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Saturday, September 7, 2024

Myocardial infarction

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Myocardial infarction
Other namesAcute myocardial infarction (AMI), heart attack
A myocardial infarction occurs when an atherosclerotic plaque slowly builds up in the inner lining of a coronary artery and then suddenly ruptures, causing catastrophic thrombus formation, totally occluding the artery and preventing blood flow downstream to the heart muscle.
SpecialtyCardiology, emergency medicine
SymptomsChest pain, shortness of breath, nausea/vomiting, dizziness or lightheadedness, cold sweat, feeling tired; arm, neck, back, jaw, or stomach pain, decreased level or total loss of consciousness
ComplicationsHeart failure, irregular heartbeat, cardiogenic shock, coma, cardiac arrest
CausesUsually coronary artery disease
Risk factorsHigh blood pressure, smoking, diabetes, lack of exercise, obesity, high blood cholesterol
Diagnostic methodElectrocardiograms (ECGs), blood tests, coronary angiography
TreatmentPercutaneous coronary intervention, thrombolysis
MedicationAspirin, nitroglycerin, heparin
PrognosisSTEMI 10% risk of death (developed world)
Frequency15.9 million (2015)[10]

A myocardial infarction (MI), commonly known as a heart attack, occurs when blood flow decreases or stops in one of the coronary arteries of the heart, causing infarction (tissue death) to the heart muscle. The most common symptom is retrosternal chest pain or discomfort that classically radiates to the left shoulder, arm, or jaw. The pain may occasionally feel like heartburn.

Other symptoms may include shortness of breath, nausea, feeling faint, a cold sweat, feeling tired, and decreased level of consciousness.[1] About 30% of people have atypical symptoms. Women more often present without chest pain and instead have neck pain, arm pain or feel tired. Among those over 75 years old, about 5% have had an MI with little or no history of symptoms. An MI may cause heart failure, an irregular heartbeat, cardiogenic shock or cardiac arrest.

Most MIs occur due to coronary artery disease. Risk factors include high blood pressure, smoking, diabetes, lack of exercise, obesity, high blood cholesterol, poor diet, and excessive alcohol intake. The complete blockage of a coronary artery caused by a rupture of an atherosclerotic plaque is usually the underlying mechanism of an MI. MIs are less commonly caused by coronary artery spasms, which may be due to cocaine, significant emotional stress (often known as Takotsubo syndrome or broken heart syndrome) and extreme cold, among others. Many tests are helpful to help with diagnosis, including electrocardiograms (ECGs), blood tests and coronary angiography. An ECG, which is a recording of the heart's electrical activity, may confirm an ST elevation MI (STEMI), if ST elevation is present. Commonly used blood tests include troponin and less often creatine kinase MB.

Treatment of an MI is time-critical. Aspirin is an appropriate immediate treatment for a suspected MI. Nitroglycerin or opioids may be used to help with chest pain; however, they do not improve overall outcomes. Supplemental oxygen is recommended in those with low oxygen levels or shortness of breath. In a STEMI, treatments attempt to restore blood flow to the heart and include percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), where the arteries are pushed open and may be stented, or thrombolysis, where the blockage is removed using medications. People who have a non-ST elevation myocardial infarction (NSTEMI) are often managed with the blood thinner heparin, with the additional use of PCI in those at high risk. In people with blockages of multiple coronary arteries and diabetes, coronary artery bypass surgery (CABG) may be recommended rather than angioplasty. After an MI, lifestyle modifications, along with long-term treatment with aspirin, beta blockers and statins, are typically recommended.

Worldwide, about 15.9 million myocardial infarctions occurred in 2015. More than 3 million people had an ST elevation MI, and more than 4 million had an NSTEMI. STEMIs occur about twice as often in men as women. About one million people have an MI each year in the United States. In the developed world, the risk of death in those who have had a STEMI is about 10%. Rates of MI for a given age have decreased globally between 1990 and 2010. In 2011, an MI was one of the top five most expensive conditions during inpatient hospitalizations in the US, with a cost of about $11.5 billion for 612,000 hospital stays.

Terminology

Myocardial infarction (MI) refers to tissue death (infarction) of the heart muscle (myocardium) caused by ischemia, the lack of oxygen delivery to myocardial tissue. It is a type of acute coronary syndrome, which describes a sudden or short-term change in symptoms related to blood flow to the heart. Unlike the other type of acute coronary syndrome, unstable angina, a myocardial infarction occurs when there is cell death, which can be estimated by measuring by a blood test for biomarkers (the cardiac protein troponin). When there is evidence of an MI, it may be classified as an ST elevation myocardial infarction (STEMI) or Non-ST elevation myocardial infarction (NSTEMI) based on the results of an ECG.

The phrase "heart attack" is often used non-specifically to refer to myocardial infarction. An MI is different from—but can cause—cardiac arrest, where the heart is not contracting at all or so poorly that all vital organs cease to function, thus leading to death. It is also distinct from heart failure, in which the pumping action of the heart is impaired. However, an MI may lead to heart failure.

Signs and symptoms

View of the chest with common areas of MI coloured
View of the back with common areas of MI coloured
Areas where pain is experienced in myocardial infarction, showing common (dark red) and less common (light red) areas on the chest (top) and back (bottom).

Chest pain that may or may not radiate to other parts of the body is the most typical and significant symptom of myocardial infarction. It might be accompanied by other symptoms such as sweating.

Pain

Chest pain is one of the most common symptoms of acute myocardial infarction and is often described as a sensation of tightness, pressure, or squeezing. Pain radiates most often to the left arm, but may also radiate to the lower jaw, neck, right arm, back, and upper abdomen. The pain most suggestive of an acute MI, with the highest likelihood ratio, is pain radiating to the right arm and shoulder. Similarly, chest pain similar to a previous heart attack is also suggestive. The pain associated with MI is usually diffuse, does not change with position, and lasts for more than 20 minutes. It might be described as pressure, tightness, knifelike, tearing, burning sensation (all these are also manifested during other diseases). It could be felt as an unexplained anxiety, and pain might be absent altogether. Levine's sign, in which a person localizes the chest pain by clenching one or both fists over their sternum, has classically been thought to be predictive of cardiac chest pain, although a prospective observational study showed it had a poor positive predictive value.

