From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Meritocracy (merit, from Latin mereō, and -cracy, from Ancient Greek κράτος kratos 'strength, power') is a political system in which economic goods and/or political power are vested in individual people on the basis of talent, effort, and achievement, rather than wealth or social class.
Advancement in such a system is based on performance, as measured
through examination or demonstrated achievement. Although the concept of
meritocracy has existed for centuries, the term itself was coined in
1958 by the sociologist Michael Dunlop Young in his dystopian political and satirical book The Rise of the Meritocracy.
Definitions
Early definitions
Meritocracy
was most famously argued by Plato, in his book The Republic and stood
to become one of the foundations of politics in the Western world. The
"most common definition of meritocracy conceptualizes merit in terms of
tested competency and ability, and most likely, as measured by IQ or standardized achievement tests."
In government and other administrative systems, "meritocracy" refers to
a system under which advancement within the system turns on "merits",
like performance, intelligence, credentials, and education. These are often determined through evaluations or examinations.
In a more general sense, meritocracy can refer to any form of evaluation based on achievement. Like "utilitarian" and "pragmatic",
the word "meritocratic" has also developed a broader connotation, and
is sometimes used to refer to any government run by "a ruling or
influential class of educated or able people".
This is in contrast to the original, condemnatory use of the term in 1958 by Michael Dunlop Young in his work "The Rise of the Meritocracy", who was satirizing the ostensibly merit-based Tripartite System
of education practiced in the United Kingdom at the time; he claimed
that, in the Tripartite System, "merit is equated with
intelligence-plus-effort, its possessors are identified at an early age
and selected for appropriate intensive education, and there is an
obsession with quantification, test-scoring, and qualifications."
Meritocracy in its wider sense, may be any general act of
judgment upon the basis of various demonstrated merits; such acts
frequently are described in sociology and psychology.
In rhetoric, the demonstration of one's merit regarding mastery of a particular subject is an essential task most directly related to the Aristotelian term Ethos. The equivalent Aristotelian conception of meritocracy is based upon aristocratic or oligarchic structures, rather than in the context of the modern state
More recent definitions
In the United States, the assassination of President James A. Garfield in 1881 prompted the replacement of the American Spoils System with a meritocracy. In 1883, The Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act
was passed, stipulating government jobs should be awarded on the basis
of merit through competitive exams, rather than ties to politicians or
political affiliation.
The most common form of meritocratic screening found today is the
college degree. Higher education is an imperfect meritocratic screening
system for various reasons, such as lack of uniform standards
worldwide,lack of scope (not all occupations and processes are included), and
lack of access (some talented people never have an opportunity to
participate because of the expense, most especially in developing countries).
Nonetheless, academic degrees serve some amount of meritocratic
screening purpose in the absence of a more refined methodology.
Education alone, however, does not constitute a complete system, as
meritocracy must automatically confer power and authority, which a
degree does not accomplish independently.
Etymology
Although
the concept has existed for centuries, the term "meritocracy" is
relatively new. It was used pejoratively by British politician and
sociologist Michael Dunlop Young in his 1958 satirical essay. The Rise of the Meritocracy,
which pictured the United Kingdom under the rule of a government
favouring intelligence and aptitude (merit) above all else, being the
combination of the root of Latin origin "merit" (from "mereō" meaning
"earn") and the Ancient Greek suffix "-cracy" (meaning "power", "rule"). [The purely
Greek word is axiocracy (αξιοκρατία), from axios (αξιος, worthy) +
"-cracy" (-κρατία, power).]
In this book the term had distinctly negative connotations as Young
questioned both the legitimacy of the selection process used to become a
member of this elite and the outcomes of being ruled by such a narrowly
defined group.
The essay, written in the first person by a fictional historical
narrator in 2034, interweaves history from the politics of pre- and
post-war Britain with those of fictional future events in the short
(1960 onward) and long term (2020 onward).
The essay was based upon the tendency of the then-current
governments, in their striving toward intelligence, to ignore
shortcomings and upon the failure of education systems to utilize
correctly the gifted and talented members within their societies.
Young's fictional narrator explains that, on the one hand, the
greatest contributor to society is not the "stolid mass" or majority,
but the "creative minority" or members of the "restless elite".
