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Hindu texts present diverse and conflicting views on the position of
women, ranging from feminine leadership as the highest goddess, to
limiting her role to an obedient daughter, housewife and mother. The
Devi Sukta hymn of
Rigveda, a scripture of
Hinduism,
declares the feminine energy as the essence of the universe, the one
who creates all matter and consciousness, the eternal and infinite, the
metaphysical and empirical reality (Brahman), the soul (supreme self) of
everything.
The woman is celebrated as the most powerful and the empowering force
in some Hindu Upanishads, Sastras and Puranas, particularly the
Devi Upanishad,
Devi Mahatmya and
Devi-Bhagavata Purana.
In
Smritis, such as the
Manusmriti, the position of
women in Hinduism
is mixed and contradictory. Manusmriti asserts that "as a girl, she
should obey and seek protection of her father, as a young woman her
husband, and as a widow her son".
In fact, Daughters-in-law are not fully accepted into their husband's
families until they have produced a son of their own. Sons alone may
continue the family line. However, in other sections, the same text
asserts that "women must be honored and adorned", and "where women are
revered, there the gods rejoice; but where they are not, no sacred rite
bears any fruit".
Women who are mothers of a son, with their husbands still alive, are
the most auspicious members of society. It is when and if their husbands
die, that a woman may lose her status in society. However, scholars
have questioned the authenticity and corruption of the text over time,
given the numerous inconsistent version of the Smriti manuscripts that
have been discovered.
Ancient and medieval era
Hindu texts
present a diverse picture of duties and rights of women in Hinduism.
The texts recognize eight kinds of marriage, ranging from father finding
a marriage partner for his daughter and seeking her consent (Brahma
marriage), to the bride and groom finding each other without parental
participation (Gandharva marriage).
Scholars state that Vedic era Hindu texts, and records left by
travelers to ancient and medieval India, suggest ancient and early
medieval Hindu society did not practice
Dowry or
Sati.
These practices likely became widespread sometime in the 2nd millennium
CE from socio-political developments in the Indian subcontinent.
Hinduism, states Bryant, has the strongest presence of the divine
feminine among major world religions, from ancient times to the
present. The goddess is viewed as central in Shakti and Saiva Hindu traditions.
Ancient texts
Vedic literature
Ancient texts of Hinduism expound a reverence for the feminine. The 10th chapter of the
Rigveda, for example, asserts the feminine to be the supreme principle behind all of cosmos, in the following hymn called as
Devi Sukta,
I am the Queen, the gatherer-up of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship.
Thus Gods have established me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in.
Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them,-each man who sees, breathes, hears the word outspoken
They know it not, yet I reside in the essence of the Universe. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it.
I, verily, myself announce and utter the word that gods and men alike shall welcome.
I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him nourished, a sage, and one who knows Brahman.
I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion.
I rouse and order battle for the people, I created Earth and Heaven and reside as their inner controller.
On the world's summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean.
Thence I prevade all existing creatures, as their Inner Supreme Self, and manifest them with my body.
I created all worlds at my will, without any higher being, and permeate and dwell within them.
The eternal and infinite consciousness is I, it is my greatness dwelling in everything.
— Rigveda 10.125.3 - 10.125.8
- Upanishads
The
Devi Sukta ideas of the Rigveda are further developed in the relatively later composed Shakta
Upanishads, states McDaniel, where the
Devi asserts that she is
Brahman, from her arise
Prakṛti (matter) and
Purusha (consciousness), she is bliss and non-bliss, the
Vedas and what is different from it, the born and the unborn, and the feminine is thus all of the universe.
She is presented as all the five elements, as well as all that is
different from these elements, what is above, what is below, what is
around, and thus the universe in its entirety. This philosophy is also found in the
Tripuratapani Upanishad and the
Bahvricha Upanishad.
The early Upanishads are, however, generally silent about women and men, and focus predominantly about gender-less
Brahman and its relation to
Atman (Soul, Self). There are occasional exceptions.
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, composed about 800 BCE, for example, in the last chapter detailing the education of a student, include lessons for his
Grihastha stage of life.
There, the student is taught, that as a husband, he should cook rice
for the wife, and they together eat the food in certain way depending on
whether they wish for the birth of a daughter or a son, as follows:
And if a man wishes that a learned daughter should be born to him,
and that she should live to her full age, then after having prepared
boiled rice with sesamum and butter, they should both eat, being fit to
have offspring.
And if a man wishes that a learned son should be born to him, and that
he should live his full age, then after having prepared boiled rice with
meat and butter, they should both eat, being fit to have offspring.
— Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 6.4.17 - 6.4.18, Translated by Max Muller
Women are mentioned and are participants in the philosophical debates
of the Upanishads, as well as scholars, teachers and priestesses during
the Vedic and early Buddhist age. Among women acknowledged in the Upanishads are
Gargi and
Maitreyi. In
Sanskrit, the word
acharyā means a "female teacher" (versus
acharya meaning "teacher") and an
acharyini is a teacher's wife, indicating that some women were known as
gurus.
Female characters appear in plays and epic poems. The 8th century poet,
Bhavabhuti describes in his play,
Uttararamacharita (verse 2 - 3), how the character, Atreyi, travelled to southern India where she studied the
Vedas and Indian philosophy. In
Madhava's
Shankaradigvijaya,
Shankara debates with the female philosopher, Ubhaya Bharati and in verses 9 - 63 it is mentioned that she was well versed in the
Vedas. Tirukkoneri Dasyai, a 15th-century scholar, wrote a commentary on
Nammalvar's Tiruvaayamoli, with reference to
Vedic texts such as the
Taittiriya Yajurveda.
The Epics
The Mahabharata is a legendary Hindu epic reflecting the social beliefs and culture in ancient India. In its first book, Dushmanta asks Sakuntala (above) to marry him for love, in Gandharva-style marriage, without the consent of their parents. The texts also describes seven other forms of marriage, and when they were appropriate or inappropriate.