Typically, chest pain because of ischemia, be it unstable angina or myocardial infarction, lessens with the use of nitroglycerin, but nitroglycerin may also relieve chest pain arising from non-cardiac causes.

Other

Chest pain may be accompanied by sweating, nausea or vomiting, and fainting, and these symptoms may also occur without any pain at all. Dizziness or lightheadedness is common and occurs due to reduction in oxygen and blood to the brain. In women, the most common symptoms of myocardial infarction include shortness of breath, weakness, and fatigue. Women are more likely to have unusual or unexplained tiredness and nausea or vomiting as symptoms. Women having heart attacks are more likely to have palpitations, back pain, labored breath, vomiting, and left arm pain than men, although the studies showing these differences had high variability. Women are less likely to report chest pain during a heart attack and more likely to report nausea, jaw pain, neck pain, cough, and fatigue, although these findings are inconsistent across studies. Women with heart attacks also had more indigestion, dizziness, loss of appetite, and loss of consciousness. Shortness of breath is a common, and sometimes the only symptom, occurring when damage to the heart limits the output of the left ventricle, with breathlessness arising either from low oxygen in the blood or pulmonary edema.

Other less common symptoms include weakness, light-headedness, palpitations, and abnormalities in heart rate or blood pressure. These symptoms are likely induced by a massive surge of catecholamines from the sympathetic nervous system, which occurs in response to pain and, where present, low blood pressure. Loss of consciousness can occur in myocardial infarctions due to inadequate blood flow to the brain and cardiogenic shock, and sudden death, frequently due to the development of ventricular fibrillation. When the brain was without oxygen for too long due to a myocardial infarction, coma and persistent vegetative state can occur. Cardiac arrest, and atypical symptoms such as palpitations, occur more frequently in women, the elderly, those with diabetes, in people who have just had surgery, and in critically ill patients.

Absence

"Silent" myocardial infarctions can happen without any symptoms at all. These cases can be discovered later on electrocardiograms, using blood enzyme tests, or at autopsy after a person has died. Such silent myocardial infarctions represent between 22 and 64% of all infarctions, and are more common in the elderly, in those with diabetes mellitus and after heart transplantation. In people with diabetes, differences in pain threshold, autonomic neuropathy, and psychological factors have been cited as possible explanations for the lack of symptoms. In heart transplantation, the donor heart is not fully innervated by the nervous system of the recipient.

Risk factors

The most prominent risk factors for myocardial infarction are older age, actively smoking, high blood pressure, diabetes mellitus, and total cholesterol and high-density lipoprotein levels. Many risk factors of myocardial infarction are shared with coronary artery disease, the primary cause of myocardial infarction, with other risk factors including male sex, low levels of physical activity, a past family history, obesity, and alcohol use. Risk factors for myocardial disease are often included in risk factor stratification scores, such as the Framingham Risk Score. At any given age, men are more at risk than women for the development of cardiovascular disease. High levels of blood cholesterol is a known risk factor, particularly high low-density lipoprotein, low high-density lipoprotein, and high triglycerides.

Many risk factors for myocardial infarction are potentially modifiable, with the most important being tobacco smoking (including secondhand smoke). Smoking appears to be the cause of about 36% and obesity the cause of 20% of coronary artery disease. Lack of physical activity has been linked to 7–12% of cases. Less common causes include stress-related causes such as job stress, which accounts for about 3% of cases, and chronic high stress levels.

Diet

There is varying evidence about the importance of saturated fat in the development of myocardial infarctions. Eating polyunsaturated fat instead of saturated fats has been shown in studies to be associated with a decreased risk of myocardial infarction, while other studies find little evidence that reducing dietary saturated fat or increasing polyunsaturated fat intake affects heart attack risk. Dietary cholesterol does not appear to have a significant effect on blood cholesterol and thus recommendations about its consumption may not be needed. Trans fats do appear to increase risk. Acute and prolonged intake of high quantities of alcoholic drinks (3–4 or more daily) increases the risk of a heart attack.

Genetics

Family history of ischemic heart disease or MI, particularly if one has a male first-degree relative (father, brother) who had a myocardial infarction before age 55 years, or a female first-degree relative (mother, sister) less than age 65 increases a person's risk of MI.

Genome-wide association studies have found 27 genetic variants that are associated with an increased risk of myocardial infarction. The strongest association of MI has been found with chromosome 9 on the short arm p at locus 21, which contains genes CDKN2A and 2B, although the single nucleotide polymorphisms that are implicated are within a non-coding region. The majority of these variants are in regions that have not been previously implicated in coronary artery disease. The following genes have an association with MI: PCSK9, SORT1, MIA3, WDR12, MRAS, PHACTR1, LPA, TCF21, MTHFDSL, ZC3HC1, CDKN2A, 2B, ABO, PDGF0, APOA5, MNF1ASM283, COL4A1, HHIPC1, SMAD3, ADAMTS7, RAS1, SMG6, SNF8, LDLR, SLC5A3, MRPS6, KCNE2.

Other

The risk of having a myocardial infarction increases with older age, low physical activity, and low socioeconomic status. Heart attacks appear to occur more commonly in the morning hours, especially between 6AM and noon. Evidence suggests that heart attacks are at least three times more likely to occur in the morning than in the late evening. Shift work is also associated with a higher risk of MI. One analysis has found an increase in heart attacks immediately following the start of daylight saving time.

Women who use combined oral contraceptive pills have a modestly increased risk of myocardial infarction, especially in the presence of other risk factors. The use of non-steroidal anti inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs), even for as short as a week, increases risk.

Endometriosis in women under the age of 40 is an identified risk factor.

Air pollution is also an important modifiable risk. Short-term exposure to air pollution such as carbon monoxide, nitrogen dioxide, and sulfur dioxide (but not ozone) has been associated with MI and other acute cardiovascular events. For sudden cardiac deaths, every increment of 30 units in Pollutant Standards Index correlated with an 8% increased risk of out-of-hospital cardiac arrest on the day of exposure. Extremes of temperature are also associated.

A number of acute and chronic infections including Chlamydophila pneumoniae, influenza, Helicobacter pylori, and Porphyromonas gingivalis among others have been linked to atherosclerosis and myocardial infarction. As of 2013, there is no evidence of benefit from antibiotics or vaccination, however, calling the association into question. Myocardial infarction can also occur as a late consequence of Kawasaki disease.

