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Friday, August 23, 2024

Holocaust survivors

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holocaust_survivors

Holocaust survivors
are people who survived the Holocaust, defined as the persecution and attempted annihilation of the Jews by Nazi Germany and its allies before and during World War II in Europe and North Africa. There is no universally accepted definition of the term, and it has been applied variously to Jews who survived the war in German-occupied Europe or other Axis territories, as well as to those who fled to Allied and neutral countries before or during the war. In some cases, non-Jews who also experienced collective persecution under the Nazi regime are considered Holocaust survivors as well. The definition has evolved over time.

Survivors of the Holocaust include those persecuted civilians who were still alive in the concentration camps when they were liberated at the end of the war, or those who had either survived as partisans or had been hidden with the assistance of non-Jews, or had escaped to territories beyond the control of the Nazis before the Final Solution was implemented.

At the end of the war, the immediate issues faced by Holocaust survivors were physical and emotional recovery from the starvation, abuse, and suffering that they had experienced; the need to search for their relatives and reunite with them if any of them were still alive; rebuild their lives by returning to their former homes, or more often, by immigrating to new and safer locations because their homes and communities had been destroyed or because they were endangered by renewed acts of antisemitic violence, which until this day can still be felt in many European countries.

After the initial and immediate needs of Holocaust survivors were addressed, additional issues came to the forefront. Examples of such included social welfare and psychological care, reparations and restitution for the persecution, slave labor and property losses which they had suffered, the restoration of looted books, works of art and other stolen property to their rightful owners, the collection of witness and survivor testimonies, the memorialization of murdered family members and destroyed communities, and care for disabled and aging survivors, to name just a few.

Definition

Children at Auschwitz concentration camp at the time of its liberation by Soviet forces

The term "Holocaust survivor" applies to Jews who lived through the mass exterminations which were carried out by the Nazis. However, the term can also be applied to those who did not come under the direct control of the Nazi regime in Germany or occupied Europe, but were substantially affected by it, such as Jews who fled Germany or their homelands in order to escape the Nazis, and never lived in a Nazi-controlled country after Adolf Hitler came to power but lived in it before the Nazis put the "Final Solution" into effect, or others who were not persecuted by the Nazis themselves, but were persecuted by their allies or collaborators both in Nazi satellite countries and occupied countries.

Yad Vashem, the State of Israel's official memorial to the victims of the Holocaust, defines Holocaust survivors as Jews who lived under Nazi control, whether it was direct or indirect, for any amount of time, and survived it. This definition includes Jews who spent the entire war living under Nazi collaborationist regimes, including France, Bulgaria and Romania, but were not deported, as well as Jews who fled or were forced to leave Germany in the 1930s. Additionally, other Jewish refugees are considered Holocaust survivors, including those who fled their home countries in Eastern Europe to evade the invading German army and spent years living in the Soviet Union.

The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum gives a broader definition of Holocaust survivors: "The Museum honors any persons as survivors, Jewish or non-Jewish, who were displaced, persecuted, or discriminated against due to the racial, religious, ethnic, social, and political policies of the Nazis and their collaborators between 1933 and 1945. In addition to former inmates of concentration camps, ghettos, and prisons, this definition includes, among others, people who lived as refugees or people who lived in hiding."

In the later years of the twentieth century, as public awareness of the Holocaust evolved, other groups who had previously been overlooked or marginalized as survivors began to share their testimonies with memorial projects and seek restitution for their experiences. One such group consisted of Sinti (Gypsy) survivors of Nazi persecution who went on a hunger strike at Dachau, Germany, in 1980 in order to draw attention to their situation and demand moral rehabilitation for their suffering during the Holocaust, and West Germany formally recognized the genocide of the Roma in 1982. Another group that has been defined as Holocaust survivors consists of "flight survivors", that is, refugees who fled eastward into Soviet-controlled areas from the start of the war, or people were deported to various parts of the Soviet Union by the NKVD.

The growing awareness of additional categories of survivors has prompted a broadening of the definition of Holocaust survivors by institutions such as the Claims Conference, Yad Vashem and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum so it can include flight survivors and others who were previously excluded from restitution and recognition, such as those who lived in hiding during the war, including children who were hidden in order to protect them from the Nazis.

Numbers of survivors

At the start of World War II in September 1939, about nine and a half million Jews lived in the European countries that were either already under the control of Nazi Germany or would be invaded or conquered, either willingly or by force during the war. Almost two-thirds of these European Jews, nearly six million people, were annihilated, so that by the end of the war in Europe in May 1945, about 3.5 million of them had survived. As of January 2024, about 245,000 survivors were alive.

Those who managed to stay alive until the end of the war, under varying circumstances, comprise the following:

Concentration camp prisoners

Between 250,000 and 300,000 Jews withstood the concentration camps and death marches, although tens of thousands of them were so weak or sick that even with post-liberation medical care, they died within a few months of liberation.

Other survivors

Other Jews throughout Europe survived because the Germans and their collaborators did not manage to complete the deportations and mass-murder before Allied forces arrived, or the collaborationist regimes were overthrown before the Final Solution could be carried out. Thus, for example, in Western Europe, around three-quarters of the pre-war Jewish population survived the Holocausts in France and Italy, about half survived in Belgium, while only a quarter of the pre-war Jewish population survived in the Netherlands. Around a third of Austrian Jews and 70% of German Jews who did not flee those countries by 1939 were killed. In eastern and south-eastern Europe, most of Bulgaria's Jews survived the war, as well as 60% of Jews in Romania and nearly 30% of the Jewish population in Hungary. Two-thirds survived in the Soviet Union. Bohemia, Slovakia and Yugoslavia lost about 80% of their Jewish populations. In Poland, the Baltic states and Greece close to 90% of Jews were murdered by the Nazis and their local collaborators.

Throughout Europe, a few thousand Jews also survived in hiding, or with false papers posing as non-Jews, hidden or assisted by non-Jews who risked their lives to rescue Jews individually or in small groups. Several thousand Jews also survived by hiding in dense forests in Eastern Europe, and as Jewish partisans actively resisting the Nazis as well as protecting other escapees, and, in some instances, working with non-Jewish partisan groups to fight against the German invaders.

Refugees

Jewish refugees arriving in London from Nazi Germany and Poland in February 1939

The largest group of survivors were the Jews who managed to escape from German-occupied Europe before or during the war. Jews had begun emigrating from Germany in 1933 once the Nazis came to power, and from Austria from 1938, after the Anschluss. By the time war began in Europe, approximately 282,000 Jews had left Germany, and 117,000 had left Austria.

Only 10% of Polish Jews survived the war. The majority of survivors (around 300,000) were those who fled to Soviet-occupied Poland and the interior of the Soviet Union between the start of the war in September 1939 and the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. The Soviet authorities deported tens of thousands of them to Soviet Central Asia, Siberia and other remote parts to the country. Some deportees endured forced labor, extreme conditions, hunger and disease. Nonetheless, most managed to survive, despite the harsh circumstances.

After the German invasion of the Soviet Union, more than a million Soviet Jews fled eastward into the interior. During the war, some European Jews managed to escape to neutral European countries, such as Switzerland, which allowed in nearly 30,000 but turned away some 20,000 others; Spain, which permitted the entry of almost 30,000 Jewish refugees between 1939 and 1941, mostly from France, on their way to Portugal, but under German pressure allowed in fewer than 7,500 between 1942 and 1944; Portugal, which allowed thousands of Jews to enter so that they could continue their journeys from the port of Lisbon to the United States and South America; and Sweden, which allowed in some Norwegian Jews in 1940, and in October 1943, accepted almost the entire Danish Jewish community, rescued by the Danish resistance movement, which organized the escape of 7,000 Danish Jews and 700 of their non-Jewish relatives in small boats from Denmark to Sweden. About 18,000 Jews escaped by means of clandestine immigration to Palestine from central and eastern Europe between 1937 and 1944 on 62 voyages organized by the Mossad l'Aliyah Bet (Organization for Illegal Immigration), which was established by the Jewish leadership in Palestine in 1938. These voyages were conducted under dangerous conditions during the war, with hundreds of lives lost at sea.

Immediate aftermath

When the Second World War ended, the Jews who had survived the Nazi concentration camps, extermination camps, death marches, as well as the Jews who had survived by hiding in forests or hiding with rescuers, were almost all suffering from starvation, exhaustion and the abuse which they had endured, and tens of thousands of survivors continued to die from weakness, eating more than their emaciated bodies could handle, epidemic diseases, exhaustion and the shock of liberation. Some survivors returned to their countries of origin while others sought to leave Europe by immigrating to Palestine or other countries.

Trauma of liberation

U.S. Army surgeon attends to a survivor in a sub-camp of Buchenwald concentration camp shortly after liberation.
A survivor, reduced by starvation to a living skeleton, photographed after the liberation of Bergen-Belsen by the British

For survivors, the end of the war did not bring an end to their suffering. Liberation itself was extremely difficult for many survivors and the transition to freedom from the terror, brutality and starvation they had just endured was frequently traumatic:

As Allied forces fought their way across Europe and captured areas that had been occupied by the Germans, they discovered the Nazi concentration and extermination camps. In some places, the Nazis had tried to destroy all evidence of the camps to conceal the crimes that they had perpetrated there. In other places, the Allies found only empty buildings, as the Nazis had already moved the prisoners, often on death marches, to other locations. However, in many camps, the Allied soldiers found hundreds or even thousands of weak and starving survivors. Soviet forces reached Majdanek concentration camp in July 1944 and soon came across many other sites but often did not publicize what they had found; British and American units on the Western Front did not reach the concentration camps in Germany until the spring of 1945.