In the two Hindu epics,
Ramayana and
Mahabharata, the role of women is mixed. The main female character in the Mahabharata,
Draupadi
is married to all the five Pandavas, thus has five husbands. She
insults Duryodhana, one of the triggers for the great war. In the
Ramayana composed in the second half of 1st millennium BCE, Sita is
respected, honored and seen as inseparable beloved but presented as a
homemaker, the ideal wife and partner to Rama. In the Hindu tradition, a
majority of women's oral retellings of the
Ramayana depict autonomy as the rule rather than the exception, but states Sugirtharajah, these versions are of recent origins.
The Epics are stories, but carry precepts of
dharma
embedded them, suggesting perceived notions about women in Hinduism at
the time the Epics were composed. The Mahabharata, in Book 1, for
example, states,
No man, even in anger, should ever do anything that is disagreeable to his wife;
for happiness, joy, virtue and everything depend on the wife.
Wife is the sacred soil in which the husband is born again,
even the Rishis cannot create men without women.
The
Anushasana Parva
of the Hindu epic Mahabharata has several chapters dedicated to the
discussion about duties and right of women. It gives a mixed picture. In
chapter 11, the goddess of wealth and prosperity
Lakshmi
asserts, that she lives in those women who are truthful, sincere,
modest, organized, devoted to their husband and children, health
conscious, patient and kind to guests.
The goddess asserts she does not reside in woman who is sinful,
unclean, always disagreeing with her husband, has no patience or
fortitude, is lazy, quarrelsome with her neighbors and relatives.
In chapter 47, as
Yudhishthira seeks guidance on
Dharma from
Bhishma, the Anushasana Parva compares the value of daughter to a son, as follows,
The daughter, O king, has been ordained in the scriptures to be equal to the son.
In Udyog Parva of Mahabharata states misogynists and bigots (which also includes sexists) are sinners.
"Assertion of one's own superiority, the avaricious,
those who are unable to tolerate the slightest insult, the bad
tempered, the fickle, those who neglect the protecting of those who seek
it. One who thinks only of his own sexual satisfaction, the bigoted,
the arrogant, one who gives and then regrets it, one who’s parsimonious,
one who admires power/wealth and pleasure, and the misogynist these are
the 13 types of sinners. " (M.B.Udyoga Parva 43:18,19)
The duties of women are again recited in Chapter 146, as a conversation between god
Shiva and his wife goddess
Uma,
where Shiva asks what are the duties of women. Uma (Parvati) proceeds
to meet all the rivers, who are all goddesses that nourish and create
fertile valleys.
Uma suggests that the duties of women include being of a good
disposition, endued with sweet speech, sweet conduct, and sweet
features. For a woman, claims Uma, her husband is her god, her husband
is her friend, and her husband is her high refuge. A woman's duties
include physical and emotional nourishment, reverence and fulfillment of
her husband and her children. Their happiness is her happiness, she
observes the same vows as those that are observed by her husband, her
duty is to be cheerful even when her husband or her children are angry,
be there for them in adversity or sickness, is regarded as truly
righteous in her conduct.
Beyond her husband and family, her duty is to be cheerful of heart and
humble with friends and relatives, do the best she can for friends and
guests. Her family life and her home is her heaven, tells goddess
Parvati to Shiva.
Anushasana Parva has served as a source for modern era texts on women in Hinduism. For example, Tryambakayajvan of
Thanjavur, in the 18th-century CE, published
Strīdharmapaddhati (sometimes referred to as
Stri Dharma Paddhati, or "Guide for a Dharmic Woman"). Tryambaka, according to Julia Leslie,
selectively extracts verses from many chapters of Anushasana parva. He
selectively extracts verses from other books of the Mahabharata as well,
and other ancient Indian texts, for
Strīdharmapaddhati, choosing
those he preferred, omitting verses from the Mahabharata that represent
it characteristic style of presenting many voices and
counter-arguments.
Shastras and Smritis
The Vedas and Shastras of Hinduism mention Brahmacharini (women) studying the Vedas. The word Brahmacharini is also revered in Hinduism as a goddess (above).
The characterization and treatment of women is mixed in Shastras and
Smriti texts of Hinduism. Scholars have questioned the later date
insertions, corruption and authenticity of the texts, as dozens of
significantly different versions of the Smriti texts have been found.
Patrick Olivelle
for example, who is credited with a 2005 translation of Manusmriti
published by the Oxford University Press, states the concerns in
postmodern scholarship about the presumed authenticity and reliability of Manusmriti manuscripts. He writes (abridged),
The MDh [Manusmriti] was the first Indian legal text
introduced to the western world through the translation of Sir William
Jones in 1794. (...) All the editions of the MDh, except for
Jolly's, reproduce the text as found in the [Calcutta] manuscript
containing the commentary of Kulluka. I have called this as the "vulgate version". It was Kulluka's version that has been translated repeatedly: Jones (1794), Burnell (1884), Buhler (1886) and Doniger (1991).(...)
The belief in the authenticity of Kulluka's text was openly
articulated by Burnell (1884, xxix): "There is then no doubt that the
textus receptus, viz., that of Kulluka Bhatta, as adopted in India and
by European scholars, is very near on the whole to the original text."
This is far from the truth. Indeed, one of the great surprises of my
editorial work has been to discover how few of the over fifty
manuscripts that I collated actually follow the vulgate in key readings.
Arthashastra,
in chapter 1.21 describes women who had received military education and
served to protect the king; the text also mentions female artisans,
mendicants and women who were wandering ascetics.
One of the most studied about the position of women in medieval Hindu society has been a now contested Calcutta manuscript of
Manusmriti. The text preaches chastity to widows such as in verses 5.158-5.160.
In verses 2.67-2.69 and 5.148-5.155, Manusmriti preaches that as a
girl, she should obey and seek protection of her father, as a young
woman her husband, and as a widow her son; and that a woman should
always worship her husband as a god.
In other verses, Manusmriti respects and safeguards women rights.
Manusmriti in verses 3.55-3.56, for example, declares that "women must
be honored and adorned", and "where women are revered, there the gods
rejoice; but where they are not, no sacred rite bears any fruit". Elsewhere, in verses 5.147-5.148, states Olivelle, the text declares, "a woman must never seek to live independently".