Calcium deposits in the coronary arteries can be detected with CT scans. Calcium seen in coronary arteries can provide predictive information beyond that of classical risk factors. High blood levels of the amino acid homocysteine is associated with premature atherosclerosis; whether elevated homocysteine in the normal range is causal is controversial.

In people without evident coronary artery disease, possible causes for the myocardial infarction are coronary spasm or coronary artery dissection.

Mechanism

Atherosclerosis

The most common cause of a myocardial infarction is the rupture of an atherosclerotic plaque on an artery supplying heart muscle. Plaques can become unstable, rupture, and additionally promote the formation of a blood clot that blocks the artery; this can occur in minutes. Blockage of an artery can lead to tissue death in tissue being supplied by that artery. Atherosclerotic plaques are often present for decades before they result in symptoms.

The gradual buildup of cholesterol and fibrous tissue in plaques in the wall of the coronary arteries or other arteries, typically over decades, is termed atherosclerosis. Atherosclerosis is characterized by progressive inflammation of the walls of the arteries. Inflammatory cells, particularly macrophages, move into affected arterial walls. Over time, they become laden with cholesterol products, particularly LDL, and become foam cells. A cholesterol core forms as foam cells die. In response to growth factors secreted by macrophages, smooth muscle and other cells move into the plaque and act to stabilize it. A stable plaque may have a thick fibrous cap with calcification. If there is ongoing inflammation, the cap may be thin or ulcerate. Exposed to the pressure associated with blood flow, plaques, especially those with a thin lining, may rupture and trigger the formation of a blood clot (thrombus). The cholesterol crystals have been associated with plaque rupture through mechanical injury and inflammation.

Other causes

Atherosclerotic disease is not the only cause of myocardial infarction, but it may exacerbate or contribute to other causes. A myocardial infarction may result from a heart with a limited blood supply subject to increased oxygen demands, such as in fever, a fast heart rate, hyperthyroidism, too few red blood cells in the bloodstream, or low blood pressure. Damage or failure of procedures such as percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI) or coronary artery bypass grafts (CABG) may cause a myocardial infarction. Spasm of coronary arteries, such as Prinzmetal's angina may cause blockage.

Tissue death

Cross section showing anterior left ventricle wall infarction

If impaired blood flow to the heart lasts long enough, it triggers a process called the ischemic cascade; the heart cells in the territory of the blocked coronary artery die (infarction), chiefly through necrosis, and do not grow back. A collagen scar forms in their place. When an artery is blocked, cells lack oxygen, needed to produce ATP in mitochondria. ATP is required for the maintenance of electrolyte balance, particularly through the Na/K ATPase. This leads to an ischemic cascade of intracellular changes, necrosis and apoptosis of affected cells.

Cells in the area with the worst blood supply, just below the inner surface of the heart (endocardium), are most susceptible to damage. Ischemia first affects this region, the subendocardial region, and tissue begins to die within 15–30 minutes of loss of blood supply. The dead tissue is surrounded by a zone of potentially reversible ischemia that progresses to become a full-thickness transmural infarct. The initial "wave" of infarction can take place over 3–4 hours. These changes are seen on gross pathology and cannot be predicted by the presence or absence of Q waves on an ECG. The position, size and extent of an infarct depends on the affected artery, totality of the blockage, duration of the blockage, the presence of collateral blood vessels, oxygen demand, and success of interventional procedures.

Tissue death and myocardial scarring alter the normal conduction pathways of the heart and weaken affected areas. The size and location put a person at risk of abnormal heart rhythms (arrhythmias) or heart block, aneurysm of the heart ventricles, inflammation of the heart wall following infarction, and rupture of the heart wall that can have catastrophic consequences.

Injury to the myocardium also occurs during re-perfusion. This might manifest as ventricular arrhythmia. The re-perfusion injury is a consequence of the calcium and sodium uptake from the cardiac cells and the release of oxygen radicals during reperfusion. No-reflow phenomenon—when blood is still unable to be distributed to the affected myocardium despite clearing the occlusion—also contributes to myocardial injury. Topical endothelial swelling is one of many factors contributing to this phenomenon.

Diagnosis

Criteria

Diagram showing the blood supply to the heart by the two major blood vessels, the left and right coronary arteries (labelled LCA and RCA). A myocardial infarction (2) has occurred with blockage of a branch of the left coronary artery (1).

A myocardial infarction, according to current consensus, is defined by elevated cardiac biomarkers with a rising or falling trend and at least one of the following:

Types

A myocardial infarction is usually clinically classified as an ST-elevation MI (STEMI) or a non-ST elevation MI (NSTEMI). These are based on ST elevation, a portion of a heartbeat graphically recorded on an ECG. STEMIs make up about 25–40% of myocardial infarctions. A more explicit classification system, based on international consensus in 2012, also exists. This classifies myocardial infarctions into five types:

  1. Spontaneous MI related to plaque erosion and/or rupture fissuring, or dissection
  2. MI related to ischemia, such as from increased oxygen demand or decreased supply, e.g., coronary artery spasm, coronary embolism, anemia, arrhythmias, high blood pressure, or low blood pressure
  3. Sudden unexpected cardiac death, including cardiac arrest, where symptoms may suggest MI, an ECG may be taken with suggestive changes, or a blood clot is found in a coronary artery by angiography and/or at autopsy, but where blood samples could not be obtained, or at a time before the appearance of cardiac biomarkers in the blood
  4. Associated with coronary angioplasty or stents
  5. Associated with CABG
  6. Associated with spontaneous coronary artery dissection in young, fit women

Cardiac biomarkers

There are many different biomarkers used to determine the presence of cardiac muscle damage. Troponins, measured through a blood test, are considered to be the best, and are preferred because they have greater sensitivity and specificity for measuring injury to the heart muscle than other tests. A rise in troponin occurs within 2–3 hours of injury to the heart muscle, and peaks within 1–2 days. The level of the troponin, as well as a change over time, are useful in measuring and diagnosing or excluding myocardial infarctions, and the diagnostic accuracy of troponin testing is improving over time. One high-sensitivity cardiac troponin can rule out a heart attack as long as the ECG is normal.

