/miːm/ MEEM)
is an idea, behavior, or style that spreads from person to person
within a culture—often with the aim of conveying a particular
phenomenon, theme, or meaning represented by the meme. A meme acts as a unit for carrying cultural
ideas, symbols, or practices, that can be transmitted from one mind to
another through writing, speech, gestures, rituals, or other imitable
phenomena with a mimicked theme. Supporters of the concept regard memes
as cultural analogues to genes in that they self-replicate, mutate, and respond to selective pressures.
A meme (
Proponents theorize that memes are a viral phenomenon that may evolve by natural selection in a manner analogous to that of biological evolution. Memes do this through the processes of variation, mutation, competition, and inheritance,
each of which influences a meme's reproductive success. Memes spread
through the behavior that they generate in their hosts. Memes that propagate less prolifically may become extinct,
while others may survive, spread, and (for better or for worse) mutate.
Memes that replicate most effectively enjoy more success, and some may
replicate effectively even when they prove to be detrimental to the
welfare of their hosts.
A field of study called memetics arose in the 1990s to explore the concepts and transmission of memes in terms of an evolutionary model. Criticism from a variety of fronts has challenged the notion that academic study can examine memes empirically. However, developments in neuroimaging may make empirical study possible. Some commentators in the social sciences question the idea that one can meaningfully categorize culture in terms of discrete units, and are especially critical of the biological nature of the theory's underpinnings. Others have argued that this use of the term is the result of a misunderstanding of the original proposal.
The word meme is a neologism coined by Richard Dawkins. It originated from Dawkins' 1976 book The Selfish Gene. Dawkins's own position is somewhat ambiguous: he welcomed N. K. Humphrey's suggestion that "memes should be considered as living structures, not just metaphorically" and proposed to regard memes as "physically residing in the brain". Later, he argued that his original intentions, presumably before his approval of Humphrey's opinion, had been simpler.
A field of study called memetics arose in the 1990s to explore the concepts and transmission of memes in terms of an evolutionary model. Criticism from a variety of fronts has challenged the notion that academic study can examine memes empirically. However, developments in neuroimaging may make empirical study possible. Some commentators in the social sciences question the idea that one can meaningfully categorize culture in terms of discrete units, and are especially critical of the biological nature of the theory's underpinnings. Others have argued that this use of the term is the result of a misunderstanding of the original proposal.
The word meme is a neologism coined by Richard Dawkins. It originated from Dawkins' 1976 book The Selfish Gene. Dawkins's own position is somewhat ambiguous: he welcomed N. K. Humphrey's suggestion that "memes should be considered as living structures, not just metaphorically" and proposed to regard memes as "physically residing in the brain". Later, he argued that his original intentions, presumably before his approval of Humphrey's opinion, had been simpler.
Etymology
The word meme is a shortening (modeled on gene) of mimeme (from Ancient Greek μίμημα pronounced [míːmɛːma] mīmēma, "imitated thing", from μιμεῖσθαι mimeisthai, "to imitate", from μῖμος mimos, "mime") coined by British evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins in The Selfish Gene (1976) as a concept for discussion of evolutionary principles in explaining the spread of ideas and cultural phenomena. Examples of memes given in the book included melodies, catchphrases, fashion, and the technology of building arches. Kenneth Pike had in 1954 coined the related terms emic and etic, generalizing the linguistic units of phoneme, morpheme, grapheme, lexeme, and tagmeme (as set out by Leonard Bloomfield), distinguishing insider and outside views of communicative behavior.Origins
The word meme originated with Richard Dawkins' 1976 book The Selfish Gene. Dawkins cites as inspiration the work of geneticist L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, anthropologist F. T. Cloak and ethologist J. M. Cullen.
Dawkins wrote that evolution depended not on the particular chemical
basis of genetics, but only on the existence of a self-replicating unit
of transmission—in the case of biological evolution, the gene. For
Dawkins, the meme exemplified another self-replicating unit with
potential significance in explaining human behavior and cultural
evolution. Although Dawkins invented the term 'meme' and developed meme
theory, the possibility that ideas were subject to the same pressures
of evolution as were biological attributes was discussed in Darwin's
time. T. H. Huxley claimed that 'The struggle for existence holds as
much in the intellectual as in the physical world. A theory is a species
of thinking, and its right to exist is coextensive with its power of
resisting extinction by its rivals.'