When Allied troops entered the death camps, they discovered thousands of Jewish and non-Jewish survivors suffering from starvation and disease, living in the most terrible conditions, many of them dying, along with piles of corpses, bones, and the human ashes of the victims of the Nazi mass murder. The liberators were unprepared for what they found but did their best to help the survivors. Despite this, thousands died in the first weeks after liberation. Many died from disease. Some died from refeeding syndrome since after prolonged starvation their stomachs and bodies could not take normal food. Survivors also had no possessions. At first, they still had to wear their concentration camp uniforms as they had no other clothes to wear.

During the first weeks of liberation, survivors faced the challenges of eating suitable food, in appropriate amounts for their physical conditions; recuperating from illnesses, injuries and extreme fatigue and rebuilding their health; and regaining some sense of mental and social normality. Almost every survivor also had to deal with the loss of many loved ones, many being the only one remaining alive from their entire family, as well as the loss of their homes, former activities or livelihoods, and ways of life.

As survivors faced the daunting challenges of rebuilding their broken lives and finding any remaining family members, the vast majority also found that they needed to find new places to live. Returning to life as it had been before the Holocaust proved to be impossible. At first, following liberation, numerous survivors tried to return to their previous homes and communities, but Jewish communities had been ravaged or destroyed and no longer existed in much of Europe, and returning to their homes frequently proved to be dangerous. When people tried to return to their homes from camps or hiding places, they found that, in many cases, their homes had been looted or taken over by others. Most did not find any surviving relatives, encountered indifference from the local population almost everywhere, and, in Eastern Europe in particular, were met with hostility and sometimes violence.

Refugees and displaced persons

A group of orphaned survivors of the Holocaust, at the Atlit detainee camp, Palestine in 1944

Jewish survivors who could not or did not want to go back to their old homes, particularly those whose entire families had been murdered, whose homes, or neighborhoods or entire communities had been destroyed, or who faced renewed antisemitic violence, became known by the term "Sh'erit ha-Pletah" (Hebrew: the surviving remnant). Most of the survivors comprising the group known as Sh'erit ha-Pletah originated in central and eastern European countries, while most of those from western European countries returned to them and rehabilitated their lives there.

Most of these refugees gathered in displaced persons camps in the British, French and American occupation zones of Germany, and in Austria and Italy. The conditions in these camps were harsh and primitive at first, but once basic survival needs were being met, the refugees organized representatives on a camp-by-camp basis, and then a coordinating organization for the various camps, to present their needs and requests to the authorities, supervise cultural and educational activities in the camps, and advocate that they be allowed to leave Europe and immigrate to the British Mandate of Palestine or other countries.

The first meeting of representatives of survivors in the DP camps took place a few weeks after the end of the war, on 27 May 1945, at the St. Ottilien camp, where they formed and named the organization "Sh'erit ha-Pletah" to act on their behalf with the Allied authorities. After most survivors in the DP camps had immigrated to other countries or resettled, the Central Committee of She'arit Hapleta disbanded in December 1950 and the organization dissolved itself in the British Zone of Germany in August 1951.

The term "Sh'erit ha-Pletah" is thus usually used in reference to Jewish refugees and displaced persons in the period after the war from 1945 to about 1950. In historical research, this term is used for Jews in Europe and North Africa in the five years or so after World War II.

Displaced persons camps

After the end of World War II, most non-Jews who had been displaced by the Nazis returned to their homes and communities. For Jews, however, tens of thousands had no homes, families or communities to which they could return. Furthermore, having experienced the horrors of the Holocaust, many wanted to leave Europe entirely and restore their lives elsewhere where they would encounter less antisemitism. Other Jews who attempted to return to their previous residences were forced to leave again upon finding their homes and property stolen by their former neighbors and, particularly in central and eastern Europe, after being met with hostility and violence.

Since they had nowhere else to go, about 50,000 homeless Holocaust survivors gathered in Displaced Persons (DP) camps in Germany, Austria, and Italy. Emigration to the Mandatory Palestine was still strictly limited by the British government and emigration to other countries such as the United States was also severely restricted. The first groups of survivors in the DP camps were joined by Jewish refugees from central and eastern Europe, fleeing to the British and American occupation zones in Germany as post-war conditions worsened in the east. By 1946, an estimated 250,000 displaced Jewish survivors – about 185,000 in Germany, 45,000 in Austria, and 20,000 in Italy – were housed in hundreds of refugee centers and DP camps administered by the militaries of the United States, Great Britain and France, and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA).

Survivors initially endured dreadful conditions in the DP camps. The camp facilities were very poor, and many survivors were suffering from severe physical and psychological problems. Aid from the outside was slow at first to reach the survivors. Furthermore, survivors often found themselves in the same camps as German prisoners and Nazi collaborators, who had been their tormentors until just recently, along with a larger number of freed non-Jewish forced laborers, and ethnic German refugees fleeing the Soviet army, and there were frequent incidents of anti-Jewish violence. Within a few months, following the visit and report of President Roosevelt's representative, Earl G. Harrison, the United States authorities recognized the need to set up separate DP camps for Jewish survivors and improve the living conditions in the DP camps. The British military administration, however, was much slower to act, fearing that recognizing the unique situation of the Jewish survivors might somehow be perceived as endorsing their calls to emigrate to Palestine and further antagonizing the Arabs there. Thus, the Jewish refugees tended to gather in the DP camps in the American zone.

The DP camps were created as temporary centers for facilitating the resettlement of the homeless Jewish refugees and to take care of immediate humanitarian needs, but they also became temporary communities where survivors began to rebuild their lives. With assistance sent from Jewish relief organizations such as the Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) in the United States and the Jewish Relief Unit in Britain, hospitals were opened, along with schools, especially in several of the camps where there were large numbers of children and orphans, and the survivors resumed cultural activities and religious practices. Many of their efforts were in preparations for emigration from Europe to new and productive lives elsewhere. They established committees to represent their issues to the Allied authorities and to a wider audience, under the Hebrew name, Sh'erit ha-Pletah, an organization which existed until the early 1950s. Political life rejuvenated and a leading role was taken by the Zionist movement, with most of the Jewish DPs declaring their intention of moving to a Jewish state in Palestine.

The slow and erratic handling of the issues regarding Jewish DPs and refugees, and the substantial increase of people in the DP camps in 1946 and 1947, gained international attention; public opinion resulted in increased political pressure to lift restriction on immigration to countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, as well as on the British authorities to stop detaining refugees who were attempting to leave Europe for Palestine, and imprisoning them in internment camps on Cyprus or returning them to Europe. Britain's treatment of Jewish refugees, such as the handling of the refugee ship Exodus, shocked public opinion around the world and added to international demands to establish an independent state for the Jewish people. This led Britain to refer the matter to the United Nations which voted in 1947 to create a Jewish and an Arab state. Thus, when the British Mandate in Palestine ended in May 1948, the State of Israel was established, and Jewish refugee ships were immediately allowed unrestricted entry. In addition, the United States also changed its immigration policy to allow more Jewish refugees to enter under the provisions of the Displaced Persons Act, while other Western countries also eased curbs on emigration.

The opening of Israel's borders after its independence, as well as the adoption of more lenient emigration regulations in Western countries regarding survivors led to the closure of most of the DP camps by 1952. Föhrenwald, the last functioning DP camp, closed in 1957. About 136,000 Displaced Person camp inhabitants, more than half the total, immigrated to Israel; some 80,000 emigrated to the United States, and the remainder emigrated to other countries, including Canada, Australia, South Africa, Mexico and Argentina.

Searching for survivors

As soon as the war ended, survivors began looking for family members, and for most, this was their main goal once their basic needs of finding food, clothing and shelter had been met.

Local Jewish committees in Europe tried to register the living and account for the dead. Parents sought the children they had hidden in convents, orphanages or with foster families. Other survivors returned to their original homes to look for relatives or gather news and information about them, hoping for a reunion or at least the certainty of knowing if a loved one had perished. The International Red Cross and Jewish relief organizations set up tracing services to support these searches, but inquiries often took a long time because of the difficulties in communications, and the displacement of millions of people by the conflict, the Nazi policies of deportation and destruction, and the mass relocations of populations in central and eastern Europe.

Location services were set up by organizations such as the World Jewish Congress, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) and the Jewish Agency for Palestine. This resulted in the successful reunification of survivors, sometimes decades after their separation during the war. For example, the Location Service of the American Jewish Congress, in cooperation with other organizations, ultimately traced 85,000 survivors successfully and reunited 50,000 widely scattered relatives with their families in all parts of the world. However, the process of searching for and finding lost relatives sometimes took years and, for many survivors, continued until the end of their lives. In many cases, survivors searched all their lives for family members, without learning of their fates.