Divorce
The text declares that a marriage cannot be dissolved by a woman or a man, in verse 8.101-8.102.
Yet, the text, in other sections, allows either to dissolve the
marriage. For example, verses 9.72-9.81 allow the man or the woman to
get out of a fraudulent marriage or an abusive marriage, and remarry;
the text also provides legal means for a woman to remarry when her
husband has been missing or has abandoned her.
Varna
The text in one section opposes a woman marrying someone outside her own social class (
varna) as in verses 3.13-3.14.
Simultaneously, states Olivelle, the text presupposes numerous
practices such a marriages outside varna, such as between a Brahmin man
and a Shudra woman in verses 9.149-9.157, a widow getting pregnant with a
child of a man she is not married to in verses 9.57-9.62, marriage
where a woman in love elopes with her man, and then grants legal rights
in these cases such as property inheritance rights in verses
9.143-9.157, and the legal rights of the children so born.
The text also presumes that a married woman may get pregnant by a man
other than her husband, and dedicates verses 8.31-8.56 to conclude that
the child's custody belongs to the woman and her legal husband, and not
to the man she got pregnant with.
Property rights
Manusmriti
provides a woman with property rights to six types of property in
verses 9.192-9.200. These include those she received at her marriage, or
as gift when she eloped or when she was taken away, or as token of love
before marriage, or as gifts from her biological family, or as received
from her husband subsequent to marriage, and also from inheritance from
deceased relatives.
Inconsistency and authenticity issues
Scholars state that less than half, or only 1,214 of the 2,685 verses in Manusmriti, may be authentic. Further, the verses are internally inconsistent. Verses such as 3.55-3.62 of
Manusmriti, for example, glorify the position of women, while verse such as 9.3 and 9.17 do the opposite.
Mahatma Gandhi,
when asked about his view about the Smriti, stated, that "there are so
many contradictions in the printed volume that, if you accept one part,
you are bound to reject those parts that are wholly inconsistent with
it. (...) Nobody is in possession of the original text [of Manusmriti].
Flavia Agnes
states that Manusmriti is a complex commentary from women's rights
perspective, and the British colonial era codification of women's rights
based on it for Hindus, and from Islamic texts for Muslims, picked and
emphasized certain aspects while it ignored other sections.
This construction of personal law during the colonial era created a
legal fiction around Manusmriti's historic role as a scripture in
matters relating to women in South Asia.
Puranas
Devi
Mahatmya, a Hindu Sanskrit manuscript from Nepal 11th-century (above),
helped crystallize the goddess tradition where the creator God is a
female, but neither feminine nor masculine, rather spiritual and a force
of good.
The Puranas, particularly the
Devi Mahatmya found in
Markandeya Maha-Purana, and the
Devi-Bhagavata Purana have some of most dedicated discussion of
Devi and sacred feminine in late ancient and early medieval era of Hinduism.
However, the discussion is not limited to these two major Hindu Goddess
religion-related texts. Women are found in philosophical discussions
across numerous other Puranas and extant era texts. For example,
Parvati in a discussion with her husband
Shiva, remarks:
You should consider who you are, and who nature is.... how could you
transcend nature? What you hear, what you eat, what you see – it is all
Nature. How could you be beyond Nature? You are enveloped in Nature,
even though you don't know it.
Feminine symbolism as being sacred and for reverence were present in
ancient Hindu texts, but these were fragmentary states Brown, and it was
around the sixth century CE,
possibly in northwest India, that the concept of Maha-Devi coalesced as
the Great Goddess, appearing in the text of Devi Mahatmya of Markandeya
Purana.
This development of the divine woman was not theoretical, according to
Brown, but has impacted "self understanding of Hindus to the present
day" and "what it means to be human in a universe that is infinite and
yet is pervaded by the very human quality of a woman's care and anger". Devi Mahatmya, also called Durga Saptasati (or 700 verses to Durga), has been enormously popular among Hindus through the centuries, states Coburn.
Devi Mahatmya does not attempt to prove that the female is supreme, but
assumes it as a given and its premise. This idea influenced the role of
women in Hinduism in the Puranic texts that followed for centuries,
where male-dominated and female-dominated couples appear, in various
legends, in the same religious text and Hindu imagination.
The Devi Mahatmya presents the idea, states McDaniel, of a divine
she who creates this universe, is the supreme knowledge, who helps
herself and men reach final liberation, she is multitasking who in times
of prosperity is Lakshmi brings wealth and happiness to human homes,
yet in times of adversity feeds and fights the battle as the angry woman
destroying demons and evil in the universe after metamorphosing into
Durga, Chandika, Ambika, Bhadrakali, Ishvari, Bhagvati, Sri or Devi.
However, notes Brown, the celebration of the goddess as supreme in Devi
Mahatmya is not universal in Hindu texts of 1st millennium CE, and
other Puranic texts celebrate the god as supreme, while acknowledging
supreme goddess in various chapters and presenting the female as the
"effective power behind any male" either in mythological sense or
theological sense or both.
The ideas of the 6th-century Devi Mahatmya are adopted in 11th-century text of Devi-Bhagavata Purana, another goddess-classic text of
Shakti tradition of Hinduism. However, this text emphasizes devotion and love as the path to her supreme nature as goddess.
In the latter text, Devi appears as a warrior goddess destroying
demons, a world-mother nurturing the good, as the creator, the sustainer
and the destroyer as different aspects of her, the one supreme.
Gender of God
Goddesses in Hinduism are very common. Other ideas found include androgynous concept such as Ardhanarishvara (a composite god that is half Shiva-male and Parvati-female), or as formless and genderless Brahman (Universal Absolute, Supreme Self as Oneness in everyone).
In
Hinduism, the impersonal
Absolute (
Brahman) is genderless. Both male gods (
Deva) and female gods (
Devi)
are found in Hinduism. Some Hindu traditions conceive God as
androgynous (both female and male), or as either male or female, while
cherishing gender
henotheism, that is without denying the existence of other Gods in either gender.