Dawkins used the term to refer to any cultural entity that an observer might consider a replicator.
He hypothesized that one could view many cultural entities as
replicators, and pointed to melodies, fashions and learned skills as
examples. Memes generally replicate through exposure to humans, who have
evolved as efficient copiers of information and behavior. Because
humans do not always copy memes perfectly, and because they may refine,
combine or otherwise modify them with other memes to create new memes,
they can change over time. Dawkins likened the process by which memes
survive and change through the evolution of culture to the natural selection of genes in biological evolution.
Dawkins defined the meme as a unit of cultural
transmission, or a unit of imitation and replication, but later
definitions would vary. The lack of a consistent, rigorous, and precise
understanding of what typically makes up one unit of cultural
transmission remains a problem in debates about memetics. In contrast, the concept of genetics gained concrete evidence with the discovery of the biological functions of DNA.
Meme transmission requires a physical medium, such as photons, sound
waves, touch, taste, or smell because memes can be transmitted only
through the senses.
Dawkins noted that in a society with culture a person need not
have descendants to remain influential in the actions of individuals
thousands of years after their death:
But if you contribute to the world's culture, if you have a good idea...it may live on, intact, long after your genes have dissolved in the common pool. Socrates may or may not have a gene or two alive in the world today, as G.C. Williams has remarked, but who cares? The meme-complexes of Socrates, Leonardo, Copernicus and Marconi are still going strong.
Although Dawkins invented the term meme, he has not claimed that the idea was entirely novel, and there have been other expressions for similar ideas in the past. In 1904, Richard Semon published Die Mneme (which appeared in English in 1924 as The Mneme). The term mneme was also used in Maurice Maeterlinck's The Life of the White Ant (1926), with some parallels to Dawkins's concept.
Memetic lifecycle: transmission, retention
Memes, analogously to genes, vary in their aptitude to replicate;
successful memes remain and spread, whereas unfit ones stall and are
forgotten. Thus memes that prove more effective at replicating and
surviving are selected in the meme pool.
Memes first need retention. The longer a meme stays in its hosts,
the higher its chances of propagation are. When a host uses a meme, the
meme's life is extended. The reuse of the neural space hosting a certain meme's copy to host different memes is the greatest threat to that meme's copy.
A meme which increases the longevity of its hosts will generally
survive longer. On the contrary, a meme which shortens the longevity of
its hosts will tend to disappear faster. However, as hosts are mortal,
retention is not sufficient to perpetuate a meme in the long term; memes
also need transmission.
Life-forms can transmit information both vertically (from parent
to child, via replication of genes) and horizontally (through viruses
and other means).
Memes can replicate vertically or horizontally within a single
biological generation. They may also lie dormant for long periods of
time.
Memes reproduce by copying from a nervous system to another one, either by communication or imitation. Imitation often involves the copying of an observed
behavior of another individual. Communication may be direct or
indirect, where memes transmit from one individual to another through a
copy recorded in an inanimate source, such as a book or a musical score. Adam McNamara has suggested that memes can be thereby classified as either internal or external memes (i-memes or e-memes).
Some commentators have likened the transmission of memes to the spread of contagions. Social contagions such as fads, hysteria, copycat crime, and copycat suicide
exemplify memes seen as the contagious imitation of ideas. Observers
distinguish the contagious imitation of memes from instinctively
contagious phenomena such as yawning and laughing, which they consider
innate (rather than socially learned) behaviors.
Aaron Lynch described seven general patterns of meme transmission, or "thought contagion":
- Quantity of parenthood: an idea that influences the number of children one has. Children respond particularly receptively to the ideas of their parents, and thus ideas that directly or indirectly encourage a higher birthrate will replicate themselves at a higher rate than those that discourage higher birthrates.
- Efficiency of parenthood: an idea that increases the proportion of children who will adopt ideas of their parents. Cultural separatism exemplifies one practice in which one can expect a higher rate of meme-replication—because the meme for separation creates a barrier from exposure to competing ideas.
- Proselytic: ideas generally passed to others beyond one's own children. Ideas that encourage the proselytism of a meme, as seen in many religious or political movements, can replicate memes horizontally through a given generation, spreading more rapidly than parent-to-child meme-transmissions do.
