Schadenfreude (/ˈʃɑːdənfrɔɪdə/; German: [ˈʃaːdn̩ˌfʁɔʏ̯də](listen); lit.
'harm-joy') is the experience of pleasure, joy, or self-satisfaction
that comes from learning of or witnessing the troubles, failures, or
humiliation of another. It is a borrowed word from German, with no direct translation, that originated in the 18th century.
Schadenfreude has been detected in children as young as 24 months and may be an important social emotion establishing "inequity aversion".
Etymology
Schadenfreude is a term borrowed from German. It is a compound of Schaden ("damage/harm") and Freude ("joy"). The German word was first mentioned in English texts in 1852 and 1867, and first used in English running text in 1895. In German, it was first attested in the 1740s.
The earliest seems to be Christoph Starke, Synopsis bibliothecae exegeticae in Vetus Testamentum. Leipzig 1750.
Although common nouns normally are not capitalised in English, schadenfreude sometimes is capitalised following the German convention.
Psychological causes
Researchers have found that there are three driving forces behind schadenfreude – aggression, rivalry, and justice.
Self-esteem
has a negative relationship with the frequency and intensity of
schadenfreude experienced by an individual; individuals with lower
self-esteem tend to experience schadenfreude more frequently and
intensely.
It is hypothesized that this inverse relationship is mediated
through the human psychological inclination to define and protect their
self- and in-group- identity or self-conception.
Specifically, for someone with high self-esteem, seeing another person
fail may still bring them a small (but effectively negligible) surge of
confidence because the observer's high self-esteem significantly lowers
the threat they believe the visibly-failing human poses to their status
or identity. Since this confident individual perceives that, regardless
of circumstances, the successes and failures of the other person will
have little impact on their own status or well-being, they have very
little emotional investment in how the other person fares, be it
positive or negative.
Conversely, for someone with low self-esteem, someone who is more
successful poses a threat to their sense of self, and seeing this
person fall can be a source of comfort because they perceive a relative
improvement in their internal or in-group standing.
Aggression-based schadenfreude primarily involves group identity.
The joy of observing the suffering of others comes from the observer's
feeling that the other's failure represents an improvement or validation
of their own group's (in-group) status in relation to external
(out-groups) groups (see In-group and out-group). This is, essentially, schadenfreude based on group versus group status.
Rivalry-based schadenfreude is individualistic and related to
interpersonal competition. It arises from a desire to stand out from and
out-perform one's peers. This is schadenfreude based on another
person's misfortune eliciting pleasure because the observer now feels
better about their personal identity and self-worth, instead of their
group identity.
Justice-based schadenfreude comes from seeing that behavior seen as
immoral or "bad" is punished. It is the pleasure associated with seeing a
"bad" person being harmed or receiving retribution. Schadenfreude
is experienced here because it makes people feel that fairness has been
restored for a previously un-punished wrong, and is a type of moral emotion.
Synonyms
Schadenfreude has equivalents in many other languages (such as: in Dutchleedvermaak and Swedishskadeglädje), but no commonly-used precise English single-word equivalent. There are other ways to express the concept in English.
Epicaricacy is a seldom-used direct equivalent, borrowed from Greekepichairekakia (ἐπιχαιρεκακία, first attested in Aristotle) from ἐπί epi 'upon', χαρά chara 'joy', and κακόν kakon 'evil'.
Tall poppy syndrome is a cultural
phenomenon where people of high status are resented, attacked, cut
down, or criticized because they have been classified as better than
their peers. This is similar to "begrudgery", the resentment or envy of
the success of a peer. If someone were to feel joy by the victim's fall
from grace, they would be experiencing schadenfreude.
Roman holiday is a metaphor from Byron's poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, where a gladiator in ancient Rome
expects to be "butchered to make a Roman holiday" while the audience
would take pleasure from watching his suffering. The term suggests
debauchery and disorder in addition to sadistic enjoyment.
Morose delectation (Latin: delectatio morosa), meaning "the habit of dwelling with enjoyment on evil thoughts", was considered by the medieval church to be a sin. French writer Pierre Klossowski maintained that the appeal of sadism is morose delectation.
"Gloating" is an English word of similar meaning, where "gloat"
means "to observe or think about something with triumphant and often
malicious satisfaction, gratification, or delight" (e.g., to gloat over
an enemy's misfortune).
Gloating is different from schadenfreude in that it does not
necessarily require malice (one may gloat to a friend without ill intent
about having defeated him in a game), and that it describes an action
rather than a state of mind (one typically gloats to the subject of the
misfortune or to a third party). Also, unlike schadenfreude, where the
focus is on another's misfortune, gloating often brings to mind
inappropriately celebrating or bragging about one's own good fortune
without any particular focus on the misfortune of others.
Related emotions or concepts
Permutations
of the concept of pleasure at another's unhappiness are: pleasure at
another's happiness, displeasure at another's happiness, and displeasure
at another's unhappiness. Words for these concepts are sometimes cited
as antonyms to schadenfreude, as each is the opposite in some way.
There is no common English term for pleasure at another's
happiness (i.e.; vicarious joy), though terms like 'celebrate', 'cheer',
'congratulate', 'applaud', 'rejoice' or 'kudos' often describe a shared
or reciprocal form of pleasure. The pseudo-German coinage freudenfreude is occasionally used in English.Writers on Buddhism speak of mudita and polyamorists speak of compersion. The Hebrew slang term firgun refers to happiness at another's accomplishment.
Displeasure at another's happiness is involved in envy, and perhaps in jealousy. The coinage "freudenschade" similarly means sorrow at another's success.
Displeasure at another's good fortune is Gluckschmerz, a pseudo-German word coined in 1985 as a joke by the pseudonymous Wanda Tinasky; the correct German form would be Glücksschmerz. It has since been used in academic contexts.
Sadism gives pleasure through the infliction of pain, whereas schadenfreude is pleasure on observing misfortune and in particular, the fact that the other somehow deserved the misfortune.
Neologisms and variants
The word schadenfreude had been blended with other words to form neologisms as early as 1993, when Lincoln Caplan, in his book Skadden: Power, Money, and the Rise of a Legal Empire, used the word Skaddenfreude to describe the delight that competitors of Skadden Arps took in its troubles of the early 1990s. Others include spitzenfreude, coined by The Economist to refer to the fall of Eliot Spitzer, and Schadenford, coined by Toronto Life in regard to Canadian politician Rob Ford.
Literary usage and philosophical analysis
The Biblical Book of Proverbs
mentions an emotion similar to schadenfreude: "Rejoice not when thine
enemy falleth, and let not thine heart be glad when he stumbleth: Lest
the LORD see it, and it displease him, and he turn away his wrath from
him." (Proverbs 24:17–18, King James Version).
In East Asia, the emotion of feeling joy from seeing the hardship of others was described as early as late 4th century BCE. The phrase Xing zai le huo (Chinese: 幸災樂禍) first appeared separately as xing zai (幸災), meaning the feeling of joy from seeing the hardship of others, and le huo (樂禍), meaning the happiness derived from the unfortunate situation of others, in the ancient Chinese text Zuo zhuan (左傳). The phrase xing zai le huo (幸災樂禍) is still used among Chinese speakers.
In the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle used epikhairekakia (ἐπιχαιρεκακία in Greek) as part of a triad of terms, in which epikhairekakia stands as the opposite of phthonos (φθόνος), and nemesis (νέμεσις) occupies the mean. Nemesis is "a painful response to another's undeserved good fortune", while phthonos is a painful response to any good fortune of another, deserved or not. The epikhairekakos (ἐπιχαιρέκακος) person takes pleasure in another's ill fortune.
