracted to men), and bisexual people (men or women attracted
to both sexes). However, some people may use different labels or none
at all". They additionally state that sexual orientation "is distinct
from other components of sex and gender, including biological sex (the
anatomical, physiological, and genetic characteristics associated with
being male or female), gender identity (the psychological sense of being
male or female), and social gender role (the cultural norms that define
feminine and masculine behavior)".
According to psychologists, sexual orientation also refers to a
person’s choice of sexual partners, who may be homosexual, heterosexual,
or bisexual.
Sexual identity and sexual behavior
are closely related to sexual orientation, but they are distinguished,
with sexual identity referring to an individual's conception of
themselves, behavior referring to actual sexual acts performed by the
individual, and orientation referring to "fantasies, attachments and
longings." Individuals may or may not express their sexual orientation in their behaviors. People who have a non-heterosexual sexual orientation that does not align with their sexual identity are sometimes referred to as 'closeted'.
The term may, however, reflect a certain cultural context and
particular stage of transition in societies which are gradually dealing
with integrating sexual minorities. In studies related to sexual
orientation, when dealing with the degree to which a person's sexual attractions, behaviors and identity match, scientists usually use the terms concordance or discordance.
Thus, a woman who is attracted to other women, but calls herself
heterosexual and only has sexual relations with men, can be said to
experience discordance between her sexual orientation (homosexual or
lesbian) and her sexual identity and behaviors (heterosexual).
Sexual identity may also be used to describe a person's perception of his or her own sex, rather than sexual orientation. The term sexual preference has a similar meaning to sexual orientation, and the two terms are often used interchangeably, but sexual preference suggests a degree of voluntary choice.
The term has been a listed by the American Psychological Association's
Committee on Gay and Lesbian Concerns as a wording that advances a
"heterosexual bias".
Androphilia, gynephilia and other terms
Androphilia and gynephilia (or gynecophilia) are
terms used in behavioral science to describe sexual attraction, as an
alternative to a homosexual and heterosexual conceptualization. They are
used for identifying a subject's object of attraction without
attributing a sex assignment or gender identity to the subject. Related terms such as pansexual and polysexual do not make any such assignations to the subject. People may also use terms such as queer, pansensual, polyfidelitous, ambisexual, or personalized identities such as byke or biphilic.
Same gender loving
(SGL) is considered to be more than a different term for gay; it
introduces the concept of love into the discussion. SGL also
acknowledges relationships between people of like identities; for
example, third gender
individuals who may be oriented toward each other, and expands the
discussion of sexuality beyond the original man/woman gender duality.
The complexity of transgender orientation is also more completely understood within this perspective.
Using androphilia and gynephilia can avoid
confusion and offense when describing people in non-western cultures, as
well as when describing intersex and transgender people. Psychiatrist Anil Aggrawal
explains that androphilia, along with gynephilia, "is needed to
overcome immense difficulties in characterizing the sexual orientation
of trans men and trans women. For instance, it is difficult to decide
whether a trans man erotically attracted to males is a heterosexual
female or a homosexual male; or a trans woman erotically attracted to
females is a heterosexual male or a lesbian female. Any attempt to
classify them may not only cause confusion but arouse offense among the
affected subjects. In such cases, while defining sexual attraction, it
is best to focus on the object of their attraction rather than on the
sex or gender of the subject." Sexologist Milton Diamond
writes, "The terms heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual are better
used as adjectives, not nouns, and are better applied to behaviors, not
people. This usage is particularly advantageous when discussing the
partners of transsexual or intersexed individuals. These newer terms
also do not carry the social weight of the former ones."
Some researchers advocate use of the terminology to avoid bias inherent in Western conceptualizations of human sexuality. Writing about the Samoan fa'afafine demographic, sociologist Johanna Schmidt writes that in cultures where a third gender is recognized, a term like "homosexual transsexual" does not align with cultural categories.
Some researchers, such as Bruce Bagemihl,
have criticized the labels "heterosexual" and "homosexual" as confusing
and degrading. Bagemihl writes, "...the point of reference for
'heterosexual' or 'homosexual' orientation in this nomenclature is
solely the individual's genetic sex prior to reassignment (see for
example, Blanchard et al. 1987, Coleman and Bockting, 1988, Blanchard,
1989). These labels thereby ignore the individual's personal sense of
gender identity taking precedence over biological sex, rather than the
other way around." Bagemihl goes on to take issue with the way this
terminology makes it easy to claim transsexuals are really homosexual
males seeking to escape from stigma.
Gender, transgender, cisgender, and conformance
Ladyboys in Thailand
The earliest writers on sexual orientation usually understood it to
be intrinsically linked to the subject's own sex. For example, it was
thought that a typical female-bodied person who is attracted to
female-bodied persons would have masculine attributes, and vice versa.
This understanding was shared by most of the significant theorists of
sexual orientation from the mid nineteenth to early twentieth century,
such as Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Magnus Hirschfeld, Havelock Ellis, Carl Jung, and Sigmund Freud,
as well as many gender-variant homosexual people themselves. However,
this understanding of homosexuality as sexual inversion was disputed at
the time, and, through the second half of the twentieth century, gender identity came to be increasingly seen as a phenomenon distinct from sexual orientation. Transgender and cisgender
people may be attracted to men, women, or both, although the prevalence
of different sexual orientations is quite different in these two
populations. An individual homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual person
may be masculine, feminine, or androgynous,
and in addition, many members and supporters of lesbian and gay
communities now see the "gender-conforming heterosexual" and the
"gender-nonconforming homosexual" as negative stereotypes. Nevertheless, studies by J. Michael Bailey and Kenneth Zucker found a majority of the gay men and lesbians sampled reporting various degrees of gender-nonconformity during their childhood years.
Transgender people today identify with the sexual orientation that corresponds with their gender; meaning that a trans woman who is solely attracted to women would often identify as a lesbian. A trans man solely attracted to women would be a straight man.