- Preservational: ideas that influence those that hold them to continue to hold them for a long time. Ideas that encourage longevity in their hosts, or leave their hosts particularly resistant to abandoning or replacing these ideas, enhance the preservability of memes and afford protection from the competition or proselytism of other memes.
- Adversative: ideas that influence those that hold them to attack or sabotage competing ideas and/or those that hold them. Adversative replication can give an advantage in meme transmission when the meme itself encourages aggression against other memes.
- Cognitive: ideas perceived as cogent by most in the population who encounter them. Cognitively transmitted memes depend heavily on a cluster of other ideas and cognitive traits already widely held in the population, and thus usually spread more passively than other forms of meme transmission. Memes spread in cognitive transmission do not count as self-replicating.
- Motivational: ideas that people adopt because they perceive some self-interest in adopting them. Strictly speaking, motivationally transmitted memes do not self-propagate, but this mode of transmission often occurs in association with memes self-replicated in the efficiency parental, proselytic and preservational modes.
Memes as discrete units
Dawkins initially defined meme as a noun that "conveys the idea of a unit of cultural transmission, or a unit of imitation".
John S. Wilkins retained the notion of meme as a kernel of cultural
imitation while emphasizing the meme's evolutionary aspect, defining the
meme as "the least unit of sociocultural information relative to a
selection process that has favorable or unfavorable selection bias that
exceeds its endogenous tendency to change".
The meme as a unit provides a convenient means of discussing "a piece
of thought copied from person to person", regardless of whether that
thought contains others inside it, or forms part of a larger meme. A
meme could consist of a single word, or a meme could consist of the
entire speech in which that word first occurred. This forms an analogy
to the idea of a gene as a single unit of self-replicating information
found on the self-replicating chromosome.
While the identification of memes as "units" conveys their nature
to replicate as discrete, indivisible entities, it does not imply that
thoughts somehow become quantized or that "atomic" ideas exist that cannot be dissected into smaller pieces. A meme has no given size. Susan Blackmore writes that melodies from Beethoven's
symphonies are commonly used to illustrate the difficulty involved in
delimiting memes as discrete units. She notes that while the first four
notes of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony form a meme widely replicated as an independent unit, one can regard the entire symphony as a single meme as well.
The inability to pin an idea or cultural feature to quantifiable
key units is widely acknowledged as a problem for memetics. It has been
argued however that the traces of memetic processing can be quantified
utilizing neuroimaging techniques which measure changes in the
connectivity profiles between brain regions." Blackmore meets such criticism by stating that memes compare with genes in this respect: that while a gene has no particular size, nor can we ascribe every phenotypic
feature directly to a particular gene, it has value because it
encapsulates that key unit of inherited expression subject to
evolutionary pressures. To illustrate, she notes evolution selects for
the gene for features such as eye color; it does not select for the
individual nucleotide in a strand of DNA. Memes play a comparable role in understanding the evolution of imitated behaviors.
The 1981 book Genes, Mind, and Culture: The Coevolutionary Process by Charles J. Lumsden and E. O. Wilson
proposed the theory that genes and culture co-evolve, and that the
fundamental biological units of culture must correspond to neuronal
networks that function as nodes of semantic memory. They coined their own word, "culturgen", which did not catch on. Coauthor Wilson later acknowledged the term meme as the best label for the fundamental unit of cultural inheritance in his 1998 book Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge, which elaborates upon the fundamental role of memes in unifying the natural and social sciences.
Evolutionary influences on memes
Dawkins noted the three conditions that must exist for evolution to occur:
- variation, or the introduction of new change to existing elements;
- heredity or replication, or the capacity to create copies of elements;
- differential "fitness", or the opportunity for one element to be more or less suited to the environment than another.