Bhakti traditions of Hinduism have both gods and goddesses. In ancient and medieval Indian mythology, each masculine
deva of the Hindu pantheon is partnered with a feminine
devi. Followers of
Shaktism, worship the goddess
Devi as the embodiment of
Shakti (feminine strength or power).
There is a popular perception that there exist millions of
Hindu deities. However, most, by far, are goddesses (
Shakti, devi,
or mother), state Foulston and Abbott, suggesting "how important and
popular goddesses are" in Hindu culture. Though in general they are
smaller, there are far more goddess temples than those of gods.
Goddesses are most of the time, if not always seen as powerful, and when
unmarried, seen as dangerous. Despite the patriarchal nature of Hindu
society, women are seen as powerful alongside the Gods, and at certain
times, dangerous.
No one has a list of the millions of goddesses and gods, but all
deities, state scholars, are typically viewed in Hinduism as "emanations
or manifestation of gender-less principle called
Brahman, representing the many facets of Ultimate Reality".
In Hinduism, "God, the universe, all beings [male, female] and all else
is essentially one thing" and everything is connected oneness, the same
god is in every being as
Atman, the eternal Self.
Ancient and medieval Hindu literature, state scholars, is richly
endowed with gods, goddesses and androgynous representations of God.
This, states Gross, is in contrast with several monotheistic religions,
where God is often synonymous with "He" and theism is replete with male
anthropomorphisms.
In Hinduism, goddess-imagery does not mean loss of male-god, rather the
ancient literature presents the two genders as balancing each other and
complementary. The Goddesses in Hinduism, states Gross,
are strong, beautiful and confident, symbolizing their vitality in
cycle of life. While masculine Gods are symbolically represented as
those who act, the feminine Goddesses are symbolically portrayed as
those who inspire action.
Goddesses in Hinduism are envisioned as the patrons of arts, culture,
nurture, learning, arts, joys, spirituality and liberation.
Dignity
Hinduism does not regard Women as lacking dignity, therefore there are
not many specific quotes about affirming women's dignity. However, there
are many references in the primary and secondary Hindu texts that
affirm the dignity of women. Many stories from the Upanishads of female
scholars, such as Jābālā’s tale,
Maitreyi,
Gārgī,
Lopāmudrā, and Haimavatī Umā, demonstrate the dignity accorded to
Women. According to verse 6.4.17 from the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, the
birth of a female child who would be scholar is desired. The quote
prescribes the specific rituals for obtaining a learned daughter.
Verse 6.4.17 Brihadaranyaka Upanishad:
अथ य इच्छेद्दुहिता मे पण्डिता जायेत, सर्वमायुरियादिति, तिलौदनं पाचयित्वा सर्पिष्मन्तमश्नीयाताम्; ईश्वरौ जनयितवै ॥ १७ ॥
atha
ya icchedduhitā me paṇḍitā jāyeta, sarvamāyuriyāditi, tilaudanaṃ
pācayitvā sarpiṣmantamaśnīyātām; īśvarau janayitavai || 17 ||
"One
who wishes that a daughter should be born who would be a scholar and
attain a full term of life, should have rice cooked with sesamum, and
both should eat it with clarified butter. Then the creators (would-be
parents) would indeed be able to produce such a daughter."
Will Durant (1885-1981) American historian says in his book
Story of Civilization:
Women
enjoyed far greater freedom in the Vedic period than in later India.
She had more to say in the choice of her mate than the forms of marriage
might suggest. She appeared freely at feasts and dances, and joined
with men in religious sacrifice. She could study, and like Gargi, engage
in philosophical disputation. If she was left a widow there were no
restrictions upon her remarriage.
Practices
Marriage
A
wedding is one of the most significant personal ritual a Hindu woman
undertakes in her life. The details and dress vary regionally among
Hindu women, but share common ritual grammar. A Meitei Hindu bride in Manipur (left), an Amla Hindu bride in Madhya Pradesh (middle) and a Himalayan Hindu bride in Nepal (right).
The Asvalayana Grhyasutra text of Hinduism identifies eight
forms of marriages. Of these first four – Brahma, Daiva, Arsha and
Prajapatya – are declared appropriate and recommended by the text, next
two – Gandharva and Asura – are declared inappropriate but acceptable,
and the last two – Rakshasa and Paishacha – are declared evil and
unacceptable (but any children resulting were granted legal rights).
- Brahma marriage - considered the religiously most
appropriate marriage, where the father finds an educated man, proposes
the marriage of his daughter to him. The groom, bride and families
willingly concur with the proposal. The two families and relatives meet,
the girl is ceremoniously decorated, the father gifts away his daughter
in betrothal, and a vedic marriage ceremony is conducted. This type of
wedding is now most prevalent among Hindus in modern India.
- Daiva marriage - in this type of marriage, the father gives away his daughter along with ornaments to a priest.
- Arsha marriage - in this type of marriage, the groom gives a
cow and a bull to the father of the bride and the father exchanges his
daughter in marriage. The groom took a vow to fulfill his obligations to
the bride and family life (Grihasthashram).
- Prajapatya marriage - in this type of marriage, a couple
agree to get married by exchanging some Sanskrit mantras (vows to each
other). This form of marriage was akin to a civil ceremony.
- Gandharva marriage
- in this type of marriage, the couple simply live together out of
love, by mutual consent, consensually consummating their relationship.
This marriage is entered into without religious ceremonies, and was akin
to the Western concept of Common-law marriage. Kama Sutra, as well as Rishi Kanva - the foster-father of Shakuntala - in the Mahabharata, claimed this kind of marriage to be an ideal one.
- Asura marriage - in this type of marriage, the groom offered a dowry
to the father of the bride and the bride, both accepted the dowry out
of free will, and he received the bride in exchange. This was akin to
marrying off a daughter for money. This marriage was considered
inappropriate by Hindu Smriti-writers because greed, not what is best
for the girl, can corrupt the selection process. Manusmriti verses 3.51 and 3.52, for example, states that a father or relatives must never accept any brideprice because that amounts to trafficking of the daughter.