In Israel, to where many Holocaust survivors immigrated, some relatives reunited after encountering each other by chance. Many survivors also found relatives from whom they had been separated through notices for missing relatives posted in newspapers and a radio program dedicated to reuniting families called Who Recognizes, Who Knows?

Lists of survivors

Initially, survivors simply posted hand-written notes on message boards in the relief centers, Displaced Person's camps or Jewish community buildings where they were located, in the hope that family members or friends for whom they were looking would see them, or at the very least, that other survivors would pass on information about the people whom they were seeking. Others published notices in DP camp and survivor organization newsletters, and in newspapers, in the hopes of reconnecting with relatives who had found refuge in other places. Some survivors contacted the Red Cross and other organizations that produced lists of survivors, such as the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, which established a Central Tracing Bureau to help survivors locate relatives who had survived the concentration camps.

Various lists were collated into larger booklets and publications, which were more permanent than the original notes or newspaper notices. One such early compilation, "Sharit Ha-Platah" (Surviving Remnant), was published in 1946 in several volumes with the names of tens of thousands of Jews who survived the Holocaust, collected mainly by Abraham Klausner, a United States Army chaplain who visited many of the Displaced Persons camps in southern Germany and gathered lists of the people there, subsequently adding additional names from other areas.

The first "Register of Jewish Survivors" (Pinkas HaNitzolim I) was published by the Jewish Agency's Search Bureau for Missing Relatives in 1945, containing over 61,000 names compiled from 166 different lists of Jewish survivors in various European countries. A second volume of the "Register of Jewish Survivors" (Pinkas HaNitzolim II) was also published in 1945, with the names of some 58,000 Jews in Poland.

Newspapers outside of Europe also began to publish lists of survivors and their locations as more specific information about the Holocaust became known towards the end of, and after, the war. Thus, for example, the German-Jewish newspaper "Aufbau", published in New York City, printed numerous lists of Jewish Holocaust survivors located in Europe, from September 1944 until 1946.

Over time, many Holocaust survivor registries were established. Initially, these were paper records, but from the 1990s, an increasing number of records have been digitized and made available online.

Hidden children

Following the war, Jewish parents often spent months and years searching for the children they had sent into hiding. In fortunate cases, they found their children were still with the original rescuer. Many, however, had to resort to notices in newspapers, tracing services, and survivor registries in the hope of finding their children. These searches frequently ended in heartbreak – parents discovered that their child had been killed or had gone missing and could not be found. For hidden children, thousands who had been concealed with non-Jews were now orphans and no surviving family members remained alive to retrieve them.

For children who had been hidden to escape the Nazis, more was often at stake than simply finding or being found by relatives. Those who had been very young when they were placed into hiding did not remember their biological parents or their Jewish origins and the only family that they had known was that of their rescuers. When they were found by relatives or Jewish organizations, they were usually afraid, and resistant to leave the only caregivers they remembered. Many had to struggle to rediscover their real identities.

In some instances, rescuers refused to give up hidden children, particularly in cases where they were orphans, did not remember their identities, or had been baptized and sheltered in Christian institutions. Jewish organizations and relatives had to struggle to recover these children, including custody battles in the courts. For example, the Finaly Affair only ended in 1953, when the two young Finaly brothers, orphaned survivors in the custody of the Catholic Church in Grenoble, France, were handed over to the guardianship of their aunt, after intensive efforts to secure their return to their family.

In the twenty-first century, the development of DNA testing for genealogical purposes has sometimes provided essential information to people trying to find relatives from whom they were separated during the Holocaust, or to recover their Jewish identity, especially Jewish children who were hidden or adopted by non-Jewish families during the war.

Immigration and absorption

Young Holocaust survivors aboard the refugee ship Mataroa arrive in Haifa port, July 1945

After the war, anti-Jewish violence occurred in several central and Eastern European countries, motivated to varying extents by economic antagonism, increased by alarm that returning survivors would try to reclaim their stolen houses and property, as well as age-old antisemitic myths, most notably the blood libel. The largest anti-Jewish pogrom occurred in July 1946 in Kielce, a city in southeastern Poland, when rioters killed 41 people and wounded 50 more. As news of the Kielce pogrom spread, Jews began to flee from Poland, perceiving that there was no viable future for them there, and this pattern of post-war anti-Jewish violence repeated itself in other countries such as Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine. Most survivors sought to leave Europe and build new lives elsewhere.

Thus, about 50,000 survivors gathered in Displaced Persons (DP) camps in Germany, Austria, and Italy and were joined by Jewish refugees fleeing from central and eastern Europe, particularly Poland, as post-war conditions there worsened. By 1946, there were an estimated 250,000 Jewish displaced persons, of whom 185,000 were in Germany, 45,000 in Austria, and about 20,000 in Italy. As the British Mandate in Palestine ended in May 1948 and the State of Israel was established, nearly two-thirds of the survivors immigrated there. Others went to Western countries as restrictions were eased and opportunities for them to emigrate arose.

Rehabilitation

Medical care

Psychological care

Holocaust survivors suffered from the war years and afterward in many different ways, physically, mentally and emotionally.

Most survivors were deeply traumatized both physically and mentally and some of the effects lasted throughout their lives. This was expressed, among other ways, in the emotional and mental trauma of feeling that they were on a "different planet" that they could not share with others; that they had not or could not process the mourning for their murdered loved ones because at the time they were consumed with the effort required for survival; and many experienced guilt that they had survived when others had not. This dreadful period engulfed some survivors with both physical and mental scars, which were subsequently characterized by researchers as "concentration camp syndrome" (also known as survivor syndrome).

Nonetheless, many survivors drew on inner strength and learned to cope, restored their lives, moved to a new place, started a family and developed successful careers.

Social welfare

Restitution and reparations

Memoirs and testimonies

Holocaust survivors light a memorial candle with a concentration camp liberator at a remembrance ceremony, Washington DC, 2013.
Holocaust survivor David Faber speaks in 2006 about his experiences in nine different concentration camps between 1939 and 1945.

After the war, many Holocaust survivors engaged in efforts to record testimonies about their experiences during the war, and to memorialize lost family members and destroyed communities. These efforts included both personal accounts and memoirs of events written by individual survivors about the events that they had experienced, as well as the compilation of remembrance books for destroyed communities called Yizkor books, usually printed by societies or groups of survivors from a common locality.

Survivors and witnesses also participated in providing oral testimonies about their experiences. At first, these were mainly for the purpose of prosecuting war criminals and often only many years later, for the sake of recounting their experiences to help process the traumatic events that they had suffered, or for the historical record and educational purposes.

Several programs were undertaken by organizations, such the as the USC Shoah Foundation Institute, to collect as many oral history testimonies of survivors as possible. In addition, survivors also began speaking at educational and commemorative events at schools and for other audiences, as well as contributing to and participating in the building of museums and memorials to remember the Holocaust.

Memoirs

Some survivors began to publish memoirs immediately after the war ended, feeling a need to write about their experiences, and about a dozen or so survivors' memoirs were published each year during the first two decades after the Holocaust, notwithstanding a general public that was largely indifferent to reading them. However, many survivors felt that they could not describe their experiences to those who had not lived through the Holocaust. Those who were able to record testimony about their experiences or publish their memoirs did so in Yiddish.

The number of memoirs that were published increased gradually from the 1970s onwards, indicating both the increasing need and psychological ability of survivors to relate their experiences, as well as a growing public interest in the Holocaust driven by events such as the capture and trial of Adolf Eichmann in 1961, the existential threats to Jews presented by the Six-Day War in 1967 and the Yom Kippur War of 1973, the broadcasting in many countries of the television documentary series "Holocaust" in 1978, and the establishment of new Holocaust memorial centers and memorials, such as the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

The writing and publishing of memoirs, prevalent among Holocaust survivors, has been recognized as related to processing and recovering from memories about the traumatic past. By the end of the twentieth century, Holocaust memoirs had been written by Jews not only in Yiddish, but also other languages including Hebrew, English, French, Italian, Polish and Russian. They were written by concentration/death camp survivors, and also those who had been in hiding, or who had managed to flee from Nazi-held territories before or during the war, and sometimes they also described events after the Holocaust, including the liberation and rebuilding of lives in the aftermath of destruction.

Survivor memoirs, like other personal accounts such as oral testimony and diaries, are a significant source of information for most scholars of the history of the Holocaust, complementing more traditional sources of historical information, and presenting events from the unique points of view of individual experiences within the much greater totality, and these accounts are essential to an understanding of the Holocaust experience. While historians and survivors themselves are aware that the retelling of experiences is subjective to the source of information and sharpness of memory, they are recognized as collectively having "a firm core of shared memory" and the main substance of the accounts does not negate minor contradictions and inaccuracies in some of the details.

Yizkor books

Yizkor (Remembrance) books were compiled and published by groups of survivors or landsmanshaft societies of former residents to memorialize lost family members and destroyed communities and was one of the earliest ways in which the Holocaust was communally commemorated. The first of these books appeared in the 1940s and almost all were typically published privately rather than by publishing companies. Over 1,000 books of this type are estimated to have been published, albeit in very limited quantities.