Lucretius characterises the emotion in an extended simile in De rerum natura: Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis, e terra magnum alterius spectare laborem,
"It is pleasant to watch from the land the great struggle of someone
else in a sea rendered great by turbulent winds." The abbreviated Latin tagsuave mare magno recalled the passage to generations familiar with the Latin classics.
Caesarius of Heisterbach regards "delight in the adversity of a neighbour" as one of the "daughters of envy... which follows anger" in his Dialogue on Miracles.
Out of these two [the concupiscible and irascible powers] arise those mixed affections and passions of anger, which is a desire of revenge; hatred, which is inveterate anger; zeal, which is offended with him who hurts that he loves; and ἐπιχαιρεκακία, a compound affection of joy and hate, when we rejoice at other men's mischief, and are grieved at their prosperity; pride, self-love, emulation, envy, shame, [etc.], of which elsewhere.
The philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer
mentioned schadenfreude as the most evil sin of human feeling, famously
saying "To feel envy is human, to savor schadenfreude is diabolic."
The song "Schadenfreude" in the musical Avenue Q, is a comedic exploration of the general public's relationship with the emotion.
Rabbi Harold S. Kushner in his book When Bad Things Happen to Good People describes schadenfreude as a universal, even wholesome reaction that cannot be helped. "There is a German psychological term, Schadenfreude,
which refers to the embarrassing reaction of relief we feel when
something bad happens to someone else instead of to us." He gives
examples and writes, "[People] don't wish their friends ill, but they
can't help feeling an embarrassing spasm of gratitude that [the bad
thing] happened to someone else and not to them."
Susan Sontag's book Regarding the Pain of Others, published in 2003, is a study of the issue of how the pain and misfortune of some people affects others, namely whether war photography and war paintings may be helpful as anti-war tools, or whether they only serve some sense of schadenfreude in some viewers.
Philosopher and sociologistTheodor Adorno
defined schadenfreude as "... largely unanticipated delight in the
suffering of another, which is cognized as trivial and/or appropriate."
Schadenfreude is steadily becoming a more popular word according to Google.
Scientific studies
A New York Times
article in 2002 cited a number of scientific studies of schadenfreude,
which it defined as "delighting in others' misfortune". Many such
studies are based on social comparison theory,
the idea that when people around us have bad luck, we look better to
ourselves. Other researchers have found that people with low self-esteem are more likely to feel schadenfreude than are those who have high self-esteem.
A 2003 study examined intergroup schadenfreude within the context
of sports, specifically an international football (soccer) competition.
The study focused on the German and Dutch football teams and their
fans. The results of this study indicated that the emotion of
schadenfreude is very sensitive to circumstances that make it more or
less legitimate to feel such malicious pleasure toward a sports rival.
A 2011 study by Cikara and colleagues using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) examined schadenfreude among Boston Red Sox and New York Yankees fans, and found that fans showed increased activation in brain areas correlated with self-reported pleasure (ventral striatum) when observing the rival team experience a negative outcome (e.g., a strikeout). By contrast, fans exhibited increased activation in the anterior cingulate and insula when viewing their own team experience a negative outcome.
A 2006 experiment about "justice served" suggests that men, but
not women, enjoy seeing "bad people" suffer. The study was designed to
measure empathy by watching which brain centers are stimulated when subjects observed via fMRI see someone experiencing physical pain.
Researchers expected that the brain's empathy center of subjects would
show more stimulation when those seen as "good" got an electric shock,
than would occur if the shock was given to someone the subject had
reason to consider "bad". This was indeed the case, but for male
subjects, the brain's pleasure centers also lit up when someone got a
shock that the male thought was "well-deserved".
Brain-scanning studies show that schadenfreude is correlated with
envy in subjects. Strong feelings of envy activated physical pain nodes
in the brain's dorsal anterior cingulate cortex; the brain's reward
centers, such as the ventral striatum, were activated by news that other
people who were envied had suffered misfortune. The magnitude of the
brain's schadenfreude response could even be predicted from the strength
of the previous envy response.
A study conducted in 2009 provides evidence for people's capacity
to feel schadenfreude in response to negative events in politics.
The study was designed to determine whether or not there was a
possibility that events containing objective misfortunes might produce
schadenfreude. It was reported in the study that the likelihood of
experiencing feelings of schadenfreude depends upon whether an
individual's own party or the opposing party is suffering harm. This
study suggests that the domain of politics is prime territory for
feelings of schadenfreude, especially for those who identify strongly
with their political party.
In 2014, research in the form of an online survey analyzed the relationship between schadenfreude and 'Dark Triad' traits (i.e. narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy).
The findings showed that those respondents who had higher levels of
Dark Triad traits also had higher levels of schadenfreude, engaged in
greater anti-social activities and had greater interests in
sensationalism.
Mental health in education is the impact that mental health (including emotional, psychological, and social well-being) has on educational performance. Mental health often viewed as an adult issue, but in fact, almost half of adolescents in the United States are affected by mental disorders, and about 20% of these are categorized as “severe.” Mental health issues can pose a huge problem for students in terms of academic and social success in school. Education
systems around the world treat this topic differently, both directly
through official policies and indirectly through cultural views on
mental health and well-being. These curriculums are in place to effectively identify mental health disorders and treat it using therapy, medication, or other tools of alleviation.
Prevalence of mental health issues in adolescents
According to the National Institute of Mental Health, approximately 46% of American adolescents aged 13–18 will suffer from some form of mental disorder.
About 21% will suffer from a disorder that is categorized as “severe,”
meaning that the disorder impairs their daily functioning, but almost two-thirds of these adolescents will not receive formal mental health support. The most common types of disorders among adolescents as reported by the NIMH is anxiety disorders (including generalized anxiety disorder, phobias, post-traumatic stress disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and others), with a lifetime prevalence of about 25% in youth aged 13–18 and 6% of those cases being categorized as severe. Next is mood disorders (major depressive disorder, dysthymic disorder, and/or bipolar disorder), with a lifetime prevalence of 14% and 4.7% for severe cases in adolescents. A similarly common disorder is Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD), which is categorized as a childhood disorder but oftentimes
carries through into adolescence and adulthood. The prevalence for ADHD
in American adolescents is 9%, and 1.8% for severe cases.
An effect of this high prevalence is high suicide
rates among adolescents. In 2021 study conducted by NIMH, mental health
concerns were identified in a third (31.4%) of the suicide deaths
examined, with the most common diagnoses being attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) or depression. Suicide was the second leading cause of death among persons aged 10–29 years in the United States during 2011–2019.
More teenagers and young adults die from suicide than cancer, heart
disease, AIDS, birth defects, stroke, pneumonia, influenza, and chronic
lung disease combined. There are an average of over 3,470 attempts by students [per year? -- DJS] in grades 9–12.
According to APA,
the percentage of students going for college mental health counselling
has been rising in recent years, which by report for anxiety as the most
common factor, depression as the second, stress as the third, family
issues as the fourth, and academic performance and relationship problems
as the fifth and sixth most.
Common disorder's effects on academics and school life
Mental disorders can affect classroom learning,
such as poor attendance, difficulties with academic performance, poor
social integration, trouble adjusting to school, problems with behavior
regulation, and attention and concentration issues, all of which is
critical to the success of the student. High school students who screen
positive for psychosocial dysfunction report three times as many absent
and tardy days as students who do not identify dysfunction. This leads
to much higher dropout rates and lower overall academic achievement.
In the United States, only 40 percent of students with emotional,
behavioral and mental health disorders graduate from high school,
compared to the national average of 76 percent.