Sexual orientation sees greater intricacy when non-binary understandings of both sex (male, female, or intersex) and gender (man, woman, transgender, third gender, etc. are considered. Sociologist Paula Rodriguez Rust (2000) argues for a more multifaceted definition of sexual orientation:
...Most alternative models of sexuality... define sexual orientation in terms of dichotomous biological sex or gender... Most theorists would not eliminate the reference to sex or gender, but instead advocate incorporating more complex nonbinary concepts of sex or gender, more complex relationships between sex, gender, and sexuality, and/or additional non-gendered dimensions into models of sexuality.
— Paula C. Rodriguez Rust
Relationships outside of orientation
Gay
and lesbian people can have sexual relationships with someone of the
opposite sex for a variety of reasons, including the desire for a
perceived traditional family and concerns of discrimination and
religious ostracism. While some LGBT
people hide their respective orientations from their spouses, others
develop positive gay and lesbian identities while maintaining successful
heterosexual marriages. Coming out
of the closet to oneself, a spouse of the opposite sex, and children
can present challenges that are not faced by gay and lesbian people who
are not married to people of the opposite sex or do not have children.
Fluidity
General aspects
Often, sexual orientation and sexual orientation identity
are not distinguished, which can impact accurately assessing sexual
identity and whether or not sexual orientation is able to change; sexual
orientation identity can change throughout an individual's life, and
may or may not align with biological sex, sexual behavior or actual
sexual orientation. While the Center for Addiction and Mental Health and American Psychiatric Association
state that sexual orientation is innate, continuous or fixed throughout
their lives for some people, but is fluid or changes over time for
others, the American Psychological Association
distinguishes between sexual orientation (an innate attraction) and
sexual orientation identity (which may change at any point in a person's
life).
Some research suggests that "[f]or some [people] the focus of
sexual interest will shift at various points through the life span..."
"There... [was, as of 1995,] essentially no research on the
longitudinal stability of sexual orientation over the adult life span...
It [was]... still an unanswered question whether... [the] measure [of
'the complex components of sexual orientation as differentiated from
other aspects of sexual identity at one point in time'] will predict
future behavior or orientation. Certainly, it is... not a good predictor
of past behavior and self-identity, given the developmental process
common to most gay men and lesbians (i.e., denial of homosexual
interests and heterosexual experimentation prior to the coming-out
process)."
Some studies report that "[a number of] lesbian women, and some
heterosexual women as well, perceive choice as an important element in
their sexual orientations."
Born bisexual, then monosexualizing
Innate bisexuality is an idea introduced by Sigmund Freud.
According to this theory, all humans are born bisexual in a very broad
sense of the term, that of incorporating general aspects of both sexes.
In Freud's view, this was true anatomically and therefore also
psychologically, with sexual attraction to both sexes being one part of
this psychological bisexuality. Freud believed that in the course of
sexual development the masculine side would normally become dominant in
men and the feminine side in women, but that as adults everyone still
has desires derived from both the masculine and the feminine sides of
their natures. Freud did not claim that everyone is bisexual in the
sense of feeling the same level of sexual attraction to both genders.
Causes
The exact
causes for the development of a particular sexual orientation have yet
to be established. To date, a lot of research has been conducted to
determine the influence of genetics, hormonal action, development
dynamics, social and cultural influences—which has led many to think
that biology and environment factors play a complex role in forming it.
It was once thought that homosexuality was the result of faulty
psychological development, resulting from childhood experiences and
troubled relationships, including childhood sexual abuse. It has been
found that this was based on prejudice and misinformation.
Biology
Research has identified several biological factors which may be related to the development of sexual orientation, including genes, prenatal hormones, and brain structure. No single controlling cause has been identified, and research is continuing in this area.
Though researchers generally believe that sexual orientation is
not determined by any one factor but by a combination of genetic,
hormonal, and environmental influences, with biological factors involving a complex interplay of genetic factors and the early uterine environment, they favor biological models for the cause. They believe that sexual orientation is not a choice, and some of them believe that it is established at conception.
That is, individuals do not choose to be homosexual, heterosexual,
bisexual, or asexual. Current scientific investigation usually seeks to
find biological explanations for the adoption of a particular sexual
orientation. Scientific studies have found a number of statistical biological differences between gay people and heterosexuals, which may result from the same underlying cause as sexual orientation itself.
Genetic factors
Genes may be related to the development of sexual orientation. A twin study from 2001 appears to exclude genes as a major factor, while a twin study from 2010 found that homosexuality was explained by both genes and environmental factors. However, experimental design of the available twin studies have made their interpretation difficult.
In 2012, a large, comprehensive genome-wide linkage study of male sexual orientation was conducted by several independent groups of researchers. Significant linkage to homosexuality was found with genes on chromosome Xq28
and chromosome 8 in the pericentromeric region. The authors concluded
that "our findings, taken in context with previous work, suggest that
genetic variation in each of these regions contributes to development of
the important psychological trait of male sexual orientation." It was
the largest study of the genetic basis of homosexuality to date and was
published online in November 2014.
Hormones
The hormonal theory of sexuality holds that just as exposure to certain hormones plays a role in fetal sex differentiation,
hormonal exposure also influences the sexual orientation that emerges
later in the adult. Fetal hormones may be seen as either the primary
influence upon adult sexual orientation or as a co-factor interacting
with genes or environmental and social conditions.
For humans, the norm is that females possess two X sex
chromosomes, while males have one X and one Y. The default developmental
pathway for a human fetus being female, the Y chromosome is what
induces the changes necessary to shift to the male developmental
pathway. This differentiation process is driven by androgen hormones, mainly testosterone and dihydrotestosterone
(DHT). The newly formed testicles in the fetus are responsible for the
secretion of androgens, that will cooperate in driving the sexual
differentiation of the developing fetus, including its brain. This
results in sexual differences between males and females.
This fact has led some scientists to test in various ways the result of
modifying androgen exposure levels in mammals during fetus and early
life.