Most of these books are written in Yiddish or Hebrew, while some also include sections in English or other languages, depending on where they were published. The first Yizkor books were published in the United States, mainly in Yiddish, the mother tongue of the landsmanschaften and Holocaust survivors. Beginning in the 1950s, after the mass immigration of Holocaust survivors to the newly independent State of Israel, most of the Yizkor books were published there, primarily between the mid-1950s and the mid-1970s. From the later 1970s, there was a decline in the number of collective memorial books but an increase in the number of survivors' personal memoirs. Most of the Yizkor books were devoted to the Eastern European Jewish communities in Poland, Russia, Lithuania, Latvia, Romania and Hungary, with fewer dedicated to the communities of south-eastern Europe.

Since the 1990s, many of these books, or sections of them have been translated into English, digitized, and made available online.

Testimonies and oral histories

In the immediate post-war period, officials of the DP camps and organizations providing relief to the survivors conducted interviews with survivors primarily for the purposes of providing physical assistance and assisting with relocation. Interviews were also conducted for the purpose of gathering evidence about war crimes and for the historical record. These were among the first of the recorded testimonies of the survivors Holocaust experiences.

Some of the first projects to collect witness testimonies began in the DP camps, amongst the survivors themselves. Camp papers like Undzer Shtimme ("Our Voice"), published in Hohne Camp (Bergen-Belsen), and Undzer Hofenung ("Our Hope"), published in Eschwege camp, (Kassel) carried the first eyewitness accounts of Jewish experiences under Nazi rule, and one of the first publications on the Holocaust, Fuhn Letsn Khurbn, ("About the Recent Destruction"), was produced by DP camp members, and was eventually distributed around world.

In the following decades, a concerted effort was made to record the memories and testimonials of survivors for posterity. French Jews were amongst the first to establish an institute devoted to documentation of the Holocaust at the Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation. In Israel, the Yad Vashem memorial was officially established in 1953; the organization had already begun projects including acquiring Holocaust documentation and personal testimonies of survivors for its archives and library.

The largest collection of testimonials was ultimately gathered at the USC Shoah Foundation Institute, which was founded by Steven Spielberg in 1994 after he made the film Schindler’s List. Originally named the Survivors of the Shoah Visual History Foundation, it became a part of the University of Southern California in 2006. The foundation’s mission was to videotape the personal accounts of 50,000 Holocaust survivors and other witnesses, a goal which it achieved in 1999 and then surpassed.

In 2002, a collection of Sinti and Roma Holocaust survivor testimonies opened at the Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma in Heidelberg, Germany.

Organizations and conferences

Warsaw Ghetto and Concentration Camps Survivors’ meeting rally in Tel Aviv, 1968

A wide range of organizations have been established to address the needs and issues of Holocaust survivors and their descendants. Immediately following the war, "Sh'erit ha-Pletah" was established to meet the immediate physical and rehabilitation needs in the Displaced Persons camps and to advocate for rights to immigrate. Once these aims had largely been met by the early 1950s, the organization was disbanded. In the following decades, survivors established both local, national and eventually international organizations to address longer term physical, emotional and social needs, and organizations for specific groups such as child survivors and descendants, especially children, of survivors were also set up. Starting in the late 1970s, conferences and gatherings of survivors, their descendants, as well as rescuers and liberators began to take place and were often the impetus for the establishment and maintenance of permanent organizations.

Survivors

In 1981, around 6,000 Holocaust survivors gathered in Jerusalem for the first World Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors.

In 1988, the Center of Organizations of Holocaust Survivors in Israel, was established to as an umbrella organization of 28 Holocaust survivor groups in Israel to advocate for survivors' rights and welfare worldwide and to the Government of Israel, and to commemorate the Holocaust and revival of the Jewish people. In 2010 it was recognized by the government as the representative organization for the entire survivor population in Israel. In 2020, it represented 55 organizations and a survivor population whose average age was 84.

Child survivors

A Jewish Brigade soldier and nurses of the Jewish Agency taking care of Jewish refugee children in Florence, Italy, 1944

Child survivors of the Holocaust were often the only ones who remained alive from their entire extended families, while even more were orphans. This group of survivors included children who had survived in the concentration/death camps, in hiding with non-Jewish families or in Christian institutions, or had been sent out of harm's way by their parents on Kindertransports, or by escaping with their families to remote locations in the Soviet Union, or Shanghai in China. After the war, child survivors were sometimes sent to be cared for by distant relatives in other parts of the world, sometimes accepted unwillingly, and mistreated or even abused. Their experiences, memories and understanding of the terrible events they had suffered as child victims of the Nazis and their accomplices was given little consideration.

In the 1970s and 80s, small groups of these survivors, now adults, began to form in a number of communities worldwide to deal with their painful pasts in safe and understanding environments. The First International Conference on Children of Holocaust Survivors took place in 1979 under the auspices of Zachor, the Holocaust Resource Center. The conference and was attended by some 500 survivors, survivors’ children and mental health professionals and established a network for children of survivors of the Holocaust in the United States and Canada.

The International Network of Children of Jewish Holocaust Survivors held its first international conference in New York City in 1984, attended by more than 1,700 children of survivors of the Holocaust with the stated purpose of creating greater understanding of the Holocaust and its impact on the contemporary world and establishing contacts among the children of survivors in the United States and Canada.[82]

The World Federation of Jewish Child Survivors of the Holocaust and Descendants was founded in 1985 to bring child survivors together and coordinate worldwide activities. The organization began holding annual conferences in cities the United States, Canada, Europe and Israel. Descendants of survivors were also recognized as having been deeply affected by their families’ histories. In addition to the annual conferences to build community among child survivors and their descendants, members speak about their histories of survival and loss, of resilience, of the heroism of Jewish resistance and self-help for other Jews, and of the Righteous Among the Nations, at schools, public and community events; they participate in Holocaust Remembrance ceremonies and projects; and campaign against antisemitism and bigotry.

Second generation of survivors

The "second generation of Holocaust survivors" is the name given to children born after World War II to a parent or parents who survived the Holocaust. Although the second generation did not directly experience the horrors of the Holocaust, the impact of their parents' trauma is often evident in their upbringing and outlooks, and from the 1960s, children of survivors began exploring and expressing in various ways what the implications of being children of Holocaust survivors meant to them. This conversation broadened public discussion of the events and impacts of the Holocaust.

The second generation of the Holocaust has raised several research questions in psychology, and psychological studies have been conducted to determine how their parents' horrendous experiences affected their lives, among them, whether psychological trauma experienced by a parent can be passed on to their children even when they were not present during the ordeal, as well as the psychological manifestations of this transference of trauma to the second generation.

Soon after descriptions of concentration camp syndrome (also known as survivor syndrome) appeared, clinicians observed in 1966 that large numbers of children of Holocaust survivors were seeking treatment in clinics in Canada. The grandchildren of Holocaust survivors were also over-represented by 300% among the referrals to a child psychiatry clinic in comparison with their representation in the general population.

A communication pattern that psychologists have identified as a communication feature between parents who experienced trauma and their children has been referred to as the "connection of silence". This silent connection is the tacit assent, in the families of Holocaust survivors, not to discuss the trauma of the parent and to disconnect it from the daily life of the family. The parent's need for this is not only due to their need to forget and adapt to their lives after the trauma, but also to protect their children's psyches from being harmed by their depictions of the atrocities that they experienced during the Holocaust.

Awareness groups have thus developed, in which children of survivors explore their feelings in a group that shares and can better understand their experiences as children of Holocaust survivors. Some second-generation survivors have also organized local and even national groups for mutual support and to pursue additional goals and aims regarding Holocaust issues. For example, in November 1979, the First Conference on Children of Holocaust Survivors was held, and resulted in the establishment of support groups all over the United States.

Many members of the "second generation" have sought ways to get past their suffering as children of Holocaust survivors and to integrate their experiences and those of their parents into their lives. For example, some have become involved in activities to commemorate the lives of people and ways of life of communities that were wiped out during the Holocaust. They research the history of Jewish life in Europe before the war and the Holocaust itself; participate in the renewal of Yiddish culture; engage in educating others about the Holocaust; fight against Holocaust denial, antisemitism and racism; become politically active, such as with regard to finding and prosecuting Nazis, or by taking up Jewish or humanitarian causes; and through creative means such as theater, art and literature, examine the Holocaust and its consequences on themselves and their families.

In April 1983, Holocaust survivors in North America established the American Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors and their Descendants; the first event was attended by President Ronald Reagan and 20,000 survivors and their families.

Amcha, the Israeli Center for Psychological and Social Support for Holocaust Survivors and the Second Generation was established in Jerusalem in 1987 to serve survivors and their families.

Survivor registries and databases

The Arolsen Archives-International Center on Nazi Persecution in Bad Arolsen, Germany, a repository of information on victims of Nazi persecution, including survivors

One of the most well-known and comprehensive archives of Holocaust-era records, including lists of survivors, is the Arolsen Archives-International Center on Nazi Persecution founded by the Allies in 1948 as the International Tracing Service (ITS). For decades after the war, in response to inquiries, the main tasks of ITS were determining the fates of victims of Nazi persecution and searching for missing people.

The Holocaust Global Registry is an online collection of databases maintained by the Jewish genealogical website JewishGen, an affiliate of the Museum of Jewish Heritage – A Living Memorial to the Holocaust; it contains thousands of names of both survivors trying to find family and family searching for survivors.