Dawkins emphasizes that the process of evolution naturally occurs
whenever these conditions co-exist, and that evolution does not apply
only to organic elements such as genes. He regards memes as also having
the properties necessary for evolution, and thus sees meme evolution as
not simply analogous to genetic evolution, but as a real phenomenon
subject to the laws of natural selection. Dawkins noted that as various ideas pass from one generation
to the next, they may either enhance or detract from the survival of
the people who obtain those ideas, or influence the survival of the
ideas themselves. For example, a certain culture may develop unique
designs and methods of tool-making
that give it a competitive advantage over another culture. Each
tool-design thus acts somewhat similarly to a biological gene
in that some populations have it and others do not, and the meme's
function directly affects the presence of the design in future
generations. In keeping with the thesis that in evolution one can regard
organisms simply as suitable "hosts" for reproducing genes, Dawkins
argues that one can view people as "hosts" for replicating memes.
Consequently, a successful meme may or may not need to provide any
benefit to its host.
Unlike genetic evolution, memetic evolution can show both Darwinian and Lamarckian
traits. Cultural memes will have the characteristic of Lamarckian
inheritance when a host aspires to replicate the given meme through
inference rather than by exactly copying it. Take for example the case
of the transmission of a simple skill such as hammering a nail, a skill
that a learner imitates from watching a demonstration without
necessarily imitating every discrete movement modeled by the teacher in
the demonstration, stroke for stroke. Susan Blackmore
distinguishes the difference between the two modes of inheritance in
the evolution of memes, characterizing the Darwinian mode as "copying
the instructions" and the Lamarckian as "copying the product."
Clusters of memes, or memeplexes (also known as meme complexes or as memecomplexes),
such as cultural or political doctrines and systems, may also play a
part in the acceptance of new memes. Memeplexes comprise groups of memes
that replicate together and coadapt.
Memes that fit within a successful memeplex may gain acceptance by
"piggybacking" on the success of the memeplex.
As an example, John D. Gottsch discusses the transmission, mutation and
selection of religious memeplexes and the theistic memes contained.
Theistic memes discussed include the "prohibition of aberrant sexual
practices such as incest, adultery, homosexuality, bestiality,
castration, and religious prostitution", which may have increased
vertical transmission of the parent religious memeplex. Similar memes
are thereby included in the majority of religious memeplexes, and harden
over time; they become an "inviolable canon" or set of dogmas, eventually finding their way into secular law. This could also be referred to as the propagation of a taboo.
Memetics
The discipline of memetics, which dates from the mid-1980s, provides an approach to evolutionary models of cultural information transfer based on the concept of the meme. Memeticists have proposed that just as memes function analogously to genes, memetics functions analogously to genetics. Memetics attempts to apply conventional scientific methods (such as those used in population genetics and epidemiology) to explain existing patterns and transmission of cultural ideas.
Principal criticisms of memetics include the claim that memetics
ignores established advances in other fields of cultural study, such as sociology, cultural anthropology, cognitive psychology, and social psychology. Questions remain whether or not the meme concept counts as a validly disprovable scientific theory. This view regards memetics as a theory in its infancy: a protoscience to proponents, or a pseudoscience to some detractors.
Criticism of meme theory
An objection to the study of the evolution of memes in genetic terms
(although not to the existence of memes) involves a perceived gap in the
gene/meme analogy: the cumulative evolution of genes depends on
biological selection-pressures neither too great nor too small in
relation to mutation-rates. There seems no reason to think that the same
balance will exist in the selection pressures on memes.
Luis Benitez-Bribiesca M.D., a critic of memetics, calls the theory a "pseudoscientific dogma" and "a dangerous idea that poses a threat to the serious study of consciousness and cultural evolution".
As a factual criticism, Benitez-Bribiesca points to the lack of a "code
script" for memes (analogous to the DNA of genes), and to the excessive
instability of the meme mutation mechanism (that of an idea going from
one brain to another), which would lead to a low replication accuracy
and a high mutation rate, rendering the evolutionary process chaotic.
British political philosopher John Gray
has characterized Dawkins' memetic theory of religion as "nonsense" and
"not even a theory... the latest in a succession of ill-judged
Darwinian metaphors", comparable to Intelligent Design in its value as a science.
Another critique comes from semiotic theorists such as Deacon and Kull. This view regards the concept of "meme" as a primitivized concept of "sign". The meme is thus described in memetics as a sign lacking a triadic
nature. Semioticians can regard a meme as a "degenerate" sign, which
includes only its ability of being copied. Accordingly, in the broadest
sense, the objects of copying are memes, whereas the objects of
translation and interpretation are signs.