- Rakshasa marriage - where the groom forcibly abducted the girl against her and her family's will. The word Rakshasa means 'devil'.
- Paishacha marriage - where the man forces himself on a woman when she is insentient, that is drugged or drunken or unconscious.
James Lochtefeld finds that the last two forms of marriage were
forbidden yet recognized in ancient Hindu societies, not to encourage
these acts, but to provide the woman and any children with legal
protection in the society.
"A woman can choose her own husband after attaining maturity. If
her parents are unable to choose a deserving groom, she can herself
choose her husband." (Manu Smriti IX 90 - 91)
Dowry
The concept
and practice of dowry in ancient and medieval Hindu society is unclear.
Some scholars believe dowry was practiced in historic Hindu society,
but some do not.
Historical eyewitness reports (discussed below), suggest dowry in
pre-11th century CE Hindu society was insignificant, and daughters had
inheritance rights, which by custom were exercised at the time of her
marriage.
Stanley J. Tambiah states the ancient
Code of Manu
sanctioned dowry and bridewealth in ancient India, but dowry was the
more prestigious form and associated with the Brahmanic (priestly)
caste. Bridewealth was restricted to the lower castes, who were not
allowed to give dowry. He cites two studies from the early 20th century
with data to suggest that this pattern of dowry in upper castes and
bridewealth in lower castes has persisted through the first half of the
20th century.
Michael Witzel, in contrast, states the ancient Indian literature suggests dowry practices were not significant during the Vedic period.
Witzel also notes that women in ancient India had property inheritance
rights either by appointment or when they had no brothers.
Kane states ancient literature suggests bridewealth was paid only in
the asura-type of marriage that was considered reprehensible and
forbidden by Manu and other ancient Indian scribes. Lochtefeld suggests
that religious duties listed by Manu and others, such as 'the bride be
richly adorned to celebrate marriage' were ceremonial dress and jewelry
along with gifts that were her property, not property demanded by or
meant for the groom; Lochtefeld further notes that bridal adornment is
not currently considered as dowry in most people's mind.
Historical and epigraphical evidence from ancient India suggests
dowry was not the standard practice in ancient Hindu society. Arrian of
Alexander the Great's conquest era, in his first book mentions a lack of dowry, or infrequent enough to be noticed by Arrian.
They (these ancient Indian people) make their marriages accordance
with this principle, for in selecting a bride they care nothing whether
she has a dowry and a handsome fortune, but look only to her beauty and
other advantages of the outward person.
Arrian's second book similarly notes,
They (Indians) marry without either giving or taking dowries, but the
women as soon as they are marriageable are brought forward by their
fathers in public, to be selected by the victor in wrestling or boxing
or running or someone who excels in any other manly exercise.
— Arrian, Indika, Megasthenes and Arrian, 3rd Century BC
About 1200 years after Arrian's visit, Al-Biruni a Persian scholar
who went and lived in India for 16 years in 11th century CE, wrote,
The implements of the wedding rejoicings are brought forward. No gift
(dower or dowry) is settled between them. The man gives only a present
to the wife, as he thinks fit, and a marriage gift in advance, which he
has no right to claim back, but the (proposed) wife may give it back to
him of her own will (if she does not want to marry).
— Al-Biruni, Chapter on Matrimony in India, about 1035 AD
Widowhood and remarriage
Widows were traditionally expected to pursue a spiritual, ascetic life, particularly the higher castes such as
Brahmins. There were restrictions on
remarriage as well.
Such restrictions are now strictly observed only by a small minority of
widows, yet the belief continues that "a good wife predeceases her
husband".
During the debate before the passage of the
Hindu Widows' Remarriage Act, 1856,
some communities asserted that it was their ancient custom that
prohibited widow remarriage. Hindu scholars and colonial British
authorities rejected this argument, states Lucy Carroll, because the
alleged custom prohibiting widow remarriage was "far from ancient", and
was already in practice among the Hindu communities such as the
Rajbansi whose members had petitioned for prohibition of widow remarriage. Thus, it failed the "
customary law" protections under the British colonial era laws.
However, this issue lingered in colonial courts for decades, because of
the related issue of property left by the deceased husband, and whether
the widow keeps or forfeits all rights to deceased Hindu husband's
estate and thereby transfers the property from the deceased husband to
her new husband. While Hindu community did not object to widow
remarriage, it contested the property rights and transfer of property
from her earlier husband's family to the later husband's family,
particularly after the death of the remarried widow, in the
20th-century.
According
Edgar Thurston, among the Palli or
Vanniyar caste in Tamil Nadu, widow remarriage is permitted and was practiced in private. Widow remarriage was known as
Naduvittu Tali, as the
tali tying ceremony takes place within the house.
Sati
Sati where a Hindu woman committed suicide by burning herself with the corpse of her husband.
Sati is an obsolete Indian funeral custom where a
widow immolated herself on her husband's
pyre, or committed suicide in another fashion shortly after her husband's death.
Michael Witzel states there is no evidence of Sati practice in ancient Indian literature during the Vedic period.
David Brick, in his 2010 review of ancient Indian literature, states
There is no mention of Sahagamana
(Sati) whatsoever in either Vedic literature or any of the early
Dharmasutras or Dharmasastras. By "early Dharmasutras or Dharmasastras",
I refer specifically to both the early Dharmasutras of Apastamba,
Hiranyakesin, Gautama, Baudhayana and Vasistha, and the later
Dharmasastras of Manu, Narada, and Yajnavalkya.
— David Brick, Yale University
The earliest scholarly discussion of Sati, whether it is right or
wrong, is found in the Sanskrit literature dated to 10th- to
12th-century. The earliest known commentary on Sati by
Medhātithi of Kashmir argues that Sati is a form of suicide, which is prohibited by the Vedic tradition.
Vijñāneśvara, of the 12th-century
Chalukya court, and the 13th-century
Madhvacharya, argue that sati should not to be considered suicide, which was otherwise variously banned or discouraged in the scriptures. They offer a combination of reasons, both in favor and against sati.