Some of these disorders may also cause students to prioritize their
academics over their own health which will in turn, will only cause
their health to decline even more (Beresin et al. 2017).
Anxiety
Students with anxiety disorders are statistically less likely to attend college than those without, and those with social phobias are twice as likely to fail a grade or not finish high school as students who have never had the condition. Anxiety disorders are typically more difficult to recognize than disruptive behavior disorders such as ADHD because the symptoms are internalized.
Anxiety may manifest as recurring fears and worries about routine parts
of every day life, avoiding activities, school or social interactions
and it can interfere with the ability to focus and learn.
Additionally, anxiety disorders can prevent students from seeking
or forming social connections, which negatively affects students' sense
of belonging and in turn impacts their school experience and academic
performance.
Students may suffer from social anxiety, preventing them from going out
and creating new relationships with new people or any social reaction
one might come across.
There is a specific character in which people with anxiety often
experience. People with anxiety experience frequent worries and fears
about everyday situations. Anxiety can also be identified as a sudden
feeling of intense fear or terror that can reach a peak within minutes.
These anxiety symptoms usually develops during childhood or teen years
and may continue into adulthood. Some examples of symptoms include:
feeling nervous, restless or tense, having a sense of impeding danger,
panic, or doom, having an increased heart rate, breathing rapidly,
sweating, trembling, feeling weak or tired, trouble concentrating or
thinking about anything other than the present worry, having trouble
sleeping, experiencing gastrointestinal problems, having difficulty
controlling worry, or having the urge to avoid things that trigger
anxiety. Also, there are several different types of anxiety disorders
which are agoraphobia, anxiety disorder due to a medical condition,
generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder, selective mutisim,
separation anxiety disorder, social anxiety disorder, specific phobias,
substance-induced anxiety disorder, etc.
Depression
Depression can cause students to have problems in class, from completing their work, to even attending class at all. In 2020, approximately 13% of youth aged 12 to 17 years old have had one major depressive episode (MDE) in the past year, with an overwhelming 70% left untreated. According to the National Center for Mental Health Checkups at Columbia University,
"High depression scores have been associated with low academic
achievement, high scholastic anxiety, increased school suspensions, and
decreased ability or desire to complete homework, concentrate, and
attend classes." Depression symptoms
can make it challenging for students to keep up with course loads, or
even find the energy to make it through the full school day.
Depression can be defined as medical illness that negatively
affects how you feel, think, and act. The good side is that depression
is treatable. Depression is when you get feelings of sadness or loss of
interest in activities you once enjoyed. This can later lead onto having
varieties of emotional and physical problems. Also, this can decrease
the ability to function inside and outside. Some examples of depression
symptoms are feeling sad, loss of interest, changes in appetite, trouble
sleeping, loss of energy, increase in purposeless physical activity,
feeling worthless, difficulty in thinking, concentrating, or making
decisions, and thoughts of death or suicide. These symptoms must usually
last two weeks and also represent a change in functioning in order for a
diagnosis of depression.
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder
Attention disorders are the principal predictors of diminished academic achievement.
Students with ADHD tend to have trouble mastering behaviors and
practices demanded of them by the public education system in the United
States, such as the ability to quietly sit still or to apply themselves
to one focused task for extended durations.
ADHD can mean that students have problems concentration, filtering out
distracting external stimuli, and seeing large tasks through to
completion. These students can also struggle with time management and
organization.
ADHD stands for attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. This is
considered as one of the most common mental disorders for children,
however it affects many adults as well. Some examples of symptoms are
not paying attention to details and making careless mistakes, having
problems of staying focused on activities, not being able to be seen as
listening, having problems in organizing, avoiding tasks, and forgetting
daily tasks.
Other common struggles for adolescents
Alcoholism
More
than 90 percent of all alcoholic drinks consumed by young people are
consumed through binge drinking, which can lead to Alcoholism. Alcoholism can affect ones’ mental health by being dependent on it, putting drinking before their own classwork.
People who consume alcohol before the age of fourteen are more likely
to drink more often without thinking about the consequences later on.
Students who drink alcohol can also experience consequences such as
higher risk of suicide, memory problems, and misuse of other drugs. A
2017 survey found that 30% of high school students have drunk alcohol
and 14% of high schoolers have binge drank.
Suicide
According
to the California Dept. of Public Health there were 2,210 suicides in
2019 in the US age range of 15-19 and a total of 6,500 suicides from
ages 5–25. Some research estimates that among 15-24 year-olds, there are approximately 100-200 suicide attempts for every suicide.
Adolescent suicidality may be a product of network positions
characterized by either relative isolation or structural imbalance and a
growing body of research links social isolation to suicide. Most suicides reported in Ohio
from 1963 to 1965 revealed that they tended to be social outcasts
(played no sports, had no hobbies, and were not part of any clubs). They
also suggested that half of these students were failing or near-failing
at the time of their deaths. These periods of failure and frustration
lower the individual's self-concept to a point where they have little
sense of self-worth.
In fact, students who perceive their academic performance as "failing"
are three times more likely to attempt suicide than those who perceive
their performance to be acceptable.
However, academic failure in school is not the only cause of suicide in
schools. Bullying, social isolation, and issues at home are all reasons
why students commit suicide.
Reaching Out For Help
The
American Psychological Association reports that from 2008 to 2018, a
survey showed that 5.8% of American people were not receiving the care
they needed for their mental health.
According to the survey's results, 12.7% of young people between the
ages of 18 and 25 said that their mental health issues weren't
addressed.
The majority of respondents to the survey stated that cost
considerations were one of the primary reasons why their needs weren't
met. Students in education often find themselves in difficult situations
that require assistance. For those who require assistance, it is
essential to acknowledge mental health services. According to the poll,
26% of respondents believed they could manage their mental needs without
receiving treatment. Many students shy away from the main problem because they think their problems aren't serious enough to warrant assistance. By consuming their thoughts and emotions, students discover that they
are increasing their stress and anxiety. In order to encourage students
to seek treatment when necessary, educational materials should mention
the mental health services that are accessible.
Covid-19 and mental health
Early Covid-19 Predictions
Outbreaks
of disease forecast a rise in mental health policies. Increased levels
of unemployment and emotional distress during the global COVID-19
pandemic led to and evidenced such as rise in 2020. There were cases of increased isolation and depression rates of the elderly, xenophobia against people of Asian descent, and resulting mental health effects of large-scale quarantine and business closures.
Not only is an achievement gap projected for students that undergo the
COVID-19 pandemic, but significant repercussions are expected for the
mental health and well-being of students in low-income families, since
more than half of students utilize reduced-priced or free mental health
resources provided by schools. JAMA Pediatrics
expects that the global health crisis will worsen pre-existing mental
health disorders in students and the number of childhood mental health
disorders will increase with the higher prevalence of social isolation
and familial income decline due to economic recession.
The Kaiser Family Foundation reported that 56% of Americans have
endured at least one negative mental health effect due to stress related
to the outbreak. This can surface as increased alcohol and drug use, frequent headaches, trouble sleeping and eating, or short tempers.
Additionally, in May 2020, Well Being Trust reported that the pandemic
could lead to 75,000 additional "deaths of despair" from overusing drugs
and alcohol or suicide from unemployment, social isolation, and general
anxiety regarding the virus.
Thus, although as of 2020 there are no federal requirements in place, a
rise in mental health awareness and approval of policies is expected
post-COVID-19.