Birth order
Recent studies found an increased chance of homosexuality in men
whose mothers previously carried to term many male children. This effect
is nullified if the man is left-handed.
Known as the fraternal birth order (FBO) effect, this
theory has been backed up by strong evidence of its prenatal origin,
although no evidence thus far has linked it to an exact prenatal
mechanism. However, research suggests that this may be of immunological
origin, caused by a maternal immune reaction against a substance crucial
to male fetal development during pregnancy, which becomes increasingly
likely after every male gestation. As a result of this immune effect,
alterations in later-born males' prenatal development have been thought
to occur. This process, known as the maternal immunization hypothesis
(MIH), would begin when cells from a male fetus enter the mother's
circulation during pregnancy or while giving birth. These Y-linked
proteins would not be recognized in the mother's immune system because
she is female, causing her to develop antibodies which would travel
through the placental barrier into the fetal compartment. From here, the
anti-male bodies would then cross the blood–brain barrier
of the developing fetal brain, altering sex-dimorphic brain structures
relative to sexual orientation, causing the exposed son to be more
attracted to men over women.
Environmental factors
There is no substantive evidence to support the suggestion that early
childhood experiences, parenting, sexual abuse, or other adverse life
events influence sexual orientation. However, studies do find that
aspects of sexuality expression have an experiential basis and that
parental attitudes towards a particular sexual orientation may affect
how children of the parents experiment with behaviors related to a
certain sexual orientation.
Influences: professional organizations' statements
The American Academy of Pediatrics in 2004 stated:
The mechanisms for the development of a particular sexual orientation remain unclear, but the current literature and most scholars in the field state that one's sexual orientation is not a choice; that is, individuals do not choose to be homosexual or heterosexual. A variety of theories about the influences on sexual orientation have been proposed. Sexual orientation probably is not determined by any one factor but by a combination of genetic, hormonal, and environmental influences. In recent decades, biologically based theories have been favored by experts. Although there continues to be controversy and uncertainty as to the genesis of the variety of human sexual orientations, there is no scientific evidence that abnormal parenting, sexual abuse, or other adverse life events influence sexual orientation. Current knowledge suggests that sexual orientation is usually established during early childhood.
The American Psychological Association, the American Psychiatric Association, and the National Association of Social Workers in 2006 stated:
Currently, there is no scientific consensus about the specific factors that cause an individual to become heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual – including possible biological, psychological, or social effects of the parents' sexual orientation. However, the available evidence indicates that the vast majority of lesbian and gay adults were raised by heterosexual parents and the vast majority of children raised by lesbian and gay parents eventually grow up to be heterosexual.
The Royal College of Psychiatrists in 2007 stated:
Despite almost a century of psychoanalytic and psychological speculation, there is no substantive evidence to support the suggestion that the nature of parenting or early childhood experiences play any role in the formation of a person's fundamental heterosexual or homosexual orientation. It would appear that sexual orientation is biological in nature, determined by a complex interplay of genetic factors and the early uterine environment. Sexual orientation is therefore not a choice, though sexual behavior clearly is.
The American Psychiatric Association stated:
No one knows what causes heterosexuality, homosexuality, or bisexuality. Homosexuality was once thought to be the result of troubled family dynamics or faulty psychological development. Those assumptions are now understood to have been based on misinformation and prejudice.
A legal brief dated September 26, 2007, and presented on behalf of
the American Psychological Association, California Psychological
Association, American Psychiatric Association, National Association of
Social Workers, and National Association of Social Workers, California
Chapter, stated:
Although much research has examined the possible genetic, hormonal, developmental, social, and cultural influences on sexual orientation, no findings have emerged that permit scientists to conclude that sexual orientation – heterosexuality, homosexuality, or bisexuality – is determined by any particular factor or factors. The evaluation of amici is that, although some of this research may be promising in facilitating greater understanding of the development of sexual orientation, it does not permit a conclusion based in sound science at the present time as to the cause or causes of sexual orientation, whether homosexual, bisexual, or heterosexual.
Efforts to change sexual orientation
Sexual orientation change efforts are methods that aim to change a
same-sex sexual orientation. They may include behavioral techniques, cognitive behavioral therapy, reparative therapy, psychoanalytic techniques, medical approaches, and religious and spiritual approaches.
No major mental health professional organization sanctions
efforts to change sexual orientation and virtually all of them have
adopted policy statements cautioning the profession and the public about
treatments that purport to change sexual orientation. These include the
American Psychiatric Association, American Psychological Association,
American Counseling Association, National Association of Social Workers
in the USA, the Royal College of Psychiatrists, and the Australian Psychological Society.
In 2009, the American Psychological Association Task Force on
Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation conducted a
systematic review of the peer-reviewed journal literature on sexual
orientation change efforts (SOCE) and concluded:
Efforts to change sexual orientation are unlikely to be successful and involve some risk of harm, contrary to the claims of SOCE practitioners and advocates. Even though the research and clinical literature demonstrate that same-sex sexual and romantic attractions, feelings, and behaviors are normal and positive variations of human sexuality, regardless of sexual orientation identity, the task force concluded that the population that undergoes SOCE tends to have strongly conservative religious views that lead them to seek to change their sexual orientation. Thus, the appropriate application of affirmative therapeutic interventions for those who seek SOCE involves therapist acceptance, support, and understanding of clients and the facilitation of clients' active coping, social support, and identity exploration and development, without imposing a specific sexual orientation identity outcome.