However, according to the textbook, "Religions in the Modern World",
after the death of Roop Kanwar on her husband's funeral pyre in 1987,
thousands saw this as cruel murder. Committing sati was then made a
crime, with consequences worse than murder.
Another historical practice observed among women in Hinduism, was the
Rajput practice of
Jauhar, particularly in
Rajasthan and
Madhya Pradesh,
where they collectively committed suicide during war. They preferred
death rather than being captured alive and dishonored by victorious
Muslim soldiers in a war. According to Bose,
jauhar
practice grew in the 14th and 15th century with Hindu-Muslim wars of
northwest India, where the Hindu women preferred death than slavery or
rape they faced if captured. Sati-style
jauhar
custom among Hindu women was observed only during Hindu-Muslim wars in
medieval India, but not during internecine Hindu-Hindu wars among the
Rajputs.
The Sati practice is considered to have originated within the warrior
aristocracy
in the Hindu society, gradually gaining in popularity from the 10th
century AD and spreading to other groups from the 12th through 18th
century AD. The earliest Islamic invasions of South Asia have been recorded from early 8th century CE, such as the raids of
Muhammad bin Qasim, and major wars of Islamic expansion after the 10th century.
This chronology has led to the theory that the increase in sati
practice in India may be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion
and its expansion in South Asia.
Daniel Grey states that the understanding of origins and spread of sati
were distorted in the colonial era because of a concerted effort to
push "problem Hindu" theories in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
Education
The Vedas and Upanishads mention girls could be a Brahmacharini, that is get an education. Atharva Veda, for example, states
ब्रह्मचर्येण कन्या युवानं विन्दते पतिम् |
A youthful Kanya (कन्या, girl) who graduates from Brahmacharya, obtains a suitable husband.
The
Harita Dharmasutra, a later era Hindu text states there are two kind of women:
sadhyavadhu who marry without going to school, and the
brahmavadini who go to school first to study the
Vedas and speak of Brahman. The Hindu
Sastras and
Smritis describe varying number of
Sanskara (rite of passage). Upanayana rite of passage symbolized the start of education process. Like the Vedas, the ancient
Sutras and
Shastra
Sanskrit texts extended education right to women, and the girls who
underwent this rite of passage then pursued studies were called
Brahmavadini. Those who didn't, performed
Upanayana
ceremony at the time of their wedding. Instead of sacred thread, girls
would wear their robe (now called sari or saree) in the manner of the
sacred thread, that is over her left shoulder during this rite of
passage.
Sex and relationships
Kāma,
that is erotic love and emotional fulfillment, is considered healthy
and one of four proper goals of life. It is celebrated in Hindu temples, such as Khajuraho and the Konark Temple (above).
The Smriti texts of Hinduism provide a conflicting view on sex
outside marriage. Most texts leave sexual matters to the judgment of the
woman and man, but discuss what rights the children have who result
from such sexual union. For example,
If a man has intercourse with an unmarried woman, who consents to it,
it is no offense, but he shall deck her with ornaments, worship her,
and thus bring her to his house as his bride.
— Nāradasmṛti 13.71 - 13.72
Adultery by a married person is condemned (but still not punishable)
in Hindu texts, but the texts allow exceptions (not punishable). For
example,
If a man has intercourse with an attached woman somewhere other than
his own house, it is known as adultery by the experts, but not if she
came to his house on her own. It is not a punishable crime when someone
has intercourse with the wife of a man who has abandoned her because she
is wicked, or with the wife of a eunuch or of a man who does not care,
provided the wife has initiated it, of her own volition.
— Nāradasmṛti 13.60 - 61
The term "attached woman" in the above verse, states Richard
Lariviere, includes a woman who is either married and protected by her
husband, or a woman is not married and protected by her father.
Manusmriti states that adultery is a source of trauma and disorder to
all affected, but dedicates many verses commenting on the proper rights
of offsprings produced from sex outside marriage.
Marco Polo,
after visiting Hindu kingdoms in 13th century India, wrote in his
memoir, according to Ronald Latham translation, that "they [Hindus]
consider sex within marriage as proper and virtuous, but don't consider
any other sexual gratification to be a sin".
Dress
Sari in different styles (shown) has been traced to ancient Hindu traditions. In modern times, Sari is also found among non-Hindu women of South Asia.
Information on ancient and medieval era dressing traditions of women
in Hinduism is unclear. Textiles are commonly mentioned in ancient
Indian texts. The
Arthashastra (~200 BCE to 300 CE) mentions a range of clothing and plant-based,
muslin-based, wool-based textiles that are partially or fully dyed, knitted and woven. It is, however, uncertain how women wore these clothing, and scholars have attempted to discern the dress from study of
murti (statues), wall reliefs, and ancient literature. In ancient and medieval Hindu traditions, covering the head or face was neither mandated nor common, but
Ushnisha – a regional ceremonial occasion head dress is mentioned, as is
Dupatta in colder, drier northern parts of Indian subcontinent.
Regardless of economic status, the costume of ancient Hindu women
was formed of two separate sheets of cloth, one wrapping the lower part
of the body, below the waist, and another larger wrap around piece
called
Dhoti (modern day Saree) in texts. Some
Murti and
relief
carvings suggest that pleats were used, probably to ease movement, but
the pleats were tucked to reveal the contour of the body. However, where
the pleats were tucked, front or side or back varied regionally. The predominant style observed in the ancient texts and art work is the wrapping of the excess of the
Dhoti from right waist over the left shoulder, in the Vedic
Upanayana style. The breasts were covered with a stitched, tight fitting bodice named
Kurpasaka (Sanskrit: कूर्पासक) or
Stanamsuka (Sanskrit: स्तनांशुक), but this was not common in extreme south India or in eastern states such as Orissa and Bengal.
Regional variations were great, to suit local weather and traditions,
in terms of the length, number of pleats, placement of pleats, style of
bodice used for
bosom, and the dimension or wrapping of the upper excess length of the
Dhoti. Greek records left by those who came to India with
Alexander the Great mention that head and neck ornaments, ear rings, wrist and ankle ornaments were commonly worn by women.