Current Covid-19 Effects
"The
COVID-19 pandemic led to a worldwide lockdown and school closures,
which have placed a substantial mental health burden on children and
college students. Through a systematic search of the literature on
PubMed and Collabovid of studies published January 2020–July 2021,
findings of five studies on children and 16 studies on college students
found that both groups reported feeling more anxious, depressed,
fatigued, and distressed than prior to the pandemic. As a result of
COVID-19, children, adolescent, and college students are experiencing
long duration of quarantine, physical isolation from their friends,
teachers, and extended family members, and are forced to adapt to a
virtual way of learning.
A two-year study during the pandemic on Greek University students
revealed severe prevalence of stress, anxiety, and depression especially
during the second year of the pandemic.
Due to this unexpected and forced transition, children and college
students may not have adequate academic resources, social contact and
support, or a learning-home environment, which may lead to a heightened
sense of loneliness, distress, anger, and boredom—causing an increase in
negative psychological outcomes. Mental health issues may also arise from the disease itself, such as grief from loss of lives, opportunities, and employment."
Policies in public schools
United States
Concerning U.S. state policies as of 2020, three states have approved mandatory mental health curriculums. In July 2018, New York and Virginia passed legislation that made mental health instruction mandatory in public education. New York has made it mandatory for students from Kindergarten to 12th grade to undergo mental health instruction. After experiencing traumatizing suicidal behavior with his own son, Virginia Senator Creigh Deeds
thought it necessary to teach warning signs to 9th and 10th graders so
they can look out for the safety of their peers and themselves. The board of education
is in charge of deliberating details of the curriculum but the senator
is hopeful that teachers will also receive training on warning signs.
Even though investment in mental health has never been higher, the state
legislature has yet to approve extra funding to implement the
curriculum.
In July 2019, Florida's board of education made 5 hours of mental
health education mandatory for grades 6 through 12, making it the third
state to approve such instruction.
Nationally, there has been some effort to increase education on
mental health in the public school system. In 2020, the U.S. Department
of Education awarded School-Based Mental Health Services grants to 6 state education agencies
(SEAs) to increase the number of qualified (i.e., licensed, certified,
well-trained, or credentialed) mental health service providers that
provide school-based mental health services to students in local
educational agencies (LEAs) with demonstrated need.
There has been a growing popularity with school-based mental health
services in United States public school systems, in which schools have
their students covered for mental health care. People, on both the local
and federal level, across the states are taking steps to redesign a
system that is more favorable for students. This includes focusing on
providing mental health services to them.
This concept has the potential to allow students to have access to
services that can help them understand and work through any stressors
they may face within their schooling, as well as a better chance of
intervention for those students who need it.
Based on a study conducted in 2018 by Harvard Medical School, it
was found that around 20% of college students in the United States had
made attempts at suicide. Furthermore, a more recent report by Healthy
Minds in 2021 revealed that 5% of students had reported having planned
to commit suicide in the preceding year.
Canada
In Canada,
the Mental Health Strategy highlights the importance of mental health
promotion, stigma reduction, and early recognition of mental health
problems in schools to be a priority (Mental Health Commission, 2012).
Ontario conducts a survey every year to keep track of how
effective policies are for public schools. Administered by People for
Education, the 2022-23 annual report provided insight into the lack of
mental health support for students and how inaccessible specialists are
for not only students, but educators as well. These surveys are useful
data in making decisions on how money can be spent on public schools and
what policies should or should not be enforced.
Implementing comprehensive school health and post-secondary
mental health initiatives that promote mental health and prevention for
those at risk was recommended by the Mental Health Commission of Canada.
Bhutan
In Bhutan, efforts toward developing education began in 1961 thanks to Ugyen Wangchuck and the introduction of the First Development Plan, which provided free primary education. By 1998, 400 schools were established.
Students' tuition, books, supplies, equipment, and food were all free
for boarding schools in the 1980s, and some schools also provided their
students with clothing. The assistance of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organizations' World Food Programme allowed free midday meals in some primary schools. This governmental assistance is important to note in the country's Gross National Happiness
(GNH), which is at the forefront of developmental policies and is the
responsibility of the government. Article 9 of the Constitution of
Bhutan states that "the state shall strive to promote those conditions
that will enable the pursuit of Gross National Happiness."
Gross national happiness
GNH
in Bhutan is based on four principles: sustainable and equitable
economic development, conservation of the environment, preservation and
promotion of culture, and good governance. Their constitution prescribes
that the state will provide free access to public health services
through a three-tiered health system which provides preventative,
promotive, and curative services. Because of this policy, Bhutan was
able to eliminate iodine deficiency disorder in 2003, leprosy in 1997,
and achieved childhood immunization for all children in 1991. It became
the first country to ban tobacco in 2004, and cases of malaria decreased
from 12,591 cases in 1999 to 972 cases in 2009.
The elimination of these diseases and the strong push for GNH allows
for all people (including adolescents who are provided with many
necessary items and free education) to live happier lives than they
otherwise may have had.
United Kingdom
The Department for Education in United Kingdom is working on developing an organizational approach to support mental health and character education. An October 2017 joint report
from the Departments for Education and Health outlines this approach
with regard to staff training, raising awareness of mental health
challenges that children face, and involvement of parents and families
in students' mental health.
Singapore
REACH is a program in Singapore that looks to provide interventions for students struggling with mental illness.
A quote from the REACH website reads, "The majority of children and
adolescents do not suffer from mental illness. However, when a student
has been identified, the school counselor, with consultation from the
school’s case management team, will look into managing the care of the
student. When necessary, guidance specialists and educational
psychologists from the Ministry of Education will render additional
support.
In 2010, the Voluntary Welfare Organizations (VWOs), in collaboration with the National Council of Social Service (NCSS), have also been invited to join this network to provide community and clinical support to at-risk children.
Students and children with severe emotional and behavioral problems may
need more help. The REACH team collaborates with school counselors/VWOs
to provide suitable school-based interventions to help these students.
Such school/VWO based interventions often provide the requisite, timely
help that these students and children need. Further specialized
assessment or treatment may be necessary for more severe cases. The
student or child may be referred to the Child Guidance Clinic after
assessment by the REACH team for further psychiatric evaluation and
intervention. These interventions may include medications,
psychotherapy, group or family work and further assessments."
Mexico
Traditionally, mental health was not considered a part of public health in Mexico
because of other health priorities, lack of knowledge about the true
magnitude of mental health problems, and a complex approach involving
the intervention of other sectors in addition to the public health
sector. Among the key documents anticipating the policy change was a
report presented by the Mexican Health Foundation in 1995, which opened a
very constructive debate. It introduced basic tenets for health
improvement, elements for an analysis of the health situation related to
the burden of disease approach, and a strategic proposal with
concurrent recommendations for reforming the system. Mexico has an
extensive legal frame of reference dealing with health and mental
health. The objectives are to promote a healthy psychosocial development
of different population groups, and reduce the effects of behavioral
and psychiatric disorders. This should be achieved through graded and
complementary interventions, according to the
level of care, and with the coordinated participation of the public,
social, and private sectors in municipal, state, and national settings.
The strategic lines consider training and qualification of human
resources, growth, rehabilitation, and regionalization of
mental health service networks, formulation of guidelines and
evaluation. All age groups as well as specific sub-populations
(indigenous groups, women, street children, populations in disaster
areas), and other state and regional priorities are considered.
Japan and China
In Japan and China,
the approach to mental health is focused on the collective of students,
much like the national aims of these Asian countries. Much like in the
US, there is much research done in the realm of student mental health,
but not many national policies in place to prevent and aid mental health
problems students face. Japanese students face considerable academic
pressure as imposed by society and school systems. In 2006, Japanese police
gathered notes left from students who had committed suicide that year
and noted overarching school pressures as the primary source of their
problems.