In 2012, the Pan American Health Organization (the North and South American branch of the World Health Organization)
released a statement cautioning against services that purport to "cure"
people with non-heterosexual sexual orientations as they lack medical
justification and represent a serious threat to the health and
well-being of affected people, and noted that the global scientific and
professional consensus is that homosexuality is a normal and natural
variation of human sexuality
and cannot be regarded as a pathological condition. The Pan American
Health Organization further called on governments, academic
institutions, professional associations and the media to expose these
practices and to promote respect for diversity. The World Health
Organization affiliate further noted that gay minors have sometimes been
forced to attend these "therapies" involuntarily, being deprived of
their liberty and sometimes kept in isolation for several months, and
that these findings were reported by several United Nations
bodies. Additionally, the Pan American Health Organization recommended
that such malpractices be denounced and subject to sanctions and
penalties under national legislation, as they constitute a violation of
the ethical principles of health care and violate human rights that are protected by international and regional agreements.
The National Association for Research & Therapy of Homosexuality
(NARTH), which described itself as a "professional, scientific
organization that offers hope to those who struggle with unwanted
homosexuality," disagreed with the mainstream mental health community's
position on conversion therapy, both on its effectiveness and by
describing sexual orientation not as a binary immutable quality, or as a
disease, but as a continuum of intensities of sexual attractions and
emotional affect. The American Psychological Association and the Royal College of Psychiatrists
expressed concerns that the positions espoused by NARTH are not
supported by the science and create an environment in which prejudice
and discrimination can flourish.
Assessment and measurement
Varying definitions and strong social norms about sexuality can make sexual orientation difficult to quantify.
Early classification schemes
One of the earliest sexual orientation classification schemes was proposed in the 1860s by Karl Heinrich Ulrichs in a series of pamphlets he published privately. The classification scheme, which was meant only to describe males, separated them into three basic categories: dionings, urnings and uranodionings. An urning can be further categorized by degree of effeminacy. These categories directly correspond with the categories of sexual orientation used today: heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual. In the series of pamphlets, Ulrichs outlined a set of questions to determine if a man was an urning. The definitions of each category of Ulrichs' classification scheme are as follows:
- Dioning – Comparable to the modern term "heterosexual"
- Urning – Comparable to the modern term "homosexual"
-
- Mannling – A manly urning
- Weibling – An effeminate urning
- Zwischen – A somewhat manly and somewhat effeminate urning
- Virilised – An urning that sexually behaves like a dioning
- Urano-Dioning – Comparable to the modern term "bisexual"
From at least the late nineteenth century in Europe, there was
speculation that the range of human sexual response looked more like a
continuum than two or three discrete categories. Berlin sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld
published a scheme in 1896 that measured the strength of an
individual's sexual desire on two independent 10-point scales, A
(homosexual) and B (heterosexual).
A heterosexual individual may be A0, B5; a homosexual individual may be
A5, B0; an asexual would be A0, B0; and someone with an intense
attraction to both sexes would be A9, B9.
Kinsey scale
The Kinsey scale, also called the Heterosexual-Homosexual Rating Scale, was first published in Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) by Alfred Kinsey, Wardell Pomeroy, and Clyde Martin and also featured in Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953).
The scale was developed to combat the assumption at the time that
people are either heterosexual or homosexual and that these two types
represent antitheses in the sexual world.
Recognizing that a large portion of population is not completely
heterosexual or homosexual and people can experience both heterosexual
and homosexual behavior and psychic responses, Kinsey et al., stated:
Males do not represent two discrete populations, heterosexual and homosexual. The world is not to be divided into sheep and goats. Not all things are black nor all things white... The living world is a continuum in each and every one of its aspects. The sooner we learn this concerning human sexual behavior, the sooner we shall reach a sound understanding of the realities of sex.
— Kinsey et al. (1948) p. 639.
The Kinsey scale provides a classification of sexual orientation
based on the relative amounts of heterosexual and homosexual experience
or psychic response in one's history at a given time.
The classification scheme works such that individuals in the same
category show the same balance between the heterosexual and homosexual
elements in their histories. The position on the scale is based on the
relation of heterosexuality to homosexuality in one's history, rather
than the actual amount of overt experience or psychic response. An
individual can be assigned a position on the scale in accordance with
the following definitions of the points of the scale:
| Rating | Description |
|---|---|
| 0 | Exclusively heterosexual. Individuals make no physical contact which results in erotic arousal or orgasm and make no psychic responses to individuals of their own sex. |
| 1 | Predominantly heterosexual/incidentally homosexual. Individuals have only incidental homosexual contacts which have involved physical or psychic response or incidental psychic response without physical contact. |
| 2 | Predominantly heterosexual but more than incidentally homosexual. Individuals have more than incidental homosexual experience or respond rather definitely to homosexual stimuli. |
| 3 | Equally heterosexual and homosexual. Individuals are about equally homosexual and heterosexual in their experiences or psychic reactions. |
| 4 | Predominantly homosexual but more than incidentally heterosexual. Individuals have more overt activity or psychic reactions in the homosexual while still maintaining a fair amount of heterosexual activity or responding rather definitively to heterosexual contact. |
| 5 | Predominantly homosexual/only incidentally heterosexual. Individuals are almost entirely homosexual in their activities or reactions. |
| 6 | Exclusively homosexual. Individuals who are exclusively homosexual, both in regard to their overt experience and in regard to their psychic reactions. |
The Kinsey scale has been praised for dismissing the dichotomous
classification of sexual orientation and allowing for a new perspective
on human sexuality. However, the scale has been criticized because it is
still not a true continuum. Despite seven categories being able to
provide a more accurate description of sexual orientation than a
dichotomous scale, it is still difficult to determine which category
individuals should be assigned to. In a major study comparing sexual
response in homosexual males and females, Masters and Johnson discuss the difficulty of assigning the Kinsey ratings to participants.
Particularly, they found it difficult to determine the relative amount
heterosexual and homosexual experience and response in a person's
history when using the scale. They report finding it difficult to assign
ratings 2–4 for individuals with a large number of heterosexual and
homosexual experiences. When there are a substantial number of
heterosexual and homosexual experiences in one's history, it becomes
difficult for that individual to be fully objective in assessing the
relative amount of each.