On the other hand, he claims that there are casualties of progress
whose influence is underestimated and that, from such stolid adherence
to natural science and intelligence, arises arrogance and complacency. This problem is encapsulated in the phrase "Every selection of one is a rejection of many".
It was also used by Hannah Arendt in her essay "Crisis in Education",
which was written in 1958 and refers to the use of meritocracy in the
English educational system. She too uses the term pejoratively. It was
not until 1972 that Daniel Bell used the term positively.
M. Young's formula to describe meritocracy is: m = IQ + E. The formula
of L. Ieva instead is: m = f (IQ, Cut, ex) + E. That is, for Young,
meritocracy is the sum of intelligence and energy; while, for Ieva it is
represented by the function between intelligence, culture and
experience, to which energy is then added.
History
Ancient times: China
Some of the earliest example of an administrative meritocracy, based on civil service examinations, dates back to Ancient China. The concept originates, at least by the sixth century BC, when it was advocated by the Chinese philosopher Confucius,
who "invented the notion that those who govern should do so because of
merit, not of inherited status. This sets in motion the creation of the
imperial examinations and bureaucracies open only to those who passed
tests."
As the Qin and Han
dynasties developed a meritocratic system in order to maintain power
over a large, sprawling empire, it became necessary for the government
to maintain a complex network of officials.
Prospective officials could come from a rural background and government
positions were not restricted to the nobility. Rank was determined by
merit, through the civil service examinations, and education became the key for social mobility. After the fall of the Han Dynasty, the nine-rank system was established during the Three Kingdoms period.
According to the Princeton Encyclopedia of American History:
One of the oldest examples of a
merit-based civil service system existed in the imperial bureaucracy of
China. Tracing back to 200 B.C., the Han Dynasty adopted Confucianism
as the basis of its political philosophy and structure, which included
the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with one of virtue
and honesty, and thereby calling for administrative appointments to be
based solely on merit. This system allowed anyone who passed an
examination to become a government officer, a position that would bring
wealth and honor to the whole family. In part due to Chinese influence,
the first European civil service did not originate in Europe, but rather
in India by the British-run East India Company...
company managers hired and promoted employees based on competitive
examinations in order to prevent corruption and favoritism.
17th century
The concept of meritocracy spread from China to British India during the seventeenth century.
The first European power to implement a successful meritocratic civil service was the British Empire,
in their administration of India: "company managers hired and promoted
employees based on competitive examinations in order to prevent
corruption and favoritism." British colonial administrators advocated the spread of the system to the rest of the Commonwealth, the most "persistent" of which was Thomas Taylor Meadows, Britain's consul in Guangzhou, China. Meadows successfully argued in his Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China,
published in 1847, that "the long duration of the Chinese empire is
solely and altogether owing to the good government which consists in the
advancement of men of talent and merit only," and that the British must
reform their civil service by making the institution meritocratic.
This practice later was adopted in the late nineteenth century by the
British mainland, inspired by the "Chinese mandarin system".
The British philosopher and polymath John Stuart Mill advocated meritocracy in his book, Considerations on Representative Government. His model was to give more votes to the more educated voter. His views are explained in Estlund (2003:57–58):
Mill's proposal of plural voting has two motives. One is to prevent
one group or class of people from being able to control the political
process even without having to give reasons in order to gain sufficient
support. He calls this the problem of class legislation. Since the most
numerous class is also at a lower level of education and social rank,
this could be partly remedied by giving those at the higher ranks plural
votes. A second, and equally prominent motive for plural voting is to
avoid giving equal influence to each person without regard to their
merit, intelligence, etc. He thinks that it is fundamentally important
that political institutions embody, in their spirit, the recognition
that some opinions are worth more than others. He does not say that this
is a route to producing better political decisions, but it is hard to
understand his argument, based on this second motive, in any other way.
So, if Aristotle is right that the deliberation is best if participants
are numerous (and assuming for simplicity that the voters are the
deliberators) then this is a reason for giving all or many citizens a
vote, but this does not yet show that the wiser subset should not have,
say, two or three; in that way something would be given both to the
value of the diverse perspectives, and to the value of the greater
wisdom of the few. This combination of the Platonic and Aristotelian
points is part of what I think is so formidable about Mill's proposal of
plural voting. It is also an advantage of his view that he proposes to
privilege not the wise, but the educated. Even if we agreed that the
wise should rule, there is a serious problem about how to identify them.