Additionally, the dynamic of collective thinking—the centripetal force
of Japan's society, wherein individual identity is sacrificed for the
functioning benefit of a greater collective—results in the
stigmatization of uniqueness. As child psychiatrist Dr. Ken Takaoka
explained to CNN, schools prioritize this collectivism, and “children who do not get along in a group will suffer.”
South Korea
South Korea
has traditionally placed much value on education. As a nation that has a
degree of enthusiasm like no other for education has created an
environment where children are pressured to study more than ever. When
mental health issues affect students there are very few resources
available to help students cope. The nation's general view of mental
health problems, such as anxiety, depression or thoughts of suicide, is
that they are believed to be a sign of personal weakness that could
bring shame upon a family if a member would be discovered to have such
an illness. This is true if the problem arises in a social, educational
or family setting. Rather than perceiving mental health issues as a
medical condition and concern requiring treatment especially in
students, a majority of Korea's population has perceived them as a cultural stigma. A study conducted by Yuri Yang, a professor at the University of Florida
and a member of the Department of Aging and Mental Health, found when
surveying over 600 Korean citizens from the age of 20-60+ years in 2008,
most of the older people, many of whom are parents, shared similar and
negative views on mental health issues such as depression. The older
adults generally were also found to have a negative view of mental
health services, including those offered through the educational system,
as they are deeply influenced by the cultural stigma around the topic.
This negative view of mental health services in education has provided
implications for students who are struggling emotionally, as many do not
know what, if any, help might be available in the facilities of
education. However, this does not mean no mental health services exist
in the world or in the educational setting. The World Health Organization (WHO) in 2006 collected data
regarding Korea's mental health system. The goal of collecting this
information was to attempt to improve the mental health system and to
provide a baseline for monitoring the change. Despite Korea having a low
budget for mental health services compared to other developed
countries, it has taken steps to create long term mental health plans to
advance its national health system such as raising more awareness for
mental health, creating communities for students, and removing the
cultural stigma around mental health.
Alleviation and fostering adjustment
Prevention
The
pressures of school, extracurricular activities, work and relationships
with friends and family can be a lot for an individual to manage and at
times can be overwhelming. In order to prevent these overwhelming
feelings from turning into a mental health problem, taking measures to
prevent these emotions from escalating is essential. School-based
programs that help students with emotional-regulation, stress
management, conflict resolution, and active coping and cognitive
restructuring are a few suggested ways that give students resources that
can promote their mental health (Mental Health Commission, 2012).
According to the research Students who receive social-emotional
and mental health will have a higher chance of more academic
achievements. Since most children spend a large portion of the day at
school, about 6 hours, schools are the ideal place for students to
receive the services they need. When mental health is not addressed,
this can cause issues with causing distractions to fellow students and
teachers.
According to a 2019 article regarding school social workers, the
field of social workers in schools is continuing to grow. In 1996, there
were only about 9,000 social workers in schools. This had increased to
be between 20,000 and 22,000 social workers. According to the United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics,
it is estimated the field will continue to grow from 2016 to 2026 due
to the increase of mental health services that are being demanded in
schools.
Belonging
Belonging
in the school environment may be the most important and relevant
factors affecting students' performance in an academic setting.
School-related stress and an increase in academic expectations may
increase school-related stress and in turn negatively affect their
academic performance. The absence of social acceptance has been shown to
lead lowered interest and engagement because students have difficulty
sustaining engagement in environments where they do not feel valued and
welcome.
The feeling of belonging creates a buffer between students and
depressive symptoms and lessens the feelings of anxiety in school. Other
components of not belonging can also affect students' feeling of
belonging, which include not being represented racially, ethnically
minority, or lack of first-generation representation in schools.
An issue that is faced in our society today is bullying which can happen at school or even in class. Bullying can cause issues for students such as chemical dependency, physical harm, and a decrease in performance academically. According to the NASP,
a large percentage, about 70%-80%, of people have experienced bullying
in their school years in which the student could have been the bully,
victim, or even the bystander. In order for staff at schools to
understand how to notice this as an issue and what to do to resolve it,
NASP advocates for guiding principals in how to resolve these issues as well as providing information on available programs.
Relativistic, gravitational, and cosmological redshifts can be understood under the umbrella of frame transformation laws. Gravitational waves, which also travel at the speed of light, are subject to the same redshift phenomena. The value of a redshift is often denoted by the letter z,
corresponding to the fractional change in wavelength (positive for
redshifts, negative for blueshifts), and by the wavelength ratio 1 + z (which is greater than 1 for redshifts and less than 1 for blueshifts).
Other physical processes exist that can lead to a shift in the frequency of electromagnetic radiation, including scattering and optical effects;
however, the resulting changes are distinguishable from (astronomical)
redshift and are not generally referred to as such (see section on physical optics and radiative transfer).
History
The history of the subject began with the development in the 19th century of classical wave mechanics and the exploration of phenomena associated with the Doppler effect. The effect is named after Christian Doppler, who offered the first known physical explanation for the phenomenon in 1842. The hypothesis was tested and confirmed for sound waves by the Dutch scientist Christophorus Buys Ballot in 1845. Doppler correctly predicted that the phenomenon should apply to all waves, and in particular suggested that the varying colors of stars could be attributed to their motion with respect to the Earth. Before this was verified, however, it was found that stellar colors were primarily due to a star's temperature, not motion. Only later was Doppler vindicated by verified redshift observations.
The first Doppler redshift was described by French physicist Hippolyte Fizeau in 1848, who pointed to the shift in spectral lines
seen in stars as being due to the Doppler effect. The effect is
sometimes called the "Doppler–Fizeau effect". In 1868, British
astronomer William Huggins was the first to determine the velocity of a star moving away from the Earth by this method. In 1871, optical redshift was confirmed when the phenomenon was observed in Fraunhofer lines using solar rotation, about 0.1 Å in the red. In 1887, Vogel and Scheiner discovered the annual Doppler effect, the yearly change in the Doppler shift of stars located near the ecliptic due to the orbital velocity of the Earth. In 1901, Aristarkh Belopolsky verified optical redshift in the laboratory using a system of rotating mirrors.
Arthur Eddington used the term red shift as early as 1923. The word does not appear unhyphenated until about 1934 by Willem de Sitter.
Beginning with observations in 1912, Vesto Slipher discovered that most spiral galaxies, then mostly thought to be spiral nebulae, had considerable redshifts. Slipher first reports on his measurement in the inaugural volume of the Lowell Observatory Bulletin. Three years later, he wrote a review in the journal Popular Astronomy.
In it he states that "the early discovery that the great Andromeda
spiral had the quite exceptional velocity of –300 km(/s) showed the
means then available, capable of investigating not only the spectra of
the spirals but their velocities as well." Slipher reported the velocities for 15 spiral nebulae spread across the entire celestial sphere, all but three having observable "positive" (that is recessional) velocities. Subsequently, Edwin Hubble discovered an approximate relationship between the redshifts of such "nebulae" and the distances to them with the formulation of his eponymous Hubble's law. These observations corroborated Alexander Friedmann's 1922 work, in which he derived the Friedmann–Lemaître equations. In the present day they are considered strong evidence for an expanding universe and the Big Bang theory.
Measurement, characterization, and interpretation
The spectrum
of light that comes from a source (see idealized spectrum illustration
top-right) can be measured. To determine the redshift, one searches for
features in the spectrum such as absorption lines, emission lines,
or other variations in light intensity. If found, these features can be
compared with known features in the spectrum of various chemical
compounds found in experiments where that compound is located on Earth. A
very common atomic element in space is hydrogen. The spectrum of originally featureless light shone through hydrogen will show a signature spectrum
specific to hydrogen that has features at regular intervals. If
restricted to absorption lines it would look similar to the illustration
(top right). If the same pattern of intervals is seen in an observed
spectrum from a distant source but occurring at shifted wavelengths, it
can be identified as hydrogen too. If the same spectral line is
identified in both spectra—but at different wavelengths—then the
redshift can be calculated using the table below.