Weinrich et al. (1993) and Weinberg et al. (1994) criticized the
scale for lumping individuals who are different based on different
dimensions of sexuality into the same categories. When applying the scale, Kinsey considered two dimensions of sexual
orientation: overt sexual experience and psychosexual reactions.
Valuable information was lost by collapsing the two values into one
final score. A person who has only predominantly same sex reactions is
different from someone with relatively little reaction but lots of same
sex experience. It would have been quite simple for Kinsey to have
measured the two dimensions separately and report scores independently
to avoid loss of information. Furthermore, there are more than two
dimensions of sexuality to be considered. Beyond behavior and reactions,
one could also assess attraction, identification, lifestyle etc. This
is addressed by the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid.
A third concern with the Kinsey scale is that it inappropriately
measures heterosexuality and homosexuality on the same scale, making one
a tradeoff of the other.
Research in the 1970s on masculinity and femininity found that concepts
of masculinity and femininity are more appropriately measured as
independent concepts on a separate scale rather than as a single
continuum, with each end representing opposite extremes.
When compared on the same scale, they act as tradeoffs such, whereby
to be more feminine one had to be less masculine and vice versa.
However, if they are considered as separate dimensions one can be
simultaneously very masculine and very feminine. Similarly, considering
heterosexuality and homosexuality on separate scales would allow one to
be both very heterosexual and very homosexual or not very much of
either. When they are measured independently, the degree of
heterosexual and homosexual can be independently determined, rather than
the balance between heterosexual and homosexual as determined using the
Kinsey Scale.
Klein Sexual Orientation Grid
In response to the criticism of the Kinsey scale only measuring two dimensions of sexual orientation, Fritz Klein
developed the Klein sexual orientation grid (KSOG), a multidimensional
scale for describing sexual orientation. Introduced in Klein's book The Bisexual Option
(1978), the KSOG uses a 7-point scale to assess seven different
dimensions of sexuality at three different points in an individual's
life: past (from early adolescence up to one year ago), present (within
the last 12 months), and ideal (what would you choose if it were
completely your choice).
The Sell Assessment of Sexual Orientation
The
Sell Assessment of Sexual Orientation (SASO) was developed to address
the major concerns with the Kinsey Scale and Klein Sexual Orientation
Grid and as such, measures sexual orientation on a continuum, considers
various dimensions of sexual orientation, and considers homosexuality
and heterosexuality separately. Rather than providing a final solution
to the question of how to best measure sexual orientation, the SASO is
meant to provoke discussion and debate about measurements of sexual
orientation.
The SASO consists of 12 questions. Six of these questions assess
sexual attraction, four assess sexual behavior, and two assess sexual
orientation identity. For each question on the scale that measures
homosexuality there is a corresponding question that measures
heterosexuality giving six matching pairs of questions. Taken all
together, the six pairs of questions and responses provide a profile of
an individual's sexual orientation. However, results can be further
simplified into four summaries that look specifically at responses that
correspond to either homosexuality, heterosexuality, bisexuality or
asexuality.
Of all the questions on the scale, Sell considered those
assessing sexual attraction to be the most important as sexual
attraction is a better reflection of the concept of sexual orientation
which he defined as "extent of sexual attractions toward members of the
other, same, both sexes or neither" than either sexual identity or
sexual behavior. Identity and behavior are measured as supplemental
information because they are both closely tied to sexual attraction and
sexual orientation. Major criticisms of the SASO have not been
established, but a concern is that the reliability and validity remains
largely unexamined.
Difficulties with assessment
Research
focusing on sexual orientation uses scales of assessment to identify
who belongs in which sexual population group. It is assumed that these
scales will be able to reliably identify and categorize people by their
sexual orientation. However, it is difficult to determine an
individual's sexual orientation through scales of assessment, due to
ambiguity regarding the definition of sexual orientation. Generally,
there are three components of sexual orientation used in assessment.
Their definitions and examples of how they may be assessed are as
follows:
| Component | Definition | Questions |
|---|---|---|
| Sexual attraction | Attraction toward one sex or the desire to have sexual relations or to be in a primary loving, sexual relationship with one or both sexes | "Have you ever had a romantic attraction to a male? Have you ever had a romantic attraction to a female?" |
| Sexual behavior | "Any mutually voluntary activity with another person that involves genital contact and sexual excitement or arousal, that is, feeling really turned on, even if intercourse or orgasm did not occur" | "Have you ever had a relationship with someone of your own sex which resulted in sexual orgasm?" |
| Sexual identity | Personally selected, socially and historically bound labels attached to the perceptions and meaning individuals have about their sexual identity. | "Pick from these six option: gay or lesbian; bisexual, but mostly gay or lesbian; bisexual equally gay/lesbian and heterosexual; bisexual but mostly heterosexual; heterosexual; and uncertain, don't know for sure." |
Though sexual attraction, behavior, and identity are all components
of sexual orientation, if a person defined by one of these dimensions
were congruent with those defined by another dimension it would not
matter which was used in assessing orientation, but this is not the
case. There is "little coherent relationship between the amount and mix
of homosexual and heterosexual behavior in a person's biography and that
person's choice to label himself or herself as bisexual, homosexual, or
heterosexual".
Individuals typically experience diverse attractions and behaviors
that may reflect curiosity, experimentation, social pressure and is not
necessarily indicative of an underlying sexual orientation. For example,
a woman may have fantasies or thoughts about sex with other women but
never act on these thoughts and only have sex with opposite gender
partners. If sexual orientation was being assessed based on one's sexual
attraction then this individual would be considered homosexual, but her
behavior indicates heterosexuality.
As there is no research indicating which of the three components
is essential in defining sexual orientation, all three are used
independently and provide different conclusions regarding sexual
orientation. Savin Williams (2006) discusses this issue and notes that
by basing findings regarding sexual orientation on a single component,
researchers may not actually capture the intended population. For
example, if homosexual is defined by same sex behavior, gay virgins are
omitted, heterosexuals engaging in same sex behavior for other reasons
than preferred sexual arousal are miscounted, and those with same sex
attraction who only have opposite-sex relations are excluded.