The Holocaust Survivors and Victims Database, maintained by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, contains millions of names of people persecuted under the Nazi regime, including concentration camp or displaced persons camp lists that can be searched by place name or keywords.

The Benjamin and Vladka Meed Registry of Holocaust Survivors, created in 1981 by the American Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors to document the experiences of survivors and assist survivors and their families trying to trace missing relatives and friends, includes over 200,000 records related to survivors and their families from around the world.

In partnership with the Arolsen Archives, the family history website Ancestry began digitizing millions of Holocaust and Nazi-persecution records and making them searchable online in 2019. Two distinct databases included in the records are the "Africa, Asia and European passenger lists of displaced persons (1946 to 1971)" and "Europe, Registration of Foreigners and German Individuals Persecuted (1939–1947)".

The Holocaust Survivor Children: Missing Identity website addresses the issue of child survivors still hoping to find relatives or people who can tell them about their parents and family, and others who hope to find out basic information about themselves such as their original names, dates and place of birth, and parents’ names, based on a photograph of themselves as a child.

Intergenerationality

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intergenerationality

Intergenerationality is interaction between members of different generations. Sociologists study many intergenerational issues, including equity, conflict, and mobility.

Public health researchers and toxicologists may study the intergenerational impact of toxicants of radioactive fallout from generation to generation.

Applicable concepts

  • Intergenerational equity is the concept or idea of fairness or justice in relationships between children, youth, adults, seniors, and/or future generations, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions.
  • Intergenerational conflict is either a conflict situation between teenagers and adults or a more abstract conflict between two generations, which often involves all inclusive prejudices against another generation:
  • Intergenerational cycle of violence is a pattern of violence or abuse that is passed from one generation to the next. Generally, an individual who witnesses domestic violence as a child is much more likely to be an abuser or a victim of domestic abuse in adulthood.
  • Intergenerational mobility is a measure of the changes in social status which occurs from the parents' to the children's generation.
  • An inter-generational contract is a dependency between different generations based on the assumption that future generations, in honoring the contract, will provide a service to a generation that has previously provided the same service to an older generation.
  • Intergenerational struggle is the economic conflict between successive generations of workers because of the public pension system where the first generation has better pension benefit and the last must pay more taxes, have a greater tax wedge and a lower pension benefit due to the public debt that the states make in order to pay the current public spending.
  • Intergenerational policies are public policies that incorporate an intergenerational approach to addressing an issue or have an impact across the generations.
  • Intergenerational shared sites are programs in which children, youth and older adults participate in ongoing services and/or programming concurrently at the same site, and where participants interact during regularly scheduled planned intergenerational activities, as well as through informal encounters.
  • Inter-generational ministry is a model of Christian ministry which emphasizes relationships between age groups and encourages mixed-age activities.

Conflict

An intergenerational conflict is either a conflict situation between teenagers and adults or a more abstract conflict between two generations, which often involves all inclusive prejudices against another generation. This is a term describing one generation that, contrary to the will of another, will not help the other generation and also makes it difficult for the other generation to act.

Intergenerational conflict also describes cultural, social, or economic discrepancies between generations, which may be caused by shifts in values or conflicts of interest between younger and older generations. An example are changes to an inter-generational contract that may be necessary to reflect a change in demographics. It is associated with the term "generation gap".

According to social identity theory, people seek to classify themselves and others on the basis of perceived similarities and differences. Therefore, individuals may seek to classify themselves as belonging to a particular generation because they perceive oneness with traits popularly associated with other members of the group, and classify others into separate “out-groups” based on dissimilar characteristic. As individuals create in- and out-groups from generational identities, interactions between members can be impacted and conflict can occur. This bias between generations occurs because of the human need to belong to a social group to provide a sense of social identity, pride, and self esteem, but may also create stereotypes about those in different social groups, which may be generations.

Contract

An inter-generational contract is a dependency between different generations based on the assumption that future generations, in honoring the contract, will provide a service to a generation that has previously done the same service to an older generation. Under the concept of the intergenerational contract or agreement, written and/or unwritten rules of the redistribution of social status, which include wealth, power, and prestige, can exist between generations. It is the principle that different generations provide support to each other across the different stages of their lives. This contract functions in both our responsibilities within our families and within society as a whole, as well as the role of the government. The intergenerational contract generally works because everyone puts in and everyone takes out. The goal of the contract is to support the older generations because so as we grow old, we will believe and expect that we will be treated the same.

The most common use of the term is in statutory pension insurance provisions and refers to the consensus to provide pension for the retired generations through payments made by the working generations.

Cycle of violence

Intergenerational cycles of violence occur when violence is passed from father or mother to son or daughter, parent to child, or sibling to sibling. It often refers to violent behavior learned as a child and then repeated as an adult, therefore continuing on in a perceived cycle. An example of this would be when a child witnesses domestic abuse, they may go on to repeat that same pattern of behavior in future relationships.

Equity

Global warming—the progression from cooler historical temperatures (blue) to recent warmer temperatures (red)—is being experienced disproportionately by younger generations. With fossil fuel emissions continuing from older generations, that trend that will continue.

Intergenerational equity may be understood as equity in relation to equal rights under the law, such as security, political equity, voting rights, freedom of speech and assembly, property rights, economic equity, access to education, health care, and social security. "This equity can be horizontal—equal opportunities for the same generation in different collectivities—for example, young people in different countries. This equity is also vertical—different treatment of different generations in order to compensate for differences in, for example, education and place of origin."

Intergenerational equity, in the sociological and psychological context, is the concept or idea of fairness or justice in relationships between children, youth, adults and seniors, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions. It has been studied in environmental and sociological settings. In the context of institutional investment management, intergenerational equity is the principle that an endowed institution's spending rate must not exceed its after-inflation rate of compound return, so that investment gains are spent equally on current and future constituents of the endowed assets. This concept was originally set out in 1974 by economist James Tobin, who wrote that, "The trustees of endowed institutions are the guardians of the future against the claims of the present. Their task in managing the endowment is to preserve equity among generations."

Conversations about intergenerational equity occur across several fields. They include transition economics, social policy, and government budget-making. Intergenerational equity is also explored in environmental concerns, including sustainable development, global warming and climate change.

Conversations about intergenerational equity are also relevant to social justice arenas as well, where issues such as health care are equal in importance to youth rights and youth voice are pressing and urgent. There is a strong interest within the legal community towards the application of intergenerational equity in law.

Intergenerational policies

An intergenerational policy is a public policy that incorporates an intergenerational approach to addressing an issue or has an impact across the generations. Approaching policy from an intergenerational perspective is based on an understanding of the interdependence and reciprocity that characterizes the relationship between the generations. These basic needs include things such as income, health care, social services, educational policy, employment policy, and architectural and environmental policies. Intergenerational policies include but are not limited to discourse and ways of resource distribution between generations. Such policies may be forced upon other generations through physical force or through symbolic violence by another generation, but can also be created through dialogue.

Intergenerational policies can be targeted to increase age integration by facilitating interaction between people of different age groups by supporting physical proximity, developing common interests, or by other mechanisms. The purpose of integration is to eliminate social barriers and difficulties associated with age, including discrimination on the grounds of age. These policies contain specific programs and actions aimed at supporting simultaneous participation of children, youth, and older adults.[1]

An intergenerational approach to public policy recognizes that generations share basic needs including adequate income, access to quality health care and social services, educational and employment opportunities, and a safe place to live. Further, policies that are supportive of any age group must build on the common concerns of all generations.

Christianity

Intergenerational ministry is a model of Christian ministry which emphasizes relationships between age groups and encourages mixed-age activities.

Inter-generational ministry stands in contrast with other modes of ministry more traditionally seen in local churches, such as Sunday schools and youth ministries.

In Sunday school, children, youths, and sometimes adults, are instructed by teachers who are, typically, adults. Classes are usually divided by age groups, as in secular schools. In youth ministries, teens or young adults (especially college age) gather in groups presided over by a "youth minister". These groups, which are often part of parachurch organizations, focus on peer fellowship and instruction of their members.

These modes of ministry segregate members by age, and presuppose a hierarchical ministry in which more experienced, more educated, and generally older members minister didactically to their charges. Inter-generational activities, by contrast, emphasize a mixture of ages, and de-emphasize formal teacher-pupil relationships.

Inter-generational ministry is one of a number of movements which have arisen in response over concerns that young adults very commonly cease participation in church, and often do not return. Proponents of the inter-generational ministry movement hold that the hierarchical and didactic roles found in traditional church ministries deprive teens and young adults of a sense of purpose and involvement, since their role in these ministries is passive and subordinate, and since they are often kept separate from adult activities. Therefore, they propose that younger members should take active roles in the ministry of the local church, and that church activities should involve and encourage participation from members across a wide range of ages.

A second thread in the inter-generational ministry movement is that of family involvement. Concerns over divorce, abuse and other family disruptions led to criticism of how traditional church activities typically segregate family members according to age, thus de-emphasizing family relationships. Inter-generational activities were seen as a means to involve families as units, thus reinforcing family bonds.

Intergenerationality in religion can be conceptualized as the transmission of religious practices, beliefs, or affiliations from parent to child. This approach identifies parents as possessing religious agency and places young people as passive recipients of religion and the behavioral characteristics associated with a particular kind of faith. Research also finds that children serve in a reciprocal approach, where the young person might influence the adult's religiosity and practices of worship and faith.