Determining the redshift of an object in this way requires a
frequency or wavelength range. In order to calculate the redshift, one
has to know the wavelength of the emitted light in the rest frame of the
source: in other words, the wavelength that would be measured by an
observer located adjacent to and comoving with the source. Since in
astronomical applications this measurement cannot be done directly,
because that would require traveling to the distant star of interest,
the method using spectral lines described here is used instead.
Redshifts cannot be calculated by looking at unidentified features whose
rest-frame frequency is unknown, or with a spectrum that is featureless
or white noise (random fluctuations in a spectrum).
Redshift (and blueshift) may be characterized by the relative
difference between the observed and emitted wavelengths (or frequency)
of an object. In astronomy, it is customary to refer to this change
using a dimensionless quantity called z. If λ represents wavelength and f represents frequency (note, λf = c where c is the speed of light), then z is defined by the equations:
Calculation of redshift,
Based on wavelength
Based on frequency
After z is measured, the distinction between redshift and blueshift is simply a matter of whether z is positive or negative. For example, Doppler effect blueshifts (z < 0) are associated with objects approaching (moving closer to) the observer with the light shifting to greater energies. Conversely, Doppler effect redshifts (z > 0)
are associated with objects receding (moving away) from the observer
with the light shifting to lower energies. Likewise, gravitational
blueshifts are associated with light emitted from a source residing
within a weaker gravitational field as observed from within a stronger gravitational field, while gravitational redshifting implies the opposite conditions.
Redshift formulae
In
general relativity one can derive several important special-case
formulae for redshift in certain special spacetime geometries, as
summarized in the following table. In all cases the magnitude of the
shift (the value of z) is independent of the wavelength.
If a source of the light is moving away from an observer, then redshift (z > 0) occurs; if the source moves towards the observer, then blueshift (z < 0) occurs. This is true for all electromagnetic waves and is explained by the Doppler effect. Consequently, this type of redshift is called the Doppler redshift. If the source moves away from the observer with velocityv, which is much less than the speed of light (v ≪ c), the redshift is given by
(since )
where c is the speed of light.
In the classical Doppler effect, the frequency of the source is not
modified, but the recessional motion causes the illusion of a lower
frequency.
A more complete treatment of the Doppler redshift requires
considering relativistic effects associated with motion of sources close
to the speed of light. A complete derivation of the effect can be found
in the article on the relativistic Doppler effect. In brief, objects moving close to the speed of light will experience deviations from the above formula due to the time dilation of special relativity which can be corrected for by introducing the Lorentz factorγ into the classical Doppler formula as follows (for motion solely in the line of sight):
This phenomenon was first observed in a 1938 experiment performed by Herbert E. Ives and G.R. Stilwell, called the Ives–Stilwell experiment.
Since the Lorentz factor is dependent only on the magnitude
of the velocity, this causes the redshift associated with the
relativistic correction to be independent of the orientation of the
source movement. In contrast, the classical part of the formula is
dependent on the projection of the movement of the source into the line-of-sight which yields different results for different orientations. If θ is the angle between the direction of relative motion and the direction of emission in the observer's frame (zero angle is directly away from the observer), the full form for the relativistic Doppler effect becomes:
and for motion solely in the line of sight (θ = 0°), this equation reduces to:
For the special case that the light is moving at right angle (θ = 90°) to the direction of relative motion in the observer's frame, the relativistic redshift is known as the transverse redshift, and a redshift:
is measured, even though the object is not moving away from the
observer. Even when the source is moving towards the observer, if there
is a transverse component to the motion then there is some speed at
which the dilation just cancels the expected blueshift and at higher
speed the approaching source will be redshifted.
In the earlier part of the twentieth century, Slipher, Wirtz and
others made the first measurements of the redshifts and blueshifts of
galaxies beyond the Milky Way.
They initially interpreted these redshifts and blueshifts as being due
to random motions, but later Lemaître (1927) and Hubble (1929), using
previous data, discovered a roughly linear correlation between the
increasing redshifts of, and distances to, galaxies. Lemaître realized
that these observations could be explained by a mechanism of producing
redshifts seen in Friedmann's solutions to Einstein's equations of general relativity. The correlation between redshifts and distances is required by all such models that have a metric expansion of space. As a result, the wavelength of photons propagating through the expanding space is stretched, creating the cosmological redshift.
There is a distinction between a redshift in cosmological context as compared to that witnessed when nearby objects exhibit a local
Doppler-effect redshift. Rather than cosmological redshifts being a
consequence of the relative velocities that are subject to the laws of special relativity
(and thus subject to the rule that no two locally separated objects can
have relative velocities with respect to each other faster than the
speed of light), the photons instead increase in wavelength and redshift
because of a global feature of the spacetime through which they are traveling. One interpretation of this effect is the idea that space itself is expanding. Due to the expansion increasing as distances increase, the distance between two remote galaxies can increase at more than 3×108
m/s, but this does not imply that the galaxies move faster than the
speed of light at their present location (which is forbidden by Lorentz covariance).
For an observer observing the crest of a light wave at a position r = 0 and time t = tnow, the crest of the light wave was emitted at a time t = tthen in the past and a distant position r = R. Integrating over the path in both space and time that the light wave travels yields:
In general, the wavelength of light is not the same for the two
positions and times considered due to the changing properties of the
metric. When the wave was emitted, it had a wavelength λthen. The next crest of the light wave was emitted at a time
The observer sees the next crest of the observed light wave with a wavelength λnow to arrive at a time
Since the subsequent crest is again emitted from r = R and is observed at r = 0, the following equation can be written:
The right-hand side of the two integral equations above are identical which means
Using the following manipulation:
we find that:
For very small variations in time (over the period of one cycle of a light wave) the scale factor is essentially a constant (a = an today and a = at previously). This yields
which can be rewritten as
Using the definition of redshift provided above, the equation
is obtained. In an expanding universe such as the one we inhabit, the scale factor is monotonically increasing as time passes, thus, z is positive and distant galaxies appear redshifted.
Using a model of the expansion of the universe, redshift can be related to the age of an observed object, the so-called cosmic time–redshift relation. Denote a density ratio as Ω0:
with ρcrit the
critical density demarcating a universe that eventually crunches from
one that simply expands. This density is about three hydrogen atoms per
cubic meter of space. At large redshifts, 1 + z > Ω0−1, one finds:
where H0 is the present-day Hubble constant, and z is the redshift.
There are websites for calculating light-travel distance from redshift.
Distinguishing between cosmological and local effects
For cosmological redshifts of z < 0.01 additional Doppler redshifts and blueshifts due to the peculiar motions of the galaxies relative to one another cause a wide scatter from the standard Hubble Law. The resulting situation can be illustrated by the Expanding Rubber Sheet Universe,
a common cosmological analogy used to describe the expansion of space.
If two objects are represented by ball bearings and spacetime by a
stretching rubber sheet, the Doppler effect is caused by rolling the
balls across the sheet to create peculiar motion. The cosmological
redshift occurs when the ball bearings are stuck to the sheet and the
sheet is stretched.
The redshifts of galaxies include both a component related to recessional velocity from expansion of the universe, and a component related to peculiar motion (Doppler shift).