Other tests, such as CK-MB or myoglobin, are discouraged. CK-MB is not as specific as troponins for acute myocardial injury, and may be elevated with past cardiac surgery, inflammation or electrical cardioversion; it rises within 4–8 hours and returns to normal within 2–3 days. Copeptin may be useful to rule out MI rapidly when used along with troponin.

Electrocardiogram

A 12-lead ECG showing an inferior STEMI due to reduced perfusion through the right coronary artery. Elevation of the ST segment can be seen in leads II, III and aVF.

Electrocardiograms (ECGs) are a series of leads placed on a person's chest that measure electrical activity associated with contraction of the heart muscle. The taking of an ECG is an important part of the workup of an AMI, and ECGs are often not just taken once but may be repeated over minutes to hours, or in response to changes in signs or symptoms.

ECG readouts produce a waveform with different labeled features. In addition to a rise in biomarkers, a rise in the ST segment, changes in the shape or flipping of T waves, new Q waves, or a new left bundle branch block can be used to diagnose an AMI. In addition, ST elevation can be used to diagnose an ST segment myocardial infarction (STEMI). A rise must be new in V2 and V3 ≥2 mm (0,2 mV) for males or ≥1.5 mm (0.15 mV) for females or ≥1 mm (0.1 mV) in two other adjacent chest or limb leads. ST elevation is associated with infarction, and may be preceded by changes indicating ischemia, such as ST depression or inversion of the T waves. Abnormalities can help differentiate the location of an infarct, based on the leads that are affected by changes. Early STEMIs may be preceded by peaked T waves. Other ECG abnormalities relating to complications of acute myocardial infarctions may also be evident, such as atrial or ventricular fibrillation.

Imaging

ECG : AMI with ST elevation in V2-4

Noninvasive imaging plays an important role in the diagnosis and characterisation of myocardial infarction. Tests such as chest X-rays can be used to explore and exclude alternate causes of a person's symptoms. Echocardiography may assist in modifying clinical suspicion of ongoing myocardial infarction in patients that can't be ruled out or ruled in following initial ECG and Troponin testing. Myocardial perfusion imaging has no role in the acute diagnostic algorithm; however, it can confirm a clinical suspicion of Chronic Coronary Syndrome when the patient's history, physical examination (including cardiac examination) ECG, and cardiac biomarkers suggest coronary artery disease.

Echocardiography, an ultrasound scan of the heart, is able to visualize the heart, its size, shape, and any abnormal motion of the heart walls as they beat that may indicate a myocardial infarction. The flow of blood can be imaged, and contrast dyes may be given to improve image. Other scans using radioactive contrast include SPECT CT-scans using thallium, sestamibi (MIBI scans) or tetrofosmin; or a PET scan using Fludeoxyglucose or rubidium-82. These nuclear medicine scans can visualize the perfusion of heart muscle. SPECT may also be used to determine viability of tissue, and whether areas of ischemia are inducible.

Medical societies and professional guidelines recommend that the physician confirm a person is at high risk for Chronic Coronary Syndrome before conducting diagnostic non-invasive imaging tests to make a diagnosis, as such tests are unlikely to change management and result in increased costs. Patients who have a normal ECG and who are able to exercise, for example, most likely do not merit routine imaging.

Differential diagnosis

There are many causes of chest pain, which can originate from the heart, lungs, gastrointestinal tract, aorta, and other muscles, bones and nerves surrounding the chest. In addition to myocardial infarction, other causes include angina, insufficient blood supply (ischemia) to the heart muscles without evidence of cell death, gastroesophageal reflux disease; pulmonary embolism, tumors of the lungs, pneumonia, rib fracture, costochondritis, heart failure and other musculoskeletal injuries. Rarer severe differential diagnoses include aortic dissection, esophageal rupture, tension pneumothorax, and pericardial effusion causing cardiac tamponade. The chest pain in an MI may mimic heartburn. Causes of sudden-onset breathlessness generally involve the lungs or heart – including pulmonary edema, pneumonia, allergic reactions and asthma, and pulmonary embolus, acute respiratory distress syndrome and metabolic acidosis. There are many different causes of fatigue, and myocardial infarction is not a common cause.

Prevention

There is a large crossover between the lifestyle and activity recommendations to prevent a myocardial infarction, and those that may be adopted as secondary prevention after an initial myocardial infarction, because of shared risk factors and an aim to reduce atherosclerosis affecting heart vessels. The influenza vaccine also appear to protect against myocardial infarction with a benefit of 15 to 45%.

Primary prevention

Lifestyle

Physical activity can reduce the risk of cardiovascular disease, and people at risk are advised to engage in 150 minutes of moderate or 75 minutes of vigorous intensity aerobic exercise a week. Keeping a healthy weight, drinking alcohol within the recommended limits, and quitting smoking reduce the risk of cardiovascular disease.

Substituting unsaturated fats such as olive oil and rapeseed oil instead of saturated fats may reduce the risk of myocardial infarction, although there is not universal agreement. Dietary modifications are recommended by some national authorities, with recommendations including increasing the intake of wholegrain starch, reducing sugar intake (particularly of refined sugar), consuming five portions of fruit and vegetables daily, consuming two or more portions of fish per week, and consuming 4–5 portions of unsalted nuts, seeds, or legumes per week. The dietary pattern with the greatest support is the Mediterranean diet. Vitamins and mineral supplements are of no proven benefit, and neither are plant stanols or sterols.

Public health measures may also act at a population level to reduce the risk of myocardial infarction, for example by reducing unhealthy diets (excessive salt, saturated fat, and trans-fat) including food labeling and marketing requirements as well as requirements for catering and restaurants and stimulating physical activity. This may be part of regional cardiovascular disease prevention programs or through the health impact assessment of regional and local plans and policies.

Most guidelines recommend combining different preventive strategies. A 2015 Cochrane Review found some evidence that such an approach might help with blood pressurebody mass index and waist circumference. However, there was insufficient evidence to show an effect on mortality or actual cardio-vascular events.

Medication

Statins, drugs that act to lower blood cholesterol, decrease the incidence and mortality rates of myocardial infarctions. They are often recommended in those at an elevated risk of cardiovascular diseases.

Aspirin has been studied extensively in people considered at increased risk of myocardial infarction. Based on numerous studies in different groups (e.g. people with or without diabetes), there does not appear to be a benefit strong enough to outweigh the risk of excessive bleeding. Nevertheless, many clinical practice guidelines continue to recommend aspirin for primary prevention, and some researchers feel that those with very high cardiovascular risk but low risk of bleeding should continue to receive aspirin.