A Hindu woman, with Sindur in her hair and Bindi on forehead, customs also found among women in Jainism.
Usually, the sari consists of a piece of cloth around 6 yards long, wrapped distinctly based on the prior mentioned factors.
The choice of the quality and sophistication of the cloth is dependent
on the income and affordability. Women across economic groups in
colonial era, for example, wore a single piece of cloth in hot and humid
Bengal. It was called Kapod by poorer women, while the more ornate version of the same was called a Saree. The material and cost varied, but the nature was the same across income and social groups (caste/class) of Hindu women.
Sindoor or
Kumkum has been a marker for women in Hinduism, since early times.
A married Hindu woman typically wears a red pigment (vermilion) in the
parting of her hair, while a never married, divorced or a widowed woman
does not. A Hindu woman may wear a
Bindi (also called
Tip,
Bindiya,
Tilaka or
Bottu) on her forehead. This represents the place of the inner eye, and signifies that she is spiritually turned inwards.
In past, this was worn by married women, but in modern era it is a
fashion accessory and has no relation to the marital status for women in
Hinduism.
A 1st-century BCE Indian sculpture showing female Yakshi dress (left). Earrings from India, 1st-century BCE (right). Greek texts suggest ancient Hindu women wearing ornaments.
Cultural customs such as Sindoor are similar to wedding ring
in other cultures. Regionally, Hindu women may wear seasonal fresh
flowers in their hair, during festivals, temple visits or other formal
occasions. White color saree is common with aging widows, while red or
other festive colors with embroidery is more common on festivals or
social ceremonies such as weddings. These Hindu practices are cultural practices, and not required by its religious texts.
Hinduism is a way of life, is diverse, has no binding book of rules of
its faith, nor any that mandate any dress rules on Hindu women. The
choice is left to the individual discretion.
Other ornaments worn by Hindu women are sometimes known as solah singar
(sixteen decorations): "bindi, necklaces, earrings, flowers in the
hair, rings, bangles, armlets (for the upper arm), waistbands,
ankle-bells, kohl (or kajal – mascara), toe rings, henna, perfume,
sandalwood paste, the upper garment, and the lower garment".
Bernard Cohn (2001) states that clothing in India, during the
colonial British era, was a form of authority exercised to highlight
hierarchical patterns, subordination, and authoritative relations.
Hindus in India were subject to rule under a range of other religious
reigns, therefore influencing clothing choices. This was exemplified by a
change in attire as a result of Mughal influence and later European
influence resulting from British rule.
Arts: dance, drama, music
Many classical Indian dances such as Bharathanatyam and Kathak were developed by women in Hinduism.
A Hindu woman in a dance pose Bali Indonesia
Hindu religious art encompasses performance arts as well as visual
art, and women have been expressed in Hindu arts as prominently as men.
Sanskrit literature has contributed to religious and spiritual
expression of women, by its reverence for goddesses. The deity for arts,
music, poetry, speech, culture and learning is goddess
Saraswati in the Hindu tradition.
Baumer states that the resulting Sanskrit Theater has its origins in
the Vedas, stemming from three principles: “The cosmic man (purusha),
the self (atman), and the universal being (brahman)".
Some of the earliest references to women being active in dance, music
and artistic performance in Hindu texts is found in 1st millennium BCE
Taittiriya
Samhita chapter 6.1 and 8th-century BCE
Shatapatha Brahmana chapter 3.2.4. In religious ceremonies, such as the ancient
Shrauta and
Grihya sutras rituals, texts by
Panini,
Patanjali, Gobhila and others state that women sang hymns or uttered mantras along with men during the
yajnas.
Music and dance, states Tracy Pintchman, are "intertwined in
Hindu traditions", and women in Hinduism have had an active creative and
performance role in this tradition. While aspects of the Hindu traditions curtailed the freedoms of women, they also gave opportunities to create and express arts.
The historical evidence, states Pintchman, suggests that the
opportunities to create and participate in arts were available to women
regardless of their caste or class.
Classical vocal music was more prevalent among women upper classes,
while public performances of arts such as dance were more prevalent
among women in matrilineal Hindu traditions, particularly the
Devadasi.
The Devadasi tradition women practiced their arts in a religious context.
Young Devadasi women were trained in the arts of music, theater, and
dance, and their lives revolved around Hindu temples. In south India,
some of these women were courtesans, while others chaste.
In 1909, the colonial government passed the first law banning the
Devadasis practice in the state of Mysore; however, an attempt to ban
Devadasis tradition in Tamil Nadu Hindu temples failed in Madras
Presidency in 1927.
In 1947, the government of Madras passed legislation forbidding
Devadasi practices under pressure from activists that this was a
'prostitution' tradition.
However, the tradition was revived by those who consider it to be a
'nun' tradition wherein a Devadasi was a chaste woman who considered
herself married to God and used temple dance tradition to raise funds as
well as helped continue the arts.
In poetry, 9th-century
Andal became a well known
Bhakti movement
poetess, states Pintchman, and historical records suggest that by
12th-century she was a major inspiration to Hindu women in south India
and elsewhere. Andal continues to inspire hundreds of classical dancers in modern times choreographing and dancing Andal's songs. Andal is also called
Goda, and her contributions to the arts have created
Goda Mandali (circle of Andal) in the
Vaishnava tradition.
Many other women, such as Nagaatnammal, Balasaraswati and Rukmini,
states Pintchman, were instrumental in bringing "Carnatic music and
Bharat Natyam to the public stage and making the performing arts
accessible by the general public" by the 12th-century.
Gathasaptasati is an anthology of
Subhashita
genre of poetry, from the first half of 1st millennium CE, many of
which are attributed to Hindu women in central and western India.
Context: historical and modern developments
The role of women in Hinduism dates back to 3000 years of history, states Pechelis, incorporating ideas of
Hindu philosophy, that is
Prakrti (matter, femaleness) and
Purusha (consciousness, maleness), coming together to interact and produce the current state of the universe.