The redshift due to expansion of the universe depends upon the
recessional velocity in a fashion determined by the cosmological model
chosen to describe the expansion of the universe, which is very
different from how Doppler redshift depends upon local velocity. Describing the cosmological expansion origin of redshift, cosmologist Edward Robert Harrison
said, "Light leaves a galaxy, which is stationary in its local region
of space, and is eventually received by observers who are stationary in
their own local region of space. Between the galaxy and the observer,
light travels through vast regions of expanding space. As a result, all
wavelengths of the light are stretched by the expansion of space. It is
as simple as that..." Steven Weinberg clarified, "The increase of wavelength from emission to absorption of light does not depend on the rate of change of a(t) [here a(t) is the Robertson–Walker scale factor] at the times of emission or absorption, but on the increase of a(t) in the whole period from emission to absorption."
Popular literature often uses the expression "Doppler redshift"
instead of "cosmological redshift" to describe the redshift of galaxies
dominated by the expansion of spacetime, but the cosmological redshift
is not found using the relativistic Doppler equation which is instead characterized by special relativity; thus v ≥ c is impossible while, in contrast, v ≥ c
is possible for cosmological redshifts because the space which
separates the objects (for example, a quasar from the Earth) can expand
faster than the speed of light.
More mathematically, the viewpoint that "distant galaxies are receding"
and the viewpoint that "the space between galaxies is expanding" are
related by changing coordinate systems. Expressing this precisely requires working with the mathematics of the Friedmann–Robertson–Walker metric.
If the universe were contracting instead of expanding, we would
see distant galaxies blueshifted by an amount proportional to their
distance instead of redshifted.
M is the mass of the object creating the gravitational field,
r is the radial coordinate of
the source (which is analogous to the classical distance from the center
of the object, but is actually a Schwarzschild coordinate), and
This gravitational redshift result can be derived from the assumptions of special relativity and the equivalence principle; the full theory of general relativity is not required.
The redshift observed in astronomy can be measured because the emission and absorption spectra for atoms are distinctive and well known, calibrated from spectroscopic experiments in laboratories on Earth. When the redshift of various absorption and emission lines from a single astronomical object is measured, z
is found to be remarkably constant. Although distant objects may be
slightly blurred and lines broadened, it is by no more than can be
explained by thermal or mechanical motion
of the source. For these reasons and others, the consensus among
astronomers is that the redshifts they observe are due to some
combination of the three established forms of Doppler-like redshifts.
Alternative hypotheses and explanations for redshift such as tired light are not generally considered plausible.
Spectroscopy, as a measurement, is considerably more difficult than simple photometry, which measures the brightness of astronomical objects through certain filters. When photometric data is all that is available (for example, the Hubble Deep Field and the Hubble Ultra Deep Field), astronomers rely on a technique for measuring photometric redshifts.
Due to the broad wavelength ranges in photometric filters and the
necessary assumptions about the nature of the spectrum at the
light-source, errors for these sorts of measurements can range up to δz = 0.5, and are much less reliable than spectroscopic determinations.
However, photometry does at least allow a qualitative characterization
of a redshift. For example, if a Sun-like spectrum had a redshift of z = 1, it would be brightest in the infrared(1000nm) rather than at the blue-green(500nm) color associated with the peak of its blackbody spectrum, and the light intensity will be reduced in the filter by a factor of four, (1 + z)2. Both the photon count rate and the photon energy are redshifted. (See K correction for more details on the photometric consequences of redshift.)
Local observations
In nearby objects (within our Milky Way galaxy) observed redshifts are almost always related to the line-of-sight
velocities associated with the objects being observed. Observations of
such redshifts and blueshifts have enabled astronomers to measure velocities and parametrize the masses of the orbitingstars in spectroscopic binaries, a method first employed in 1868 by British astronomer William Huggins.
Similarly, small redshifts and blueshifts detected in the spectroscopic
measurements of individual stars are one way astronomers have been able
to diagnose and measure the presence and characteristics of planetary systems around other stars and have even made very detailed differential measurements of redshifts during planetary transits to determine precise orbital parameters. Finely detailed measurements of redshifts are used in helioseismology to determine the precise movements of the photosphere of the Sun. Redshifts have also been used to make the first measurements of the rotation rates of planets, velocities of interstellar clouds, the rotation of galaxies, and the dynamics of accretion onto neutron stars and black holes which exhibit both Doppler and gravitational redshifts. Additionally, the temperatures of various emitting and absorbing objects can be obtained by measuring Doppler broadening—effectively redshifts and blueshifts over a single emission or absorption line. By measuring the broadening and shifts of the 21-centimeter hydrogen line in different directions, astronomers have been able to measure the recessional velocities of interstellar gas, which in turn reveals the rotation curve of our Milky Way. Similar measurements have been performed on other galaxies, such as Andromeda. As a diagnostic tool, redshift measurements are one of the most important spectroscopic measurements made in astronomy.
Extragalactic observations
The most distant objects exhibit larger redshifts corresponding to the Hubble flow of the universe. The largest-observed redshift, corresponding to the greatest distance and furthest back in time, is that of the cosmic microwave background radiation; the numerical value of its redshift is about z = 1089 (z = 0 corresponds to present time), and it shows the state of the universe about 13.8 billion years ago, and 379,000 years after the initial moments of the Big Bang.
The luminous point-like cores of quasars were the first "high-redshift" (z > 0.1) objects discovered before the improvement of telescopes allowed for the discovery of other high-redshift galaxies.
For galaxies more distant than the Local Group and the nearby Virgo Cluster, but within a thousand megaparsecs or so, the redshift is approximately proportional to the galaxy's distance. This correlation was first observed by Edwin Hubble and has come to be known as Hubble's law. Vesto Slipher
was the first to discover galactic redshifts, in about the year 1912,
while Hubble correlated Slipher's measurements with distances he measured by other means to formulate his Law. In the widely accepted cosmological model based on general relativity,
redshift is mainly a result of the expansion of space: this means that
the farther away a galaxy is from us, the more the space has expanded in
the time since the light left that galaxy, so the more the light has
been stretched, the more redshifted the light is, and so the faster it
appears to be moving away from us. Hubble's law follows in part from the
Copernican principle. Because it is usually not known how luminous
objects are, measuring the redshift is easier than more direct distance
measurements, so redshift is sometimes in practice converted to a crude
distance measurement using Hubble's law.
Gravitational interactions of galaxies with each other and clusters cause a significant scatter in the normal plot of the Hubble diagram. The peculiar velocities associated with galaxies superimpose a rough trace of the mass of virialized objects in the universe. This effect leads to such phenomena as nearby galaxies (such as the Andromeda Galaxy) exhibiting blueshifts as we fall towards a common barycenter, and redshift maps of clusters showing a fingers of god effect due to the scatter of peculiar velocities in a roughly spherical distribution. This added component gives cosmologists a chance to measure the masses of objects independent of the mass-to-light ratio (the ratio of a galaxy's mass in solar masses to its brightness in solar luminosities), an important tool for measuring dark matter.
The Hubble law's linear relationship between distance and
redshift assumes that the rate of expansion of the universe is constant.
However, when the universe was much younger, the expansion rate, and
thus the Hubble "constant", was larger than it is today. For more
distant galaxies, then, whose light has been travelling to us for much
longer times, the approximation of constant expansion rate fails, and
the Hubble law becomes a non-linear integral relationship and dependent
on the history of the expansion rate since the emission of the light
from the galaxy in question. Observations of the redshift-distance
relationship can be used, then, to determine the expansion history of
the universe and thus the matter and energy content.[citation needed]
While it was long believed that the expansion rate has been
continuously decreasing since the Big Bang, observations beginning in
1988 of the redshift-distance relationship using Type Ia supernovae have suggested that in comparatively recent times the expansion rate of the universe has begun to accelerate.