Secondary prevention

There is a large crossover between the lifestyle and activity recommendations to prevent a myocardial infarction, and those that may be adopted as secondary prevention after an initial myocardial infarct. Recommendations include stopping smoking, a gradual return to exercise, eating a healthy diet, low in saturated fat and low in cholesterol, drinking alcohol within recommended limits, exercising, and trying to achieve a healthy weight. Exercise is both safe and effective even if people have had stents or heart failure, and is recommended to start gradually after 1–2 weeks. Counselling should be provided relating to medications used, and for warning signs of depression. Previous studies suggested a benefit from omega-3 fatty acid supplementation but this has not been confirmed.

Medications

Following a heart attack, nitrates, when taken for two days, and ACE-inhibitors decrease the risk of death. Other medications include:

Aspirin is continued indefinitely, as well as another antiplatelet agent such as clopidogrel or ticagrelor ("dual antiplatelet therapy" or DAPT) for up to twelve months. If someone has another medical condition that requires anticoagulation (e.g. with warfarin) this may need to be adjusted based on risk of further cardiac events as well as bleeding risk. In those who have had a stent, more than 12 months of clopidogrel plus aspirin does not affect the risk of death.

Beta blocker therapy such as metoprolol or carvedilol is recommended to be started within 24 hours, provided there is no acute heart failure or heart block. The dose should be increased to the highest tolerated. Contrary to most guidelines, the use of beta blockers does not appear to affect the risk of death, possibly because other treatments for MI have improved. When beta blocker medication is given within the first 24–72 hours of a STEMI no lives are saved. However, 1 in 200 people were prevented from a repeat heart attack, and another 1 in 200 from having an abnormal heart rhythm. Additionally, for 1 in 91 the medication causes a temporary decrease in the heart's ability to pump blood.

ACE inhibitor therapy should be started within 24 hours and continued indefinitely at the highest tolerated dose. This is provided there is no evidence of worsening kidney failure, high potassium, low blood pressure, or known narrowing of the renal arteries. Those who cannot tolerate ACE inhibitors may be treated with an angiotensin II receptor antagonist.

Statin therapy has been shown to reduce mortality and subsequent cardiac events and should be commenced to lower LDL cholesterol. Other medications, such as ezetimibe, may also be added with this goal in mind.

Aldosterone antagonists (spironolactone or eplerenone) may be used if there is evidence of left ventricular dysfunction after an MI, ideally after beginning treatment with an ACE inhibitor.

Other

A defibrillator, an electric device connected to the heart and surgically inserted under the skin, may be recommended. This is particularly if there are any ongoing signs of heart failure, with a low left ventricular ejection fraction and a New York Heart Association grade II or III after 40 days of the infarction. Defibrillators detect potentially fatal arrhythmia and deliver an electrical shock to the person to depolarize a critical mass of the heart muscle.

First aid

Taking aspirin helps to reduce the risk of mortality in people with myocardial infarction.

Management

A myocardial infarction requires immediate medical attention. Treatment aims to preserve as much heart muscle as possible, and to prevent further complications. Treatment depends on whether the myocardial infarction is a STEMI or NSTEMI. Treatment in general aims to unblock blood vessels, reduce blood clot enlargement, reduce ischemia, and modify risk factors with the aim of preventing future MIs. In addition, the main treatment for myocardial infarctions with ECG evidence of ST elevation (STEMI) include thrombolysis or percutaneous coronary intervention, although PCI is also ideally conducted within 1–3 days for NSTEMI. In addition to clinical judgement, risk stratification may be used to guide treatment, such as with the TIMI and GRACE scoring systems.

Pain

The pain associated with myocardial infarction is often treated with nitroglycerin, a vasodilator, or opioid medications such as morphine. Nitroglycerin (given under the tongue or injected into a vein) may improve blood supply to the heart. It is an important part of therapy for its pain relief effects, though there is no proven benefit to mortality. Morphine or other opioid medications may also be used, and are effective for the pain associated with STEMI. There is poor evidence that morphine shows any benefit to overall outcomes, and there is some evidence of potential harm.

Antithrombotics

Aspirin, an antiplatelet drug, is given as a loading dose to reduce the clot size and reduce further clotting in the affected artery. It is known to decrease mortality associated with acute myocardial infarction by at least 50%. P2Y12 inhibitors such as clopidogrel, prasugrel and ticagrelor are given concurrently, also as a loading dose, with the dose depending on whether further surgical management or fibrinolysis is planned. Prasugrel and ticagrelor are recommended in European and American guidelines, as they are active more quickly and consistently than clopidogrel. P2Y12 inhibitors are recommended in both NSTEMI and STEMI, including in PCI, with evidence also to suggest improved mortality. Heparins, particularly in the unfractionated form, act at several points in the clotting cascade, help to prevent the enlargement of a clot, and are also given in myocardial infarction, owing to evidence suggesting improved mortality rates. In very high-risk scenarios, inhibitors of the platelet glycoprotein αIIbβ3a receptor such as eptifibatide or tirofiban may be used.

There is varying evidence on the mortality benefits in NSTEMI. A 2014 review of P2Y12 inhibitors such as clopidogrel found they do not change the risk of death when given to people with a suspected NSTEMI prior to PCI, nor do heparins change the risk of death. They do decrease the risk of having a further myocardial infarction.

Angiogram

Inserting a stent to widen the artery.

Primary percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI) is the treatment of choice for STEMI if it can be performed in a timely manner, ideally within 90–120 minutes of contact with a medical provider. Some recommend it is also done in NSTEMI within 1–3 days, particularly when considered high-risk. A 2017 review, however, did not find a difference between early versus later PCI in NSTEMI.

PCI involves small probes, inserted through peripheral blood vessels such as the femoral artery or radial artery into the blood vessels of the heart. The probes are then used to identify and clear blockages using small balloons, which are dragged through the blocked segment, dragging away the clot, or the insertion of stents. Coronary artery bypass grafting is only considered when the affected area of heart muscle is large, and PCI is unsuitable, for example with difficult cardiac anatomy. After PCI, people are generally placed on aspirin indefinitely and on dual antiplatelet therapy (generally aspirin and clopidogrel) for at least a year.