Studies show that children attending Sunday Schools and youth programs are less likely to continue church involvement, compared to those who attended worship with parents, and are integrated into a community (e.g., Mark de Vries Family-Based Youth Ministry, 2004). Those children who continue church involvement as adults often have a ‘nominal faith’ (e.g. George Barna Transforming children into Spiritual Champions, 2003).

Proponents of this mode of ministry claim it is a Biblical model - particularly when the ministry is located within the family in accordance with the 'relational' Hebrew model described in Deuteronomy 6.

Transgenerational trauma

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transgenerational_trauma

Transgenerational trauma is the psychological and physiological effects that the trauma experienced by people has on subsequent generations in that group. The primary mode of transmission is the shared family environment of the infant causing psychological, behavioral and social changes in the individual.

Collective trauma is when psychological trauma experienced by communities and identity groups is carried on as part of the group's collective memory and shared sense of identity. For example, collective trauma was experienced by Jewish Holocaust survivors and other members of the Jewish community at the time, by the Indigenous Peoples of Canada during the Canadian Indian residential school system and by African Americans who were enslaved. When this collective trauma affects subsequent generations, it is called transgenerational trauma. For example, if Jewish people experience extreme stress or practice survivalism out of fear of another Holocaust, despite being born after the Holocaust, then they are experiencing transgenerational trauma.

Transgenerational trauma can be a collective experience that affects groups of people who share a cultural identity (e.g., ethnicity, nationality, or religious identity). It can also be applied to single families or individual parent–child dyads. For example, survivors of individual child abuse and both direct survivors of the collective trauma and members of subsequent generations individually may develop complex post-traumatic stress disorder.

Examples of this include collective trauma experienced by descendants of the Atlantic slave trade; segregation and Jim Crow laws in the United States; apartheid in South Africa; the Scramble for Africa, Armenian genocide survivors, Jewish Holocaust survivors and other members of the Jewish community at the time; by the First Peoples of Canada during the Canadian Indian residential school system; and in Australia, the Stolen Generations and other hardships inflicted on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Descendants of survivors may experience extreme stress, leading to a variety of other consequences.

While transgenerational trauma made headlines in the mid-2000s, it has been met with skepticism and criticism from some scientists, particularly regarding claims of an epigenetic mechanism.

History

This field of research is relatively young, but has been expanded since the mid-2000s. Intergenerational trauma was first recognized in the children of Holocaust survivors. In 1966, psychologists began to observe large numbers of children of Holocaust survivors seeking mental help in clinics in Canada. The grandchildren of Holocaust survivors were overrepresented by 300% among the referrals to a psychiatry clinic in comparison with their representation in the general population. Since then, transgenerational trauma has been noted amongst descendants of African-Americans forced into slavery, Native American genocide survivors, war survivors, refugees, survivors of domestic violence, and many other groups that have experienced collective distress.

Research on possible biological mechanisms for inheritance of trauma began in the late 1990s. It has been suggested that traumatic stress can be passed down to future generations via epigenetics. However, the effect is difficult to separate from environmental and cultural transmission and conclusive evidence that it occurs in humans has yet to be found.

Although methylation of stress-related genes in humans may affect development, there is no evidence that these changes in humans are passed on to subsequent generations. Methylation is normally erased when an egg cell is fertilized.

Definitions and description

Transgenerational trauma is a collective experience that affects groups of people because of their cultural identity (e.g., ethnicity, nationality, or religious identity). Because of its collective nature, the term is not usually applied to single families or individual parent–child dyads. However, like survivors of individual child abuse, individually, both direct survivors of the collective trauma and members of subsequent generations may develop complex post-traumatic stress disorder.

Trauma may be transmitted socially (e.g., through learned behaviors) or through the effects of stress on development before birth (inc. increased smoking/alcohol use).

Historical trauma

Historical trauma, a sub-type of transgenerational trauma, is the collective devastation of the past that continues to affect populations in the present through inter-generational transmission. Historical trauma results in vulnerability to mental and physical health problems due to ancestral suffering which has been collected throughout generations into "legacies of disability for contemporary descendants".Although the actual traumatic event and affect group(s) are heterogeneous, all historical traumas consist of three elements: a traumatic event, a resulting collective suffering, and a multigenerational impact of that trauma. Over time the trauma and relationship to the victims typically evolve in a similar but more complicated way to genetic anticipation, resulting in a greater loss of identity of the victims and further integration into society.

For individual victims, historical trauma often manifests in four ways: depression, hyper-vigilance, traumatic bond formation, and reenactment of the trauma. Building upon the clinical observations by Selma Fraiberg, child trauma researchers such as Byron Egeland, Inge Bretherton, and Daniel Schechter have empirically identified psychological mechanisms that favor intergenerational transmission, including dissociation in the context of attachment, and "communication" of prior traumatic experience as an effect of parental efforts to maintain self-regulation in the context of post-traumatic stress disorder and related alterations in social cognitive processes.

Symptoms

Symptoms of intergenerational trauma always begins with the survivor of a trauma, which tend to manifest as symptoms of PTSD. Oftentimes trauma in the second generation is deemed as a traumatic response to parental trauma. Transmission between the parent and child can be broken down into five measures: communication, conflict, family cohesion, parental warmth, and parental involvement. High levels of maternal stress were directly correlated with weak family functioning and indirectly correlated with deviant behavior among children. Common symptoms in children consisted of depression, antisocial behavior, delinquency, and disruptive behavior in school. Some children experienced direct transmission in which their trauma stemmed from the interactions and relationships with their parents, while others experienced indirect transmission in which their trauma was mainly rooted in guilt. Those who were affected through direct transmission were more likely to lash out through their actions, while those who were affected through indirect transmission were more likely to develop depression, anxiety, and guilt.

Symptoms also differed based on ethnicity and type of original trauma. Enslavement, genocide, domestic violence, sexual abuse, and extreme poverty are all common sources of trauma that lead to intergenerational trauma. A lack of therapy also worsens symptoms and can lead to transmission. For instance, survivors of child sexual abuse may negatively influence future generations due to their past unresolved trauma. This can lead to increased feelings of mistrust, isolation, and loneliness. Descendants of enslaved persons when faced with racism-motivated violence, microaggressions, or outward racism, react as if they were faced with the original trauma that was generationally transmitted to them. There are a variety of stressors in one's life that led to this PTSD-like reaction such as varying racist experiences, daily stressors, major race-related life events, or collective racism or traumas. This also presents itself in parenting styles. Goodman and West-Olatunji proposed potential transgenerational trauma in the aftermath of natural disasters. In a post-Hurricane Katrina New Orleans, residents have seen a dramatic increase in interpersonal violence with higher mortality rates. This phenomenon has been also been reported in the descendants of Indigenous students at residential schools, who were removed from their parents and extended family and lacked models for parenting as a result. Being punished for speaking their native language and forbidden from practicing traditional rituals had a traumatic effect on many students, and child abuse was rampant in the schools as well.

Symptoms of transgenerational trauma have in recent years been identified among black Americans, in relation to the effects of slavery and racial discrimination. This passing of trauma can be rooted from the family unit itself, or found in society via current discrimination and oppression. The traumatic event does not need to be individually experienced by all members of a family; the lasting effects can still remain and impact descendants from external factors. For example, black children's internalization of others' reactions to their skin color manifests as a form of lasting trauma originally experienced by their ancestors. This reaction to black skin stems from similar attitudes that led to the traumatizing conditions and enslavement of slaves. Black children and youth are more susceptible to racial trauma because they have not yet acquired the knowledge to have a full understanding of racism and its effects. However, these traumatizing behaviors experienced at such a young age are a reflection of a child's parenting. A White child may learn racist behaviors from their environment, but by the same token a black child can learn to assert their blackness and how to respond to racist remarks and actions from their parents. Traces of trauma have an impact on black and other minority children's success in an educational context. Transgenerational trauma has also been heavily recorded in refugees and their children, which can last through several generations. Such traumas can stem from violence, political persecution, familial instability, as well as the hardships of migration.

Affected groups

Descendants of enslaved people

In general, black Americans who have any mental illness are resistant to receiving treatment due to stigma, negative conceptions, and fear of discrimination. This reduces the number of those affected to seek help. Lack of treatment causes the symptoms to compound leading to further internalization of distress and a worsening of mental health in the individual. Those affected by race-based trauma oftentimes do not seek treatment not only because of stigma but because of fear that the medical professional will not understand their perspective of a disenfranchised minority. Furthermore, the existing stigma of mental health has led to a lack of research and consequently treatment. However, lack of treatment can also be attributed to the misdiagnosis of symptoms. Signs of trauma exhibited in black children are often labeled as behavioral or educational disabilities, allowing the trauma to go untreated. While trauma symptoms often manifest as other mental illnesses such as depression and anxiety, the larger diagnosis often goes untreated.

Koreans

Han is a concept of an emotion, variously described as some form of grief or resentment, among others, that is said to be an essential element of Korean identity by some, and a modern post-colonial identity by others.