Because of the limited populations that each component captures,
consumers of research should be cautious in generalizing these findings.
One of the uses for scales that assess sexual orientation is
determining what the prevalence of different sexual orientations are
within a population. Depending on subject's age, culture and sex, the
prevalence rates of homosexuality vary depending on which component of
sexual orientation is being assessed: sexual attraction, sexual
behavior, or sexual identity. Assessing sexual attraction will yield the
greatest prevalence of homosexuality in a population whereby the
proportion of individuals indicating they are same sex attracted is two
to three times greater than the proportion reporting same sex behavior
or identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Furthermore, reports of same
sex behavior usually exceed those of gay, lesbian, or bisexual
identification.
The following chart demonstrates how widely the prevalence of
homosexuality can vary depending on what age, location and component of
sexual orientation is being assessed:
| Attraction | Behavior | Identity | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Country: Age group | Female | Male | Female | Male | Female | Male |
|
6% | 3% | 11% | 5% | 8% | 3% |
|
13% | 5% | 4% | 3% | 4% | 3% |
|
8% | 8% | 4% | 9% | 1% | 2% |
| Australia: Adults | 17% | 15% | 8% | 16% | 4% | 7% |
| Turkey: Young adults | 7% | 6% | 4% | 5% | 2% | 2% |
| Norway: Adolescents | 21% | 9% | 7% | 6% | 5% | 5% |
The variance in prevalence rates is reflected in people's
inconsistent responses to the different components of sexual orientation
within a study and the instability of their responses over time.
Laumann et al., (1994) found that among U.S. adults 20% of those who
would be considered homosexual on one component of orientation were
homosexual on the other two dimensions and 70% responded in a way that
was consistent with homosexuality on only one of the three dimensions. Furthermore, sexuality may be fluid; for example, a person's sexual
orientation identity is not necessarily stable or consistent over time
but is subject to change throughout life. Diamond (2003) found that over
7 years 2/3 of the women changed their sexual identity at least once,
with many reporting that the label was not adequate in capturing the
diversity of their sexual or romantic feelings. Furthermore, women who
relinquished bisexual and lesbian identification did not relinquish same
sex sexuality and acknowledged the possibility for future same sex
attractions or behaviour. One woman stated "I'm mainly straight but I'm
one of those people who, if the right circumstance came along, would
change my viewpoint".
Therefore, individuals classified as homosexual in one study might not
be identified the same way in another depending on which components are
assessed and when the assessment is made making it difficult to pin
point who is homosexual and who is not and what the overall prevalence
within a population may be.
Implications
Depending
on which component of sexual orientation is being assessed and
referenced, different conclusions can be drawn about the prevalence rate
of homosexuality which has real world consequences. Knowing how much of
the population is made up of homosexual individuals influences how this
population may be seen or treated by the public and government bodies.
For example, if homosexual individuals constitute only 1% of the general
population they are politically easier to ignore or than if they are
known to be a constituency that surpasses most ethnic and ad minority
groups. If the number is relatively minor then it is difficult to argue
for community based same sex programs and services, mass media inclusion
of gay role models, or Gay/Straight Alliances in schools. For this
reason, in the 1970s Bruce Voeller, the chair of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
perpetuated a common myth that the prevalence of homosexuality is 10%
for the whole population by averaging a 13% number for men and a 7%
number for women. Voeller generalized this finding and used it as part
of the modern gay rights movement to convince politicians and the public
that "we [gays and lesbians] are everywhere".
Proposed solutions
In the paper "Who's Gay? Does It Matter?", Ritch Savin-Williams
proposes two different approaches to assessing sexual orientation until
well positioned and psychometrically sound and tested definitions are
developed that would allow research to reliably identify the prevalence,
causes, and consequences of homosexuality.
He first suggests that greater priority should be given to sexual
arousal and attraction over behavior and identity because it is less
prone to self- and other-deception, social conditions and variable
meanings. To measure attraction and arousal he proposed that biological
measures should be developed and used. There are numerous
biological/physiological measures that exist that can measure sexual
orientation such as sexual arousal, brain scans, eye tracking, body odor preference, and anatomical variations such as digit-length ratio
and right or left-handedness.
Secondly, Savin-Williams suggests that researchers should forsake the
general notion of sexual orientation altogether and assess only those
components that are relevant to the research question being
investigated. For example:
- To assess STDs or HIV transmission, measure sexual behaviour
- To assess interpersonal attachments, measure sexual/romantic attraction
- To assess political ideology, measure sexual identity
Means of assessment
Means typically used include surveys, interviews, cross-cultural studies, physical arousal measurements sexual behavior, sexual fantasy, or a pattern of erotic arousal. The most common is verbal self-reporting or self-labeling, which depend on respondents being accurate about themselves.
Sexual arousal
Studying human sexual arousal
has proved a fruitful way of understanding how men and women differ as
genders and in terms of sexual orientation. A clinical measurement may
use penile or vaginal photoplethysmography, where genital engorgement with blood is measured in response to exposure to different erotic material.
Some researchers who study sexual orientation argue that the concept may not apply similarly to men and women. A study of sexual arousal patterns
found that women, when viewing erotic films which show female-female,
male-male and male-female sexual activity (oral sex or penetration),
have patterns of arousal which do not match their declared sexual
orientations as well as men's. That is, heterosexual and lesbian
women's sexual arousal to erotic films do not differ
significantly by the genders of the participants (male or female) or by
the type of sexual activity (heterosexual or homosexual). On the
contrary, men's sexual arousal patterns tend to be more in line with
their stated orientations, with heterosexual men showing more penis
arousal to female-female sexual activity and less arousal to female-male
and male-male sexual stimuli, and homosexual and bisexual men being
more aroused by films depicting male-male intercourse and less aroused
by other stimuli.