Fibrinolysis

If PCI cannot be performed within 90 to 120 minutes in STEMI then fibrinolysis, preferably within 30 minutes of arrival to hospital, is recommended. If a person has had symptoms for 12 to 24 hours evidence for effectiveness of thrombolysis is less and if they have had symptoms for more than 24 hours it is not recommended. Thrombolysis involves the administration of medication that activates the enzymes that normally dissolve blood clots. These medications include tissue plasminogen activator, reteplase, streptokinase, and tenecteplase. Thrombolysis is not recommended in a number of situations, particularly when associated with a high risk of bleeding or the potential for problematic bleeding, such as active bleeding, past strokes or bleeds into the brain, or severe hypertension. Situations in which thrombolysis may be considered, but with caution, include recent surgery, use of anticoagulants, pregnancy, and proclivity to bleeding. Major risks of thrombolysis are major bleeding and intracranial bleeding. Pre-hospital thrombolysis reduces time to thrombolytic treatment, based on studies conducted in higher income countries; however, it is unclear whether this has an impact on mortality rates.

Other

In the past, high flow oxygen was recommended for everyone with a possible myocardial infarction. More recently, no evidence was found for routine use in those with normal oxygen levels and there is potential harm from the intervention. Therefore, oxygen is currently only recommended if oxygen levels are found to be low or if someone is in respiratory distress.

If despite thrombolysis there is significant cardiogenic shock, continued severe chest pain, or less than a 50% improvement in ST elevation on the ECG recording after 90 minutes, then rescue PCI is indicated emergently.

Those who have had cardiac arrest may benefit from targeted temperature management with evaluation for implementation of hypothermia protocols. Furthermore, those with cardiac arrest, and ST elevation at any time, should usually have angiography. Aldosterone antagonists appear to be useful in people who have had an STEMI and do not have heart failure.

Rehabilitation and exercise

Cardiac rehabilitation benefits many who have experienced myocardial infarction, even if there has been substantial heart damage and resultant left ventricular failure. It should start soon after discharge from the hospital. The program may include lifestyle advice, exercise, social support, as well as recommendations about driving, flying, sports participation, stress management, and sexual intercourse. Returning to sexual activity after myocardial infarction is a major concern for most patients, and is an important area to be discussed in the provision of holistic care.

In the short-term, exercise-based cardiovascular rehabilitation programs may reduce the risk of a myocardial infarction, reduces a large number of hospitalizations from all causes, reduces hospital costs, improves health-related quality of life, and has a small effect on all-cause mortality. Longer-term studies indicate that exercise-based cardiovascular rehabilitation programs may reduce cardiovascular mortality and myocardial infarction.

Prognosis

The prognosis after myocardial infarction varies greatly depending on the extent and location of the affected heart muscle, and the development and management of complications. Prognosis is worse with older age and social isolation. Anterior infarcts, persistent ventricular tachycardia or fibrillation, development of heart blocks, and left ventricular impairment are all associated with poorer prognosis. Without treatment, about a quarter of those affected by MI die within minutes and about forty percent within the first month. Morbidity and mortality from myocardial infarction has, however, improved over the years due to earlier and better treatment: in those who have a STEMI in the United States, between 5 and 6 percent die before leaving the hospital and 7 to 18 percent die within a year.

It is unusual for babies to experience a myocardial infarction, but when they do, about half die. In the short-term, neonatal survivors seem to have a normal quality of life.

Complications

Complications may occur immediately following the myocardial infarction or may take time to develop. Disturbances of heart rhythms, including atrial fibrillation, ventricular tachycardia and fibrillation and heart block can arise as a result of ischemia, cardiac scarring, and infarct location. Stroke is also a risk, either as a result of clots transmitted from the heart during PCI, as a result of bleeding following anticoagulation, or as a result of disturbances in the heart's ability to pump effectively as a result of the infarction. Regurgitation of blood through the mitral valve is possible, particularly if the infarction causes dysfunction of the papillary muscle. Cardiogenic shock as a result of the heart being unable to adequately pump blood may develop, dependent on infarct size, and is most likely to occur within the days following an acute myocardial infarction. Cardiogenic shock is the largest cause of in-hospital mortality. Rupture of the ventricular dividing wall or left ventricular wall may occur within the initial weeks. Dressler's syndrome, a reaction following larger infarcts and a cause of pericarditis is also possible.

Heart failure may develop as a long-term consequence, with an impaired ability of heart muscle to pump, scarring, and an increase in the size of the existing muscle. Aneurysm of the left ventricle myocardium develops in about 10% of MI and is itself a risk factor for heart failure, ventricular arrhythmia, and the development of clots.

Risk factors for complications and death include age, hemodynamic parameters (such as heart failure, cardiac arrest on admission, systolic blood pressure, or Killip class of two or greater), ST-segment deviation, diabetes, serum creatinine, peripheral vascular disease, and elevation of cardiac markers.

Epidemiology

Myocardial infarction is a common presentation of coronary artery disease. The World Health Organization estimated in 2004, that 12.2% of worldwide deaths were from ischemic heart disease; with it being the leading cause of death in high- or middle-income countries and second only to lower respiratory infections in lower-income countries. Worldwide, more than 3 million people have STEMIs and 4 million have NSTEMIs a year. STEMIs occur about twice as often in men as women.

Rates of death from ischemic heart disease (IHD) have slowed or declined in most high-income countries, although cardiovascular disease still accounted for one in three of all deaths in the US in 2008. For example, rates of death from cardiovascular disease have decreased almost a third between 2001 and 2011 in the United States.

In contrast, IHD is becoming a more common cause of death in the developing world. For example, in India, IHD had become the leading cause of death by 2004, accounting for 1.46 million deaths (14% of total deaths) and deaths due to IHD were expected to double during 1985–2015. Globally, disability adjusted life years (DALYs) lost to ischemic heart disease are predicted to account for 5.5% of total DALYs in 2030, making it the second-most-important cause of disability (after unipolar depressive disorder), as well as the leading cause of death by this date.

Social determinants of health

Social determinants such as neighborhood disadvantage, immigration status, lack of social support, social isolation, and access to health services play an important role in myocardial infarction risk and survival. Studies have shown that low socioeconomic status is associated with an increased risk of poorer survival. There are well-documented disparities in myocardial infarction survival by socioeconomic status, race, education, and census-tract-level poverty.