Fracchia and Lewontin regard memetics as reductionist and inadequate. Evolutionary biologist Ernst Mayr disapproved of Dawkins' gene-based view and usage of the term "meme", asserting it to be an "unnecessary synonym" for "concept",
reasoning that concepts are not restricted to an individual or a
generation, may persist for long periods of time, and may evolve.
Applications
Opinions differ as to how best to apply the concept of memes within a
"proper" disciplinary framework. One view sees memes as providing a
useful philosophical perspective with which to examine cultural
evolution. Proponents of this view (such as Susan Blackmore and Daniel Dennett) argue that considering cultural developments from a meme's-eye view—as if
memes themselves respond to pressure to maximize their own replication
and survival—can lead to useful insights and yield valuable predictions
into how culture develops over time. Others such as Bruce Edmonds and
Robert Aunger have focused on the need to provide an empirical grounding
for memetics to become a useful and respected scientific discipline.
A third approach, described by Joseph Poulshock, as "radical memetics" seeks to place memes at the center of a materialistic theory of mind and of personal identity.
Prominent researchers in evolutionary psychology and anthropology, including Scott Atran, Dan Sperber, Pascal Boyer, John Tooby and others, argue the possibility of incompatibility between modularity of mind and memetics.
In their view, minds structure certain communicable aspects of the
ideas produced, and these communicable aspects generally trigger or
elicit ideas in other minds through inference (to relatively rich
structures generated from often low-fidelity input) and not
high-fidelity replication or imitation. Atran discusses communication
involving religious beliefs as a case in point. In one set of
experiments he asked religious people to write down on a piece of paper
the meanings of the Ten Commandments.
Despite the subjects' own expectations of consensus, interpretations of
the commandments showed wide ranges of variation, with little evidence
of consensus. In another experiment, subjects with autism and subjects
without autism interpreted ideological and religious sayings (for
example, "Let a thousand flowers bloom" or "To everything there is a
season"). People with autism showed a significant tendency to closely
paraphrase and repeat content from the original statement (for example:
"Don't cut flowers before they bloom"). Controls tended to infer a wider
range of cultural meanings with little replicated content (for example:
"Go with the flow" or "Everyone should have equal opportunity"). Only
the subjects with autism—who lack the degree of inferential capacity
normally associated with aspects of theory of mind—came close to functioning as "meme machines".
In his book The Robot's Rebellion, Stanovich
uses the memes and memeplex concepts to describe a program of cognitive
reform that he refers to as a "rebellion". Specifically, Stanovich
argues that the use of memes as a descriptor for cultural units is
beneficial because it serves to emphasize transmission and acquisition
properties that parallel the study of epidemiology.
These properties make salient the sometimes parasitic nature of
acquired memes, and as a result individuals should be motivated to
reflectively acquire memes using what he calls a "Neurathian bootstrap" process.
Religion
Although social scientists such as Max Weber sought to understand and explain religion
in terms of a cultural attribute, Richard Dawkins called for a
re-analysis of religion in terms of the evolution of self-replicating
ideas apart from any resulting biological advantages they might bestow.
As an enthusiastic Darwinian, I have been dissatisfied with explanations that my fellow-enthusiasts have offered for human behaviour. They have tried to look for 'biological advantages' in various attributes of human civilization. For instance, tribal religion has been seen as a mechanism for solidifying group identity, valuable for a pack-hunting species whose individuals rely on cooperation to catch large and fast prey. Frequently the evolutionary preconception in terms of which such theories are framed is implicitly group-selectionist, but it is possible to rephrase the theories in terms of orthodox gene selection.
He argued that the role of key replicator in cultural evolution
belongs not to genes, but to memes replicating thought from person to
person by means of imitation. These replicators respond to selective
pressures that may or may not affect biological reproduction or
survival.
In her book The Meme Machine, Susan Blackmore
regards religions as particularly tenacious memes. Many of the features
common to the most widely practiced religions provide built-in
advantages in an evolutionary context, she writes. For example,
religions that preach of the value of faith over evidence from everyday experience or reason inoculate societies against many of the most basic tools people commonly use to evaluate their ideas. By linking altruism
with religious affiliation, religious memes can proliferate more
quickly because people perceive that they can reap societal as well as
personal rewards. The longevity of religious memes improves with their
documentation in revered religious texts.