This becomes especially important if a successful political
justification must be generally acceptable to the ruled. In that case,
privileging the wise would require not only their being so wise as to be
better rulers, but also, and more demandingly, that their wisdom be
something that can be agreed to by all reasonable citizens. I turn to
this conception of justification below.
Mill's position has great plausibility: good education promotes the
ability of citizens to rule more wisely. So, how can we deny that the
educated subset would rule more wisely than others? But then why
shouldn't they have more votes?
Estlund goes on to criticize Mill's education-based meritocracy on various grounds.
18th century; West Africa
The Ashanti King Osei Kwadwo
who ruled from c. 1764 to 1777, began the meritocratic system of
appointing central officials according to their ability, rather than
their birth.
19th century
In the United States, the federal bureaucracy used the Spoils System from 1828 until the assassination of United States President James A. Garfield
by a disappointed office seeker in 1881 proved its dangers. Two years
later in 1883, the system of appointments to the United States Federal
Bureaucracy was revamped by the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act,
partially based on the British meritocratic civil service that had been
established years earlier. The act stipulated that government jobs
should be awarded on the basis of merit, through competitive exams,
rather than ties to politicians or political affiliation. It also made
it illegal to fire or demote government employees for political reasons.
To enforce the merit system and the judicial system, the law also created the United States Civil Service Commission. In the modern American meritocracy, the president may hand out only a certain number of jobs, which must be approved by the United States Senate.
Australia began establishing public universities in the 1850s
with the goal of promoting meritocracy by providing advanced training
and credentials. The educational system was set up to service urban
males of middle-class background, but of diverse social and religious
origins. It was increasingly extended to all graduates of the public
school system, those of rural and regional background, and then to women
and finally to ethnic minorities.
Both the middle classes and the working classes have promoted the ideal
of meritocracy within a strong commitment to "mate-ship" and political
equality.
20th century to today
Singapore
describes meritocracy as one of its official guiding principles for
domestic public policy formulation, placing emphasis on academic
credentials as objective measures of merit.
There is criticism that, under this system, Singaporean society
is being increasingly stratified and that an elite class is being
created from a narrow segment of the population. Singapore has a growing level of tutoring for children, and top tutors are often paid better than school teachers of this system recall the ancient Chinese proverb "Wealth does not pass beyond three generations" (Chinese: 富不过三代), suggesting that the nepotism or cronyism of elitists eventually will be, and often are, replaced by those lower down the hierarchy.
Singaporean academics are continuously re-examining the
application of meritocracy as an ideological tool and how it's stretched
to encompass the ruling party's objectives. Professor Kenneth Paul Tan
at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy
asserts that "Meritocracy, in trying to 'isolate' merit by treating
people with fundamentally unequal backgrounds as superficially the same,
can be a practice that ignores and even conceals the real advantages
and disadvantages that are unevenly distributed to different segments of
an inherently unequal society, a practice that in fact perpetuates this
fundamental inequality. In this way, those who are picked by
meritocracy as having merit may already have enjoyed unfair advantages
from the very beginning, ignored according to the principle of
nondiscrimination."
How meritocracy in the Singaporean context relates to the application of pragmatism as an ideological device, which combines strict adherence to market principles without any aversion to social engineering and little propensity for classical social welfarism, is further illustrated by Kenneth Paul Tan in subsequent articles:
There is a strong ideological quality in Singapore's
pragmatism, and a strongly pragmatic quality in ideological negotiations
within the dynamics of hegemony. In this complex relationship, the
combination of ideological and pragmatic maneuvering over the decades
has resulted in the historical dominance of government by the PAP in partnership with global capital whose interests have been advanced without much reservation.
Within the Ecuadorian Ministry of Labor, the Ecuadorian Meritocracy Institute was created under the technical advice of the Singaporean government.
With similar objections, John Rawls rejects the ideal of meritocracy as well.