Hinduism considers the connection, interdependence, and complementary
nature of these two concepts – Prakriti and Purusha, female and male –
as the basis of all existence, which is a starting point of the position
of women in Hindu traditions.
Although these ancient texts are the foundation upon which the
position of women in Hinduism is founded, Hindu women participated in
and were affected by cultural traditions and celebrations such as
festivals, dance, arts, music and other aspects of daily life. Despite
these liberating undercurrents emerging in its historical context,
Sugirtharajah states that there is some reluctance to use the term
"feminism" to describe historical developments in Hinduism.
In the colonial era 1800s, Hindu women were described by
European scholars as being "naturally chaste" and "more virtuous" than other women.
In 20th-century history context, the position of women in Hinduism and more generally India, has many contradictions.
Regional Hindu traditions are organized as matriarchal societies (such
as in south India and northeast India), where the woman is the head of
the household and inherits the wealth; yet, other Hindu traditions are
patriarchal.
God as a woman, and mother goddess ideas are revered in Hinduism, yet
there are rituals that treats the female in a subordinate role.
The women’s rights movement in India, states Sharma, have been
driven by two foundational Hindu concepts – lokasangraha and satyagraha.
Lokasangraha is defined as “acting for the welfare of the world” and
satyagraha “insisting on the truth”. These ideals were used to justify
and spur movements among women for women's rights and social change
through a political and legal process.
Fane remarks, in her article published in 1975, that it is the
underlying Hindu beliefs of "women are honored, considered most capable
of responsibility, strong" that made Indira Gandhi culturally acceptable
as the prime minister of India,
yet the country has in the recent centuries witnessed the development
of diverse ideologies, both Hindu and non-Hindu, that has impacted the
position of women in India.
The women rights movement efforts, states Young, have been impeded by
the "growing intensity of Muslim separatist politics", the divergent
positions of Indian Hindu women seeking separation of religion and
women's rights,
secular universal laws (uniform civil code) applicable irrespective of religion, while Indian Muslim community seeking to preserve
Sharia law in personal, family and other domains.
Western scholarship
There has been a pervasive and deeply held belief in
modern era
Western scholarship, states Kathleen Erndl, that "in Hinduism, women
are universally subjugated and that feminism, however it might be
defined, is an artifact of the West". Postmodern scholars question whether they have "unwittingly accepted" this colonial stereotype and long standing assumption, particularly given the emerging understanding of Hindu
Shakti
tradition-related texts, and empirical studies of women in rural India
who have had no exposure to Western thought or education but assert
their Hindu (or Buddhist) goddess-inspired feminism.
Western feminism, states Vasudha Narayanan, has focussed on
negotiating "issues of submission and power as it seeks to level the
terrains of opportunity" and uses a language of "rights". In Hinduism, the contextual and cultural word has been
Dharma, which is about "duties" to oneself, to others, among other things.
There has been a gap between Western books describing Hinduism and
women's struggle within the Hindu tradition based on texts that the
colonial British era gave notoriety to, versus the reality of Hindu
traditions and customs that did not follow these texts at all. Narayanan describes it as follows (abridged),
Many [Western] scholars point out quite correctly that women are
accorded a fairly low status in the Hindu texts that deal with law and
ethics (dharma shastra), what is not usually mentioned is that
these texts were not well known and utilized in many parts of Hindu
India. Custom and practice were far more important than the dictates of
these legal texts. There were many legal texts and they were not in
competition with each other; they were written at different times in
different parts of the country, but all of them were superseded by local
custom. (...) There is a sense of dissonance between scripture and
practice in certain areas of dharma, and the role of women and Sudras
sometimes falls in this category. Manu may have denied independence to
women, but there were women of some castes and some economic classes who
endowed money to temples. It is important to note that there is no
direct correlation that one can generalize on between these texts and
women's status, rights or behavior.
— Vasudha Narayanan, Feminism and World Religions
Ancient and medieval era Hindu texts, and epics, discuss a woman's
position and role in society over a spectrum, such as one who is a
self-sufficient, marriage-eschewing powerful Goddess, to one who is
subordinate and whose identity is defined by men rather than her, and to
one who sees herself as a human being and spiritual person while being
neither feminine nor masculine. The 6th-century Devi Mahatmya text for example, states Cynthia Humes, actually shares "the
postmodern exaltation of embodiedness, divinizing it as does much of the Western feminist spirituality movement".
These texts are not theoretical nor disconnected from the lives of
women in the historic Hindu society, but the verses assert that all
"women are portions of the divine goddess", states Humes.
The Hindu goddess tradition inspired by these texts has been, notes
Pintchman, one of the richest, compelling traditions worldwide, and its
followers flock villages, towns and cities all over India.
Yet, adds Humes, other texts describe her creative potential not in her
terms, but using the words of male virility and gendered dichotomy,
possibly encouraging the heroic woman to abandon her female persona and
impersonate the male.
Postmodern empirical scholarship about Hindu society, states Rita
Gross, makes one question whether and to what extent there is
pervasiveness of patriarchy in Hinduism.
Patriarchal control is real, and the Hindu society admits this of
itself, states Gross, yet the Hindu culture distinguishes between
authority – which men hold, and power – which both men and women hold.
Women in the Hindu tradition have the power, and they exercise that
power to take control of situations that are important to them.
The Goddess theology and humanity in the Hindu texts are a foundation
of these values, a form that isn't feminist by Western definition, but
is feminist nevertheless, one with an empowering and self-liberating
value structure with an added spiritual dimension that resonates with
Hindu (and Buddhist) goddesses.
Kathleen Erndl states that texts such as Manusmriti do not
necessarily portray what women in Hinduism were or are, but it
represents an ideology, and that "the task of Hindu feminists is to
rescue Shakti from its patriarchal prison".
Her metaphor, explains Erndl, does not mean that Shakti never was free
nor that she is tightly locked up now, because patriarchy is neither
monolithic nor ossified in Hindu culture.
The Shakti concept and associated extensive philosophy in Hindu texts
provide a foundation to both spiritual and social liberation.