Another study on men and women's patterns of sexual arousal confirmed
that men and women have different patterns of arousal, independent of
their sexual orientations. The study found that women's genitals become
aroused to both human and nonhuman stimuli from movies showing humans of
both genders having sex (heterosexual and homosexual) and from videos
showing non-human primates (bonobos) having sex. Men did not
show any sexual arousal to non-human visual stimuli, their arousal
patterns being in line with their specific sexual interest (women for
heterosexual men and men for homosexual men).
These studies suggest that men and women are different in terms
of sexual arousal patterns and that this is also reflected in how their
genitals react to sexual stimuli of both genders or even to non-human
stimuli. Sexual orientation has many dimensions (attractions, behavior, identity),
of which sexual arousal is the only product of sexual attractions which
can be measured at present with some degree of physical precision.
Thus, the fact that women are aroused by seeing non-human primates
having sex does not mean that women's sexual orientation includes this
type of sexual interest. Some researchers argue that women's sexual
orientation depends less on their patterns of sexual arousal than men's
and that other components of sexual orientation (like emotional
attachment) must be taken into account when describing women's sexual
orientations. In contrast, men's sexual orientations tend to be
primarily focused on the physical component of attractions and, thus,
their sexual feelings are more exclusively oriented according to sex.
More recently, scientists have started to focus on measuring changes in brain activity related to sexual arousal, by using brain-scanning techniques. A study on how heterosexual and homosexual men's brains react to seeing pictures of naked men and women has found
that both hetero- and homosexual men react positively to seeing their
preferred sex, using the same brain regions. The only significant group
difference between these orientations was found in the amygdala, a brain region known to be involved in regulating fear.
Although these findings have contributed to understanding how
sexual arousal can differentiate between genders and sexual
orientations, it is still a matter of debate whether these results
reflect differences which are the result of social learning or genetic
or biological factors. Further studies are needed to clarify how much of
people's reactions to sexual stimuli of their preferred gender are due
to learned or innate factors.
Culture
Gay Pride, Paris 2009
Research suggests that sexual orientation is independent of cultural
and other social influences, but that open identification of one's
sexual orientation may be hindered by homophobic/heterosexist
settings. Social systems such as religion, language and ethnic
traditions can have a powerful impact on realization of sexual
orientation. Influences of culture may complicate the process of measuring sexual orientation.
The majority of empirical and clinical research on LGBT populations are
done with largely white, middle-class, well-educated samples, however
there are pockets of research that document various other cultural
groups, although these are frequently limited in diversity of gender and
sexual orientation of the subjects.
Integration of sexual orientation with sociocultural identity may be a
challenge for LGBT individuals. Individuals may or may not consider
their sexual orientation to define their sexual identity, as they may experience various degrees of fluidity of sexuality,
or may simply identify more strongly with another aspect of their
identity such as family role. American culture puts a great emphasis on
individual attributes, and views the self as unchangeable and constant.
In contrast, East Asian cultures put a great emphasis on a person's
social role within social hierarchies, and view the self as fluid and
malleable.
These differing cultural perspectives have many implications on
cognition of the self, including perception of sexual orientation.
Language
Translation
is a major obstacle when comparing different cultures. Many English
terms lack equivalents in other languages, while concepts and words from
other languages fail to be reflected in the English language. Translation and vocabulary obstacles are not limited to the English language.
Language can force individuals to identify with a label that may or
may not accurately reflect their true sexual orientation. Language can
also be used to signal sexual orientation to others.
The meaning of words referencing categories of sexual orientation are
negotiated in the mass media in relation to social organization.
New words may be brought into use to describe new terms or better
describe complex interpretations of sexual orientation. Other words may
pick up new layers or meaning. For example, the heterosexual Spanish
terms marido and mujer for "husband" and "wife", respectively, have recently been replaced in Spain by the gender-neutral terms cónyuges or consortes meaning "spouses".
Perceptions
One
person may presume knowledge of another person's sexual orientation
based upon perceived characteristics, such as appearance, clothing, tone
of voice, and accompaniment by and behavior with other people. The
attempt to detect sexual orientation in social situations is known as gaydar; some studies have found that guesses based on face photos perform better than chance. 2015 research suggests that "gaydar" is an alternate label for using LGBT stereotypes to infer orientation, and that face-shape is not an accurate indication of orientation.
Perceived sexual orientation may affect how a person is treated. For instance, in the United States, the FBI reported that 15.6% of hate crimes reported to police in 2004 were "because of a sexual-orientation bias". Under the UK Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, as explained by Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service,
"workers or job applicants must not be treated less favourably because
of their sexual orientation, their perceived sexual orientation or
because they associate with someone of a particular sexual orientation".
In Euro-American cultures, sexual orientation is defined by the
gender(s) of the people a person is romantically or sexually attracted
to. Euro-American culture generally assumes heterosexuality, unless
otherwise specified. Cultural norms, values, traditions and laws
facilitate heterosexuality, including constructs of marriage and family. Efforts are being made to change these attitudes, and legislation is being passed to promote equality.
Some other cultures do not recognize a
homosexual/heterosexual/bisexual distinction. It is common to
distinguish a person's sexuality according to their sexual role
(active/passive; insertive/penetrated). In this distinction, the passive
role is typically associated with femininity or inferiority, while the
active role is typically associated with masculinity or superiority.
For example, an investigation of a small Brazilian fishing village
revealed three sexual categories for men: men who have sex only with men
(consistently in a passive role), men who have sex only with women, and
men who have sex with women and men (consistently in an active role).
While men who consistently occupied the passive role were recognized as a
distinct group by locals, men who have sex with only women, and men who
have sex with women and men, were not differentiated. Little is known about same-sex attracted females, or sexual behavior between females in these cultures.
Racism and ethnically relevant support
In the United States, non-Caucasian LGBT individuals may find
themselves in a double minority, where they are neither fully accepted
or understood by mainly Caucasian LGBT communities, nor are they
accepted by their own ethnic group.