Race: In the U.S. African Americans have a greater burden of myocardial infarction and other cardiovascular events. On a population level, there is a higher overall prevalence of risk factors that are unrecognized and therefore not treated, which places these individuals at a greater likelihood of experiencing adverse outcomes and therefore potentially higher morbidity and mortality. Similarly, South Asians (including South Asians that have migrated to other countries around the world) experience higher rates of acute myocardial infarctions at younger ages, which can be largely explained by a higher prevalence of risk factors at younger ages.

Socioeconomic status: Among individuals who live in the low-socioeconomic (SES) areas, which is close to 25% of the US population, myocardial infarctions (MIs) occurred twice as often compared with people who lived in higher SES areas.

Immigration status: In 2018 many lawfully present immigrants who are eligible for coverage remain uninsured because immigrant families face a range of enrollment barriers, including fear, confusion about eligibility policies, difficulty navigating the enrollment process, and language and literacy challenges. Uninsured undocumented immigrants are ineligible for coverage options due to their immigration status.

Health care access: Lack of health insurance and financial concerns about accessing care were associated with delays in seeking emergency care for acute myocardial infarction which can have significant, adverse consequences on patient outcomes.

Education: Researchers found that compared to people with graduate degrees, those with lower educational attainment appeared to have a higher risk of heart attack, dying from a cardiovascular event, and overall death.

Society and culture

Depictions of heart attacks in popular media often include collapsing or loss of consciousness which are not common symptoms; these depictions contribute to widespread misunderstanding about the symptoms of myocardial infarctions, which in turn contributes to people not getting care when they should.

At common law, in general, a myocardial infarction is a disease but may sometimes be an injury. This can create coverage issues in the administration of no-fault insurance schemes such as workers' compensation. In general, a heart attack is not covered; however, it may be a work-related injury if it results, for example, from unusual emotional stress or unusual exertion. In addition, in some jurisdictions, heart attacks had by persons in particular occupations such as police officers may be classified as line-of-duty injuries by statute or policy. In some countries or states, a person having had an MI may be prevented from participating in activity that puts other people's lives at risk, for example driving a car or flying an airplane.

Righteous indignation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Righteous_indignation

Righteous indignation, also called righteous anger, is anger that is primarily motivated by a perception of injustice or other profound moral lapse. It is distinguished from anger that is prompted by something more personal, like an insult.

In some Christian doctrines, it is considered the only form of anger which is not sinful. According to these doctrines, an example of righteous anger would be when Jesus drove the money lenders out of the temple (Matthew 21, Matthew 21:12–13).

Elements

"Righteous" means acting in accord with divine or moral law. "Indignation" is a revolted sense of disapproval. The Standard Dictionary describes indignation as a "feeling involving anger mingled with contempt or disgust".

Classical examples

Aristotle considered righteous indignation [nemesis] as one of the virtues of the mean: "Righteous Indignation hits the mean between Envy and Schadenfreude... someone is righteously indignant when they are distressed at the sight of undeserved good fortune".

Juvenal claimed that moral indignation drove him to write satire.

In the Bible

Old Testament commentary

In Scott's comment on Ephesians 4:26, "Be angry, and yet do not sin; do not let the sun go down on your anger", he notes that "...on many occasions, in the management of families, in reproving sin, and even in ordering their temporal concerns", anger is permitted of Christians. Nevertheless, Scott cautions that Christians should aim to "....be very circumspect and vigilant to restrain that dangerous passion within the bounds of reason, meekness, piety, and charity; not being angry without cause, or above cause, or in a proud, selfish, and peevish manner." Scott argues that Christians should not express anger in the "language of vehement indignation".

The Forerunner Commentary on Psalms 137:2–6 argues that these psalms are about the "bitterness of exile into which God forced Judah", purportedly with the goal of turning grief into zeal, so that the "anger can be used to scour away sin" by becoming "righteously indignant". In John W. Ritenbaugh's comments on Proverbs 15:18 in How to Survive Exile, he argues that it "is alright for us to be righteously indignant as long as we do not sin."

In James McCosh's book Motive Powers, he notes that "We may be angry and sin not; but this disposition may become sinful, and this in the highest degree. It is so when it is excessive, when it is rage, and makes us lose control of ourselves. It is so, and may become a vice, when it leads us to wish evil to those who have offended us. It is resentment when it prompts us to meet and repay evil by evil. It is vengeance when it impels us to crush those who have injured us. It is vindictiveness when it is seeking out ingeniously and laboriously means and instruments to give pain to those who have thwarted us. Already sin has entered."

In Exodus 4:14, God was indignant at Moses' work. Moses betrayed the faith of God and he disobeyed God's will. He ordered the people of God to go to fight the Pharaoh of Egypt. The people of God obeyed His commands, and they were gone forever. In Exodus 22:21–24, helpless people, strangers, widows, and orphans suffered persecution. God was indignant when he witnessed such cruel acts. In Exodus 32:10, God was indignant when he learned that his people no longer believed and worshiped him, but turned to idolatry.

New Testament commentary

Daniel Whitby argues that "anger is not always sinful", in that it is found among non-sinners. For example, Jesus was "angry with the Pharisees for the hardness of their hearts; yet He had no desire to revenge this sin upon them, but had a great compassion for them".

Theological commentary

St. Thomas Aquinas, in the question on anger of his Summa Theologiae, quotes the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, "he that is angry without cause, shall be in danger; but he that is angry with cause, shall not be in danger: for without anger, teaching will be useless, judgments unstable, crimes unchecked," and concludes saying that "to be angry is therefore not always an evil."

Mansplaining

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mansplaining
Gender and Disarmament Platform meeting, 14 September 2017. On the slide: a photograph of the sculpture Classmates by Paul Tadlock, which has been called the "mansplaining sculpture"[1] and "Mansplaining The Statue" by people on the internet.

Mansplaining (a blend word of man and the informal form splaining of the gerund explaining) is a pejorative term meaning "(for a man) to comment on or explain something, to a woman, in a condescending, overconfident, and often inaccurate or oversimplified manner".