Michael D. Shin argues that the central aspect of han is loss of identity, and defines han as "the complex of emotions that result from the traumatic loss of collective identity". Han is most commonly associated with divided families: families who were separated during the Korean War. According to Shin, all Koreans may experience han, or a "constant feeling of being less than whole", because of not having a collective identity as a result of the continued division of Korea. Furthermore, new generations of Koreans seemingly inherit it because of growing up in a divided country.

Refugees

Refugees are often at risk of experiencing transgenerational trauma. While many refugees experience some sort of loss and trauma, war-related trauma has been documented to have longer-lasting effects on mental health and span through more generations. Children are especially prone to the trauma of resettling, as their childhood may have been disrupted by migration to a new country. Additionally, they often face the difficulty of learning a new language, adapting to a new environment, and navigating the school's social system in their host country. Normal caregiving is disrupted by the process of fleeing from their original home, and it may continue to be disrupted by their parents' PTSD symptoms and challenges faced in their new home. Furthermore, many host countries do not provide adequate mental healthcare systems to refugees, which can worsen symptoms and lead to transmission of trauma. In general, children of refugees exhibited higher overall levels of depression, PTSD, anxiety, attention deficiency, stress, and other psychological issues. Most refugees who flee from their homes do so to escape war, conflict, or natural disasters. More often times than not the wellness of refugees' homeland does not improve which causes continuous exposure to the originating trauma. This can be described as secondhand trauma and can be experienced by many. However, the offspring who have both transgenerational trauma and intergenerational trauma may experience secondhand trauma and a greater scale.

Vietnam war refugees

Since 1975, the US has accepted many refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, and Laos. As a result of the Vietnam War, many of these Southeast Asian refugees are at high risk of experiencing transgenerational trauma. Factors occurring both before and after immigration to America could contribute to traumatization in these groups. Being forced to witness and flee violence and war was a uniquely traumatic occurrence, resulting in high levels of psychological distress. Upon arriving in the United States, Vietnamese Americans struggled to adapt to their new environment, resulting in limited social mobility, high rates of poverty within the community, and exposure to community violence. Exposure to these stressors is correlated with higher trauma symptoms in first-generation Vietnamese-American refugees. In turn, these traumatic experiences impacted the ways that refugees raised their children since they internalized notions of being outsiders in a new country and emphasized success in the face of their many sacrifices. This cultural and familial transmission of trauma has led second-generation Vietnamese Americans to face their own forms of intergenerational trauma. These unique forms of mental health and stress are often not addressed due to socio-cultural standards of silence and refusal to seek treatment.

While a majority of these groups were fleeing war and poverty, Cambodian refugees were also fleeing a genocide from the Khmer Rouge. The atrocities of violence, starvation, and torture were common themes experienced by these refugees. Many Cambodian refugee families refused to talk about their trauma which created an isolating environment for the child. This led to a transmission of trauma through the continuing pattern of silence and refusal to acknowledge an issue or seek treatment. There has also been data showing that the children of survivors from regions with higher rates of violence and mortality displayed stronger overall symptoms. The parenting style of caregivers may also contribute to the rate of impact among children of Khmer Rouge survivors. A 2013 study found that among Khmer Rouge survivors with PTSD who engage in role-reversal parenting, a form of parenting where the parent looks to the child for emotional support, there may be higher rates of anxiety and depression in the children.

Indigenous Australians

Many Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander children were forcibly removed from their parents and placed in Aboriginal reserves and missions in the late 19th and first half of the 20th century. Some were subsequently placed with white families, and this practice continued after people were no longer forcibly removed to reserves. These people became known as the Stolen Generations, and successive generations suffer from intergenerational trauma as a result of this as well as other issues related to the colonisation of Australia, such as dispossession of land, loss of language, etc. Many Aboriginal Australians often face discrimination and resistance when trying to access many services including legal, health, housing, and education. It was found that in 2019, 28% of the total prison population consisted of Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders. As of 2022, this percentage has increased to 32% of all prisoners. A study consisting of 43 Aboriginal women found that Aboriginal women often face more struggles when incarcerated compared to their peers. With these struggles Aboriginal Australians face, the trauma is often passed down to their offspring as they are on the receiving end of the discrimination, often are targeted themselves as children, or grow up to face similar of not the same struggles as their family members.

Native/Indigenous Peoples of the Americas

Settler-colonization encompasses a wide range of practices: war, displacement, forced labor, removal of children, relocation, destruction, massacre, genocide, slavery, unintentional and intentional spread of deadly diseases, banning of indigenous language, regulation of marriage, assimilation, eradication of culture, social and spiritual practices. European colonization has, in some instances, involved subjugation of the indigenous peoples of the Americas through violence, ethnic cleansing, forced assimilation, and acculturation. Indian reservations, and harmful policies excluding and oppressing Natives evoked similar responses to trauma as the descendants of Holocaust survivors. In a similar way we find transgenerational trauma in Holocaust survivors we find the same patterns and effects in Indigenous populations and their children and grandchildren.

Due to the effects of settler colonialism, oppression, racism, and other aversive events, Native Americans disproportionately experience adverse childhood experiences as well as health disparities, including high rates of posttraumatic stress, depression, substance abuse, diabetes, and other psychiatric disorders.

Military personnel and their families

Transgenerational trauma is also commonly known as secondary trauma due to the transmission of symptoms that can take place between individuals in close proximity (i.e., children, spouses/partners, and other family members). Transgenerational trauma affects everyone, including those in the military and their families. Patterns of transgenerational trauma can be recognized through the use of a genogram, a family tree that provides a visual representation of hereditary patterns. Specifically, a trauma-focused genogram can be used with those who suffer from acute stress disorder (ASD) and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Traumatic family patterns could include things such as sexual abuse, domestic violence, and even things such as natural disasters. This type of genogram is inclusive to military personnel in that it takes into consideration the servicemembers' experiences. Some of these considerations include taking into account how long the servicemember served, what their role was, if they were a prisoner of war and if they witnessed the death or injury of others. However, not all military personnel pass down intergenerational trauma.

Military personnel who have seen or participated in abusive acts of violence have been found to transmit the trauma they experienced to their children. Children of these veterans have been found to suffer from behavioral disturbances such as aggression, hyperactivity, and delinquency. Children whose parent was diagnosed with PTSD had a higher rate of anxiety as well as aggression when compared to children of civilians or non-veterans. These children can also have increased depressive symptoms and other PTSD symptoms. However, it has been found that spouses and partners of military veterans can help to buffer the effects of the transmission of trauma symptomology.

This type of intergenerational trauma can be experienced and transmitted not only to children of veterans but also to their spouses/partners, ultimately affecting the whole family unit. Veterans who experienced PTSD or wartime combat stress reaction (CSR) had spouses/partners who experienced increased psychiatric symptoms. These symptoms included feelings of loneliness and having impaired relationships within the family unit and marriage. Much like veterans who suffer from PTSD, their spouses or partners can suffer from many of the same symptoms as well. Spouses or partners of military veterans can experience the avoidance of thoughts, behaviors, and emotions. Spouses or partners may also experience intrusions such as unwanted cognitions and images that may remind them of the negative experiences of their spouse or partner. Common symptoms of emotional distress that spouses may experience are depression and anxiety. These symptoms are intergenerational trauma symptoms that are being passed down from the veteran to the spouse.

Intergenerational trauma can sometimes go unrecognized by the spouse or partner suffering from the transmission of trauma. It sometimes can be difficult for those suffering from intergenerational trauma to recognize that they are emotionally affected, and thus difficult for these individuals to find treatment. Resources such as a genogram can be an excellent way in which an individual can recognize the trauma that has been passed down to them.

When it comes to transgenerational trauma, it can be transmitted quite quickly and can affect many people in which the service member has encountered. This also includes mental health workers and primary care physicians with whom the service member may be working. Mental health workers and primary care physicians asked to take a survey entitled “Secondary Traumatic Stress Scale” reported that they had trouble sleeping, feeling emotionally numb, and having intrusive thoughts about clients.

Treatment

Mental health workers who are considering working with veterans who suffer from PTSD and other traumatic experiences should have experience working with veterans and servicemembers. Cultural sensitivity is another aspect to consider when working with this population. Understanding the military culture and lifestyle is informative when developing the therapeutic relationship and treatment plans. Another cultural consideration is the family component. This can include the servicemember's actual family or their chosen family. The military can bring on a lot of stress when it comes to the servicemember and his family. These include, moving to different places on short notice, deployment plans constantly changing, difficulty transitioning when coming back from deployment, and many other stressors. Therefore, it is crucial that a mental health worker truly understands military life.

In the case of PTSD, in order to prevent or minimize intergenerational trauma, it is important that the family also seek mental health services. A spouse/partner who is receiving mental health services and is at a better place in their life because of these interventions can help the family unit overall. In a military family, the roles are constantly changing due to the servicemember being on deployment and other factors. The family, as a unit, needs to adjust to the servicemember coming into and out of their lives. With a healthy family unit, the spouse/partner becomes a predicting factor of soldier retention and a functioning family unit. Resiliency can also play a role in this dynamic. A few things can contribute to resiliency in a family unit. These include flexibility/organizational style, the family's belief system, and the communication process. These are important things to look for and identify as they can help in the treatment of intergenerational trauma. Making the family unit strong can help to empower each individual member of the family, and together they can overcome intergenerational trauma within the family. Understanding military culture can help aid families through the process of overcoming intergenerational trauma.