Currently, the objects with the highest known redshifts are galaxies
and the objects producing gamma ray bursts. The most reliable redshifts
are from spectroscopic data, and the highest-confirmed spectroscopic redshift of a galaxy is that of GN-z11, with a redshift of z = 11.1, corresponding to 400 million years after the Big Bang. The previous record was held by UDFy-38135539 at a redshift of z = 8.6, corresponding to 600 million years after the Big Bang. Slightly less reliable are Lyman-break redshifts, the highest of which is the lensed galaxy A1689-zD1 at a redshift z = 7.5 and the next highest being z = 7.0. The most distant-observed gamma-ray burst with a spectroscopic redshift measurement was GRB 090423, which had a redshift of z = 8.2. The most distant-known quasar, ULAS J1342+0928, is at z = 7.54. The highest-known redshift radio galaxy (TGSS1530) is at a redshift z = 5.72
and the highest-known redshift molecular material is the detection of
emission from the CO molecule from the quasar SDSS J1148+5251 at z = 6.42.
Extremely red objects (EROs) are astronomical sources
of radiation that radiate energy in the red and near infrared part of
the electromagnetic spectrum. These may be starburst galaxies that have a
high redshift accompanied by reddening from intervening dust, or they
could be highly redshifted elliptical galaxies with an older (and
therefore redder) stellar population. Objects that are even redder than EROs are termed hyper extremely red objects (HEROs).
The cosmic microwave background has a redshift of z = 1089, corresponding to an age of approximately 379,000 years after the Big Bang and a proper distance of more than 46 billion light-years. The yet-to-be-observed first light from the oldest Population III stars, not long after atoms first formed and the CMB ceased to be absorbed almost completely, may have redshifts in the range of 20 < z < 100. Other high-redshift events predicted by physics but not presently observable are the cosmic neutrino background from about two seconds after the Big Bang (and a redshift in excess of z > 1010) and the cosmic gravitational wave background emitted directly from inflation at a redshift in excess of z > 1025.
In June 2015, astronomers reported evidence for Population III stars in the Cosmos Redshift 7galaxy at z = 6.60.
Such stars are likely to have existed in the very early universe (i.e.,
at high redshift), and may have started the production of chemical elements heavier than hydrogen that are needed for the later formation of planets and life as we know it.
With advent of automated telescopes and improvements in spectroscopes,
a number of collaborations have been made to map the universe in
redshift space. By combining redshift with angular position data, a
redshift survey maps the 3D distribution of matter within a field of the
sky. These observations are used to measure properties of the large-scale structure of the universe. The Great Wall, a vast supercluster of galaxies over 500 million light-years wide, provides a dramatic example of a large-scale structure that redshift surveys can detect.
The first redshift survey was the CfA Redshift Survey, started in 1977 with the initial data collection completed in 1982. More recently, the 2dF Galaxy Redshift Survey
determined the large-scale structure of one section of the universe,
measuring redshifts for over 220,000 galaxies; data collection was
completed in 2002, and the final data set was released 30 June 2003. The Sloan Digital Sky Survey (SDSS), is ongoing as of 2013 and aims to measure the redshifts of around 3 million objects. SDSS has recorded redshifts for galaxies as high as 0.8, and has been involved in the detection of quasars beyond z = 6. The DEEP2 Redshift Survey uses the Keck telescopes with the new "DEIMOS" spectrograph;
a follow-up to the pilot program DEEP1, DEEP2 is designed to measure
faint galaxies with redshifts 0.7 and above, and it is therefore planned
to provide a high-redshift complement to SDSS and 2dF.
Effects from physical optics or radiative transfer
The interactions and phenomena summarized in the subjects of radiative transfer and physical optics
can result in shifts in the wavelength and frequency of electromagnetic
radiation. In such cases, the shifts correspond to a physical energy
transfer to matter or other photons rather than being by a
transformation between reference frames. Such shifts can be from such
physical phenomena as coherence effects or the scattering of electromagnetic radiation whether from chargedelementary particles, from particulates, or from fluctuations of the index of refraction in a dielectric medium as occurs in the radio phenomenon of radio whistlers.
While such phenomena are sometimes referred to as "redshifts" and
"blueshifts", in astrophysics light-matter interactions that result in
energy shifts in the radiation field are generally referred to as
"reddening" rather than "redshifting" which, as a term, is normally
reserved for the effects discussed above.
In many circumstances scattering causes radiation to redden because entropy results in the predominance of many low-energy photons over few high-energy ones (while conserving total energy).
Except possibly under carefully controlled conditions, scattering does
not produce the same relative change in wavelength across the whole
spectrum; that is, any calculated z is generally a function of wavelength. Furthermore, scattering from randommedia generally occurs at many angles, and z
is a function of the scattering angle. If multiple scattering occurs,
or the scattering particles have relative motion, then there is
generally distortion of spectral lines as well.
In interstellar astronomy, visible spectra can appear redder due to scattering processes in a phenomenon referred to as interstellar reddening—similarly Rayleigh scattering causes the atmospheric
reddening of the Sun seen in the sunrise or sunset and causes the rest
of the sky to have a blue color. This phenomenon is distinct from redshifting because the spectroscopic lines are not shifted to other wavelengths in reddened objects and there is an additional dimming and distortion associated with the phenomenon due to photons being scattered in and out of the line of sight.
The opposite of a redshift is a blueshift. A blueshift is any decrease in wavelength (increase in energy), with a corresponding increase in frequency, of an electromagnetic wave. In visible light, this shifts a color towards the blue end of the spectrum.
Doppler blueshift
Doppler
blueshift is caused by movement of a source towards the observer. The
term applies to any decrease in wavelength and increase in frequency
caused by relative motion, even outside the visible spectrum. Only objects moving at near-relativistic speeds toward the observer are noticeably bluer to the naked eye, but the wavelength of any reflected or emitted photon or other particle is shortened in the direction of travel.
Doppler blueshift is used in astronomy to determine relative motion:
Components of a binary star system will be blueshifted when moving towards Earth
When observing spiral galaxies, the side spinning toward us will have a slight blueshift relative to the side spinning away from us (see Tully–Fisher relation).
Nearby stars such as Barnard's Star are moving toward us, resulting in a very small blueshift.
Doppler blueshift of distant objects with a high z can be subtracted from the much larger cosmological redshift to determine relative motion in the expanding universe.
Unlike the relative Doppler blueshift, caused by movement of a
source towards the observer and thus dependent on the received angle of
the photon, gravitational blueshift is absolute and does not depend on the received angle of the photon:
Photons climbing out of a
gravitating object become less energetic. This loss of energy is known
as a "redshifting", as photons in the visible spectrum would appear more
red. Similarly, photons falling into a gravitational field become more
energetic and exhibit a blueshifting. ... Note that the magnitude of the
redshifting (blueshifting) effect is not a function of the emitted
angle or the received angle of the photon—it depends only on how far
radially the photon had to climb out of (fall into) the potential well.
There are faraway active galaxies that show a blueshift in their [O III] emission lines. One of the largest blueshifts is found in the narrow-line quasar, PG 1543+489, which has a relative velocity of -1150 km/s. These types of galaxies are called "blue outliers".
Cosmological blueshift
In a hypothetical universe undergoing a runaway Big Crunch
contraction, a cosmological blueshift would be observed, with galaxies
further away being increasingly blueshifted—the exact opposite of the
actually observed cosmological redshift in the present expanding universe.