The Meritocracy Trap
The "meritocracy trap", a concept introduced by Daniel Markovits
in his eponymous book, criticizes the aspirational view of meritocracy
as being the cause of all problems associated with this matter: it is
meritocracy itself that creates radical inequality and causes so many
people in society, including those who are supposed to benefit from the
situation, to be worse off. The accelerating inequality has been
evolving under meritocracy’s own conditions. However, the author does
not reject the whole idea of meritocracy; he tries to look for different
and more suitable approaches to the matter. While many critics support
the idea that the inequality that has been increasing since the middle
of twentieth century is actually a result of inadequate meritocracy,
based on the analysis of its indicators Markovits finds that increasing
inequality is actually a result of meritocracy itself.
The author points out the shift from the last five, six, seven
decades, when the elite “leisure class” worked only rarely and spent
days enjoying their fortune, while hard working people stayed poor for
their whole lives. But lately, an important change occurred: according
to a Harvard Business survey, members of the elite social circles are
working more and harder than ever before. More than 60% of individuals
with high income work circa 50 hours per week, around 30% of them work
more than 60 hours per week and the last 10% spend over 80 hours per
week occupied with their work responsibilities. Also, by having access
to the best possible education available since starting school, members
from the top 1% of households prevail in the world leading universities
around the world. The interaction of these elements creates unusual and
never-seen-before living situation for members of the elite circles: by
hard work, higher amount of hours spent at work and performing with
higher skills obtained from the best universities, they gain respect and
position of the “superordinate” working class while losing their
unflattering label of "leisure class".
As the author implies in his calculations, the income of a typical
elite household is now from three quarters made up of earnings from
labor instead of ancestors' heritage.
Secondly, Markovits introduces the idea of "snowball inequality",
which is basically an ongoing cycle of widening gap between elite
workers and members of the middle class. While the high-profile
individuals obtain exclusive positions thanks to higher level of their
skills, they occupy jobs and oust middle class workers from the core of
economic events. After that, the elites take advantage of their high
earnings by securing the best education for their own offspring so that
they obtain the highest qualification and are desired by the market for
their great skills. Hence the gap between elite and middle class members
is widening with every generation, inequality extensively triumphing
over social mobility and forming a "time divide" – with long hours
working high-profile individuals on one side, and substantially inactive
middle class workers that are less and less required on the other side.
One side of the coin is in this case a clear loser: the middle
class, which is unwillingly being excluded from economic prosperity,
social benefit and the long desired ideal of American Dream. While it is
impossible to measure the exact effects on the middle class, the side
effects are more obvious: opioid epidemic, dramatic raise in "deaths of despair"
(suicides, mental health and alcoholism), and lowering level of life
expectancy in these societies are just some of them. Quite surprisingly
however, the high-profile member of society is being harmed by
meritocracy as well: they have to pay a significant price for their
hectic working life. Many of them admit suffering from physical and
mental health issues, inability to sustain a good quality personal life
and lack of time spent with their families. What is of even higher
importance is that meritocracy causes a continuous "competitive trap"
within the elite social circles as its members are from a very early age
basically contestants of a meritocratic marathon that starts in their
exclusive preschools, continues at colleges and universities and finally
moves its second half to the work environment. They are truly trapped
in this vicious race where they are compelled to constantly compete with
others and, most importantly, with themselves. In this matter, the
author encounters the basic weakness of the aspirational lifestyle,
which promotes the idea of meritocracy as a means for fair evaluation of
the most skilled, gifted and hard-working.
Markovits proposes a different approach to meritocracy, one where
socioeconomic life conveniences are freely distributed to the people
who are sufficiently successful at the things they are doing rather than
creating an environment of ongoing competition. He promotes the idea
that striving for being the best and brightest is a road to personal
destruction and we should be more open to the idea of just being good
enough. Restructuring of economic roles, organizations and institutions
is desirable in order to include a wider population and hence narrow the
increasing inequality gap by questioning the social hegemony of
high-profile workers, and intervening with redistribution of earnings,
working hours and social identity on behalf of middle class workers.
Criticism
The term "meritocracy" was originally intended as a negative concept. One of the primary concerns with meritocracy is the unclear definition of "merit".
What is considered as meritorious can differ with opinions as on which
qualities are considered the most worthy, raising the question of which
"merit" is the highest—or, in other words, which standard is the "best"
standard. As the supposed effectiveness of a meritocracy is based on the
supposed competence of its officials, this standard of merit cannot be
arbitrary and has to also reflect the competencies required for their
roles.