In addition to the genograms, solution-focused brief therapy (SFBT) has been found to be successful with military families. It uses an emphasis on the client's successes and creating small steps that are attainable for the client. This type of therapy uses the client's language and experience to address things systematically within the family. SFBT, together with the genograms, can be informative to both the client and clinician and can help to inform the future of practice. As the genograms can help to give a clear picture as to what the trauma patterns are in the family, SFBT can help to change these patterns and provide the family with a healthier way of living and functioning. This specific type of therapy can help to educate the client and their family as to what exactly has been passed down from previous generations. It can also inform the family as to what is now beginning to be transmitted and can help to change the trajectory in the future and change the family dynamic principles.

Transmission

There are many current transgenerational studies that have been done on adults that have experienced natural disasters or adversities. One study found that the children of torture victims showed more symptoms of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress, attention deficits, and behavioral disorders than the comparison group of those who had not experienced the specific trauma. A qualitative study was done on the Brazilian children of Holocaust survivors and proposed a supported model of the transgenerational transmission of traumatic experiences but also one of resilience patterns, which can be transmitted in between generations and developed within generations. According to Froma Walsh, resilience theory suggests that individuals' and families' responses to traumatic experiences is an ever-changing process that involves both exposure to challenges and the development of coping mechanisms that aide in one's ability to overcome such challenges. Regardless of risk, there are also opportunities for the development of resilience via exposure to meaningful resources that support one's ability to overcome adversity. The researchers Cowan, Callaghan, and Richardson studied the impact of early-life adversities on individuals and their descendants. Their research was also consistent with the transmission theory in which their findings revealed that the stress phenotype that was expressed in individuals who experienced the adversity was also observed in children and even grandchildren.

The oppression that black people experienced through slavery and racism has a psychological impact on how they view achievement. In terms of the social aspects, that seems to make it difficult for black people to surpass a certain socioeconomic status threshold, escape a certain neighborhood, or move beyond a certain lifestyle or status.

For Native Americans, past government policy and internal displacements are theorized to have an effect even generations later. The social enforcement of their ostracization causes them to be generally removed from society, to be powerless and uninvited in government, and to be left to fend for themselves. The transgenerational transmission of colonial trauma is also considered a contributing factor in the high rates of mental health difficulties that Native Canadian communities experience. Displacement and maltreatment during colonization had led to negative effects in the children of those who survived such experiences. This is passed down generationally via ongoing social marginalization and lateral violence. The loss of cultures and resulting lack of community cohesion poses a further challenge for groups in resolving transgenerational trauma.

The fetal environment is influenced by the maternal diet. This environmental history can cause the fetal developmental response to change to produce a metabolic phenotype that suits the anticipated environment.

It has been suggested that a mother's mood may influence the fetus, though studies on this have mixed results. It is unclear whether any of the effects persist after birth.

Treatment

Because transgenerational trauma is a form of indirect traumatic exposure, it often goes unrecognized or is misdiagnosed by clinicians. A lack of treatment accessibility can have several consequences such as health, behavioral, and social issues that may persist across an individual's lifespan.

The experience of traumatic stress can modify cognitive, behavioral, and physiological functions, which can increase susceptibility to both mental and physical health issues.[88] Because transgenerational trauma is a form of traumatic stress, it can increase risk for developing psychological disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder, major depressive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, schizophrenia, autism, and substance use disorders.[89]

Several therapy modalities have been found to be effective in treating various trauma and stress disorders, such as cognitive behavioral therapy, cognitive processing therapy, prolonged exposure, compassion focused therapy, dialectical behavior therapy, and narrative therapy. Each of these therapies share similar components that are useful in addressing trauma, such as psychoeducation, emotion regulation and processing, cognitive processing and reconstruction, and trauma processing. Given that transgenerational trauma is a unique form of traumatic exposure, such therapy modalities can be effective in reducing its negative long-term effects. However, there are specific components of transgenerational trauma that must be addressed directly despite the modality of therapy chosen. Because the attachment relationship between parent or caregiver and child is a dominant mechanism through which transgenerational trauma is transmitted, treatment should focus on the importance familial and interpersonal patterns relative to the client, and utilize attachment-focused interventions.

Effective treatment for those experiencing transgenerational trauma also focuses on exploring, developing, and maintaining protective factors that can reduce the negative impact of transgenerational trauma. Some protective factors include fostering secure attachment between parent and child, as well as having access to several sources of support (i.e., family, peers, community). One treatment model that places focus on the parent-child relationship is the Intergenerational Trauma Treatment Model (ITTM). The model incorporates several features from existing empirically supported methods of treatment, such as trauma exposure, cognitive processing and reframing, stress management, and parent education. ITTM gives specific attention to the intergenerational nature of traumatic experiences and targets the parent's or caregiver's ability to respond to a child's traumatic experiences. Fostering secure attachment and a supportive home environment can mitigate the potential negative impact of transgenerational trauma.

Other less conventional modalities of therapy have also been found useful in addressing the negative impact of transgenerational trauma. Music therapy has been found to be an effective form of treatment for those who have witnessed or experienced a traumatic event. For example, music therapy has been successfully implemented with military personnel, traumatized refugees, and Holocaust survivors. Specifically, analytic music therapy (AMT) was found to be effective in facilitating a degree of healing through self-exploration that mitigates the negative impact of transgenerational trauma. Trauma healing stories have been suggested as a form of therapy.

Outside the treatment modalities described, several tools and techniques were also found to be helpful in bringing awareness to the effects of transgenerational trauma, as well as decreasing its psychological impact. For example, the Transgenerational Script Questionnaire (TSQ) has been used to compliment psychotherapy sessions as a means of helping to develop consciousness of both the internal and external family system. The TSQ targets transgenerational scripts, which are unconscious systemic patterns that persist in families and groups, and are perpetuated through emotions, beliefs, and behaviors. These scripts are then used to explore a client's implicit and explicit perceptions about their family dynamic and system. In using the TSQ, the clinician can guide the client to separate their ancestors' experiences from their own. In more complex cases of intergenerational trauma, the Transgenerational Trauma and Resilience Genogram (TTRG) can help guide clinicians to better understand and assess the impact of such trauma. The TTRG targets the various components that contribute to the maintenance of transgenerational trauma by implementing an ecosystemic view of trauma, as well as attention to specific sociopolitical concerns. The TTRG maps out the family unit, marking those who have experienced trauma and their experience, as well as relationships between individuals, and patterns of functioning. This process allows for clinicians to better assess the origins and maintaining factors of an individual's experience of transgenerational trauma, which ultimately contributes to a more comprehensive conceptualization of treatment.

In conceptualizing treatment for individuals experiencing transgenerational trauma, it is critical to take into account the ways in which various cultural factors impact how different treatments may be received or perceived. Although the mechanisms through which transgenerational trauma are consistent across cultures, there are variations in the degree of salience regarding sociocultural factors that may exacerbate the effects of transgenerational trauma in different marginalized communities. Additionally, therapists must incorporate a culturally responsive perspective to whichever modality of therapy they chose to implement. It is imperative for therapists to focus on establishing a concrete basis of trust and safety within the therapeutic relationship, as several minoritized groups who have transgenerational trauma may have developed significant mistrust within interpersonal interactions, as well as mistrust of larger organizations or institutions.

Criticism of inherited trauma via epigenetics

One proposed model suggests that an parents trauma could be inherited through an epigenetic biological mechanism. Although the idea has been widely touted in the media, it is not supported by robust evidence.

Research in rodents suggests that epigenetic changes can be observed in genes associated with the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, which coordinates the body's stress response system. Non-heritable stress-related epigenetic changes have also been studied in monkeys. However, most epigenetic effects are not transmitted to the next generation, and most transfer of information across generations does not involve epigenetic inheritance.

According to geneticist Kevin Mitchell, "these are, in fact, extraordinary claims, and they are being advanced on less than ordinary evidence." He says "This is a malady in modern science: the more extraordinary and sensational and apparently revolutionary the claim, the lower the bar for the evidence on which it is based, when the opposite should be true." Mitchell adds that many have looked at it as a "get out of genetics free card" and adds, "I think people don't like the idea, some people anyway, that we are born with certain predispositions that are hard to change." He says that experiences are expressed through changes in human neuroanatomy, not patterns of gene expression and says that scientists in this area have contributed to the misleading research in this area: "There is a hype industry around science, which I think is corrosive. And I think scientists are willing participants in it in a way that I find more and more distasteful the older I get, because it does a massive disservice cumulatively to how science is understood by the general public because we have this constant hype."

The biologist Ewan Birney specifically criticized a paper which used a sample size of 32 people to back its claim that children of Holocaust survivors showed evidence of inherited stress. He argues that the mechanism for epigenetic inheritance in humans remains elusive due to the many other influencing factors including "complex societal forces that persist over time", and the fact that human developing females already have all their eggs as a foetus in the womb, and lastly that throughout one individual's life epigenetic influences remain so influential that "epigenetic cell memory" is what cause our genetically identical cells to differentiate into their specific forms. Further, even in mice, where these confounding influences can be controlled, "true trans-generational epigenetic inheritance is extremely rare."

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