Aaron Lynch
attributed the robustness of religious memes in human culture to the
fact that such memes incorporate multiple modes of meme transmission.
Religious memes pass down the generations from parent to child and
across a single generation through the meme-exchange of proselytism.
Most people will hold the religion taught them by their parents
throughout their life. Many religions feature adversarial elements,
punishing apostasy, for instance, or demonizing infidels. In Thought Contagion Lynch identifies the memes of transmission in Christianity
as especially powerful in scope. Believers view the conversion of
non-believers both as a religious duty and as an act of altruism. The
promise of heaven to believers and threat of hell to non-believers provide a strong incentive for members to retain their belief. Lynch asserts that belief in the Crucifixion of Jesus in Christianity amplifies each of its other replication advantages through the indebtedness believers have to their Savior for sacrifice on the cross. The image of the crucifixion recurs in religious sacraments, and the proliferation of symbols of the cross in homes and churches potently reinforces the wide array of Christian memes.
Although religious memes have proliferated in human cultures, the
modern scientific community has been relatively resistant to religious
belief. Robertson (2007) reasoned that if evolution is accelerated in conditions of propagative difficulty,
then we would expect to encounter variations of religious memes,
established in general populations, addressed to scientific communities.
Using a memetic approach, Robertson deconstructed two attempts to
privilege religiously held spirituality in scientific discourse.
Advantages of a memetic approach as compared to more traditional
"modernization" and "supply side" theses in understanding the evolution
and propagation of religion were explored.
Memetic explanations of racism
In Cultural Software: A Theory of Ideology, Jack Balkin argued that memetic processes can explain many of the most familiar features of ideological thought. His theory of "cultural software" maintained that memes form narratives, social networks, metaphoric and metonymic
models, and a variety of different mental structures. Balkin maintains
that the same structures used to generate ideas about free speech or
free markets also serve to generate racist beliefs. To Balkin, whether
memes become harmful or maladaptive depends on the environmental
context in which they exist rather than in any special source or manner
to their origination. Balkin describes racist beliefs as "fantasy" memes
that become harmful or unjust "ideologies" when diverse peoples come
together, as through trade or competition.
Architectural memes
In A Theory of Architecture, Nikos Salingaros speaks of memes as "freely propagating clusters of information" which can be beneficial or harmful. He contrasts memes to patterns
and true knowledge, characterizing memes as "greatly simplified
versions of patterns" and as "unreasoned matching to some visual or
mnemonic prototype".
Taking reference to Dawkins, Salingaros emphasizes that they can be
transmitted due to their own communicative properties, that "the simpler
they are, the faster they can proliferate", and that the most
successful memes "come with a great psychological appeal".
Architectural memes, according to Salingaros, can have
destructive power. "Images portrayed in architectural magazines
representing buildings that could not possibly accommodate everyday uses
become fixed in our memory, so we reproduce them unconsciously."
He lists various architectural memes that circulated since the 1920s
and which, in his view, have led to contemporary architecture becoming
quite decoupled from human needs. They lack connection and meaning,
thereby preventing "the creation of true connections necessary to our
understanding of the world". He sees them as no different from antipatterns in software design—as solutions that are false but are re-utilized nonetheless.
Internet culture
An "Internet meme" is a concept that spreads rapidly from person to person via the Internet, largely through Internet-based E-mailing, blogs, forums, imageboards like 4chan, social networking sites like Facebook, Instagram, or Twitter, instant messaging, social news sites or thread sites like Reddit, and video hosting services like YouTube and Twitch.
In 2013, Richard Dawkins characterized an Internet meme as one
deliberately altered by human creativity, distinguished from Dawkins's
original idea involving mutation by random change and a form of
Darwinian selection.
Meme maps
One technique of meme mapping represents the evolution and transmission of a meme across time and space. Such a meme map uses a figure-8 diagram (an analemma)
to map the gestation (in the lower loop), birth (at the choke point),
and development (in the upper loop) of the selected meme. Such meme maps
are nonscalar, with time mapped onto the y-axis and space onto the
x-axis transect.
One can read the temporal progression of the mapped meme from south to
north on such a meme map. Paull has published a worked example using the
"organics meme" (as in organic agriculture).