The reliability of the authority and system that assesses each
individual's merit is another point of concern. As a meritocratic system
relies on a standard of merit to measure and compare people against,
the system by which this is done has to be reliable to ensure that their
assessed merit accurately reflects their potential capabilities. Standardized testing,
which reflects the meritocratic sorting process, has come under
criticism for being rigid and unable to accurately assess many valuable
qualities and potentials of students. Education theorist Bill Ayers,
commenting on the limitations of standardized testing, writes that
"Standardized tests can't measure initiative, creativity, imagination,
conceptual thinking, curiosity, effort, irony, judgment, commitment,
nuance, good will, ethical reflection, or a host of other valuable
dispositions and attributes. What they can measure and count are
isolated skills, specific facts and function, content knowledge, the
least interesting and least significant aspects of learning."
Merit determined through the opinionated evaluations of teachers, while
being able to assess the valuable qualities that cannot be assessed by
standardized testing, are unreliable as the opinions, insights, biases,
and standards of the teachers vary greatly. If the system of evaluation
is corrupt, non-transparent, opinionated or misguided, decisions
regarding who has the highest merit can be highly fallible.
The level of education required in order to become competitive in
a meritocracy may also be costly, effectively limiting candidacy for a
position of power to those with the means necessary to become educated.
An example of this was Chinese student self-declared messiah, Hong Xiuquan, who despite ranking first in a preliminary, nationwide imperial examination,
was unable to afford further education. As such, although he did try to
study in private, Hong was ultimately noncompetitive in later
examinations and unable to become a bureaucrat. This economic aspect of
meritocracies has been said to continue nowadays in countries without
free educations, with the Supreme Court of the United States, for example, consisting only of justices who attended Harvard or Yale and generally only considering clerkship candidates who attended a top-five university, while in the 1950s the two universities only accounted for around one fifth of the justices.
Even if free education were provided, the resources that the parents of
a student are able to provide outside of the curriculum, such as
tutoring, exam preparation, and financial support for living costs
during higher education will influence the education the student attains
and the student's social position in a meritocratic society. This
limits the fairness and justness of any meritocratic system. Similarly,
feminist critics have noted that many hierarchical organisations
actually favour individuals who have received disproportionate support
of an informal kind (e.g. mentorship, word-of-mouth opportunities, and
so on), such that only those who benefit from such supports are likely
to understand these organisations as meritocratic.
Another concern regards the principle of incompetence, or the "Peter Principle".
As people rise in a meritocratic society through the social hierarchy
through their demonstrated merit, they eventually reach, and become
stuck, at a level too difficult for them to perform effectively; they
are promoted to incompetence. This reduces the effectiveness of a
meritocratic system, the supposed main practical benefit of which is the
competence of those who run the society.
In his book Meritocratic Education and Social Worthlessness (Palgrave, 2012), the philosopher Khen Lampert argued that educational meritocracy is nothing but a post-modern version of Social Darwinism. Its proponents argue that the theory justifies social inequality as being meritocratic. This social theory holds that Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection is a model, not only for the development of biological traits in a population, but also as an application for human social institutions—the existing social institutions being implicitly declared as normative. Social Darwinism shares its roots with early progressivism, and was most popular from the late nineteenth century to the end of World War II.
Darwin only ventured to propound his theories in a biological sense,
and it is other thinkers and theorists who have applied Darwin's model
normatively to unequal endowments of human ambitions.
Harvard philosopher Michael Sandel
in his latest book makes a case against meritocracy, calling it a
"tyranny". Ongoing stalled social mobility and increasing inequality are
laying bare the crass delusion of the American Dream,
and the promise "you can make it if you want and try". The latter,
according to Sandel, is the main culprit of the anger and frustration
which brought some Western countries towards populism.
Cornell University economist Robert H. Frank rejects meritocracy in his book Success and Luck: Good Fortune and the Myth of Meritocracy.
He describes how chance plays a significant role in deciding who gets
what that is not objectively based on merit. He does not discount the
importance of hard work, but, using psychological studies, mathematical
formulae, and examples, demonstrates that among groups of people
performing at a high level, chance (luck) plays an enormous role in an
individual's success.