Many people experience racism in the dominant LGBT community where
racial stereotypes merge with gender stereotypes, such that
Asian-American LGBTs are viewed as more passive and feminine, while
African-American LGBTs are viewed as more masculine and aggressive.
There are a number of culturally specific support networks for LGBT
individuals active in the United States. For example, "Ô-Môi" for
Vietnamese American queer females.
Religion
Sexuality in the context of religion is often a controversial
subject, especially that of sexual orientation. In the past, various
sects have viewed homosexuality from a negative point of view and had
punishments for same-sex relationships. In modern times, an increasing
number of religions and religious denominations accept homosexuality. It
is possible to integrate sexual identity and religious identity,
depending on the interpretation of religious texts.
Some religious organizations object to the concept of sexual
orientation entirely. In the 2014 revision of the code of ethics of the
American Association of Christian Counselors, members are forbidden to
"describe or reduce human identity and nature to sexual orientation or
reference," even while counselors must acknowledge the client’s
fundamental right to self-determination.
Internet and media
The internet has influenced sexual orientation in two ways: it is a
common mode of discourse on the subject of sexual orientation and sexual
identity, and therefore shapes popular conceptions;
and it allows anonymous attainment of sexual partners, as well as
facilitates communication and connection between greater numbers of
people.
Demographics
The multiple aspects of sexual orientation and the boundary-drawing
problems already described create methodological challenges for the
study of the demographics of sexual orientation. Determining the
frequency of various sexual orientations in real-world populations is
difficult and controversial.
Most modern scientific surveys find that the majority of people
report a mostly heterosexual orientation. However, the relative
percentage of the population that reports a homosexual orientation
varies with differing methodologies and selection criteria. Most of
these statistical findings are in the range of 2.8 to 9% of males, and 1
to 5% of females for the United States – this figure can be as high as 12% for some large cities and as low as 1% for rural areas.
Estimates for the percentage of the population that are bisexual
vary widely, at least in part due to differing definitions of
bisexuality. Some studies only consider a person bisexual if they are
nearly equally attracted to both sexes, and others consider a person
bisexual if they are at all attracted to the same sex (for
otherwise mostly heterosexual persons) or to the opposite sex (for
otherwise mostly homosexual persons). A small percentage of people are
not sexually attracted to anyone (asexuality). A study in 2004 placed the prevalence of asexuality at 1%.
Kinsey data
In the oft-cited and oft-criticized Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), by Alfred C. Kinsey et al., people were asked to rate themselves on a scale
from completely heterosexual to completely homosexual. Kinsey reported
that when the individuals' behavior as well as their identity are
analyzed, most people appeared to be at least somewhat bisexual – i.e.,
most people have some attraction to either sex, although usually one sex
is preferred. According to Kinsey, only a minority (5–10%) can be
considered fully heterosexual or homosexual.
Conversely, only an even smaller minority can be considered fully
bisexual (with an equal attraction to both sexes). Kinsey's methods have
been criticized as flawed, particularly with regard to the randomness
of his sample population, which included prison inmates, male
prostitutes and those who willingly participated in discussion of
previously taboo sexual topics. Nevertheless, Paul Gebhard, subsequent director of the Kinsey Institute for Sex Research, reexamined the data in the Kinsey Reports and concluded that removing the prison inmates and prostitutes barely affected the results.
Social constructionism and Western societies
Because sexual orientation is complex and multi-dimensional, some academics and researchers, especially in queer studies, have argued that it is a historical and social construction. In 1976, philosopher and historian Michel Foucault argued in The History of Sexuality
that homosexuality as an identity did not exist in the eighteenth
century; that people instead spoke of "sodomy," which referred to sexual
acts. Sodomy was a crime that was often ignored, but sometimes punished
severely (see sodomy law). He wrote, "'Sexuality' is an invention of the modern state, the industrial revolution, and capitalism."
Sexual orientation is argued as a concept that evolved in the
industrialized West, and there is a controversy as to the universality
of its application in other societies or cultures.
Non-westernized concepts of male sexuality differ essentially from the
way sexuality is seen and classified under the Western system of sexual
orientation.
The validity of the notion of sexual orientation as defined in the
West, as a biological phenomenon rather than a social construction
specific to a region and period, has also been questioned within the
industrialized Western society).
Heterosexuality and homosexuality are terms often used in
European and American cultures to encompass a person's entire social
identity, which includes self and personality. In Western cultures, some
people speak meaningfully of gay, lesbian, and bisexual identities and
communities. In other cultures, homosexuality and heterosexual labels do
not emphasize an entire social identity or indicate community
affiliation based on sexual orientation.
Some historians and researchers argue that the emotional and
affectionate activities associated with sexual-orientation terms such as
"gay" and "heterosexual" change significantly over time and across
cultural boundaries. For example, in many English-speaking nations, it
is assumed that same-sex kissing, particularly between men, is a sign of
homosexuality, whereas various types of same-sex kissing are common
expressions of friendship in other nations. Also, many modern and
historic cultures have formal ceremonies expressing long-term commitment
between same-sex friends, even though homosexuality itself is taboo
within the cultures.
Law, politics and theology
Two
researchers, raising (1995) 'serious doubt whether sexual orientation
is a valid concept at all,' warned against increasing politicization of
this area.
Professor Michael King stated, "The conclusion reached by
scientists who have investigated the origins and stability of sexual
orientation is that it is a human characteristic that is formed early in
life, and is resistant to change. Scientific evidence on the origins of
homosexuality is considered relevant to theological and social debate
because it undermines suggestions that sexual orientation is a choice."
Legally as well, a person's sexual orientation is hard to establish as either an intrinsic or a binary
quality. In 1999, law professor David Cruz wrote that "sexual
orientation (and the related concept homosexuality) might plausibly
refer to a variety of different attributes, singly or in combination.
What is not immediately clear is whether one conception is most suited
to all social, legal, and constitutional purposes."