In its original use, mansplaining differed from other forms of condescension in that it was said to be rooted in the assumption that a man is likely to be more knowledgeable than a woman. However, it has come to be used more broadly, often applied when a man takes a condescending tone in an explanation to anyone, regardless of the age or gender of the intended recipients: a "man 'splaining" can be delivered to any audience.

In 2013 Dictionary.com said it was adding both mansplain and the suffix (libfix) -splain to its dictionary. Its announcement read in part: "In addition to being creative, this term, particularly the -splaining part, has proven to be incredibly robust and useful as a combining form in 2013." Mansplaining has also engendered parallel constructions such as womansplaining, whitesplaining, rightsplaining, and goysplaining.

As the word became more popular, several commentators complained that misappropriation had diluted its original meaning. Joshua Sealy-Harrington and Tom McLaughlin wrote in newspaper The Globe and Mail that the term has been used as an ad hominem to silence debate.

Etymology

The verb splain has been in use for more than 200 years, originally as a colloquial pronunciation of the Late Middle English word explain. It came increasingly to refer to condescending or verbose explanations. Dictionary.com noted that the meaning of mansplain had changed somewhat since 2009, from "intense and serious to casual and jocular", while older -splain words still have "heavy cultural and political connotations and are often added to the names of politicians".

Origin and usage

The term mansplaining was inspired by an essay, "Men Explain Things to Me: Facts Didn't Get in Their Way", written by author Rebecca Solnit and published on TomDispatch.com on 13 April 2008. In the essay, Solnit told an anecdote about a man at a party who said he had heard she had written some books. She began to talk about her most recent, on Eadweard Muybridge, whereupon the man cut her off and asked if she had "heard about the very important Muybridge book that came out this year"—not considering that it might be (as, in fact, it was) Solnit's book. Solnit did not use the word mansplaining in the essay, but she described the phenomenon as "something every woman knows".

A month later the word appeared in a comment on the social network LiveJournal. It became popular among feminist bloggers before entering mainstream commentary. Solnit ascribed the phenomenon of mansplaining to a combination of "overconfidence and cluelessness". Lily Rothman, of The Atlantic, defined it as "explaining without regard to the fact that the explainee knows more than the explainer, often done by a man to a woman". Solnit later published Men Explain Things to Me (2014), a collection of seven essays on social issues and human rights themes. Women, including professionals and experts, are routinely seen or treated as less credible than men, she wrote in the title essay, and their insights, or even legal testimony are dismissed unless validated by a man in some countries. She argued that this was one symptom of a widespread phenomenon that "keeps women from speaking up and from being heard when they dare; that crushes young women into silence by indicating, the way harassment on the street does, that this is not their world. It trains us in self-doubt and self-limitation just as it exercises men's unsupported overconfidence."

In 2010, it was named by the New York Times as one of its "Words of the Year". The word was nominated in 2012 for the American Dialect Society's "most creative word of the year" honor. In 2014 it was added to the online Oxford Dictionaries.

Journalists have used the word to describe the 2012 Republican presidential nominee, Mitt Romney; President Donald Trump; Governor of Texas Rick Perry; MSNBC host Lawrence O'Donnell; various characters on the HBO drama series The Newsroom; music executive Jimmy Iovine; Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull; actor Matt Damon; and consumer rights advocate Ralph Nader. In February 2016 the term sparked an argument between two members of a committee of the Australian Senate, when Labor senator Katy Gallagher told Communications Minister Mitch Fifield: "I love the mansplaining. I'm enjoying it."

Mansplaining goes further into political digital spheres amongst regular citizens as well. People being mansplained, typically women, are least likely to engage in political banter in public spaces, however, they are more inclined to do it with family. They also take a subordinate role to men in conversation. Women are more likely to use tentative language or “hedge” words and are overwhelmingly more interrupted than men In the Czech Republic during 2013 and 2015 parliamentary electoral campaigns, women who were posting to social media were less negative in expressing their political opinions, especially on profiles that they supported. Digitally, it is suggested that the women who do speak publicly about politics are more likely to share their thoughts on Facebook, rather than Twitter. This is due to the fact that on Twitter, you can connect with anyone and not have to mutually accept a friend request like on Facebook. This connects with the idea that women are more inclined to speak their political thoughts with their family.

Women are inclined to be more sensitive to the “rapport dynamic” of conversation (the emotions and desires of their conversational partner), whereas men are more sensitive to the “power dynamic” (who has greater power in a given exchange and how power is gained and lost through communication). Since politics is a male dominated field in most areas of the world, the environment of political discourse can be especially inhospitable for women. It is already assumed that women do not know much about politics so political banter can be hostile and mansplaining can happen. Even some women might believe that, because of their gender, they are not educated enough about politics.

Twitter is a platform where mansplaining is most likely to be done and where the man is most likely to mansplain. The odds are higher to get into a political argument on Twitter. Twitter is more likely to be used as a proxy for public opinion than Facebook. Men on the right are more likely to be accused of mansplaining as well, while women who are mansplain victims are more likely to be better educated, younger, and Caucasian.

Criticism

MPR News Staff disputed the usefulness of the term. Given its gender-specific nature and negative connotation, Lesley Kinzel described it as inherently biased, essentialist, dismissive, and a double standard. In a 2016 Washington Post article, Cathy Young wrote that it is just one of a number of terms using "man" as a derogatory prefix, and that this convention is part of a "current cycle of misandry". Meghan Daum, in a 2015 Los Angeles Times article, wrote that "To suggest that men are more qualified for the designation than women is not only sexist but almost as tone deaf as categorizing everything that a man says as mansplaining." In 2014 Solnit herself said she had doubts about it: "[I]t seems to me to go a little heavy on the idea that men are inherently flawed this way, rather than that some men explain things they shouldn't and don't hear things they should."

NotAllMen

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NotAllMen

The hashtag #NotAllMen is a feminist Internet meme. A shortening of the phrase "not all men are like that", sometimes abbreviated "NAMALT", it is a satirical parody of arguments used to deflect attention away from men in discussions of sexual assault, the gender pay gap, and other feminist issues.

Origins and usage

Response to feminist discourse

The phrase "not all men are like that" has been in use online since the mid-2000s as a general defense of men. It was used as a catchphrase among men's rights activists (MRAs) in response to online discussions of misogyny or sexual abuse which they saw as blaming all men as perpetrators.

Jess Zimmerman writes that before 2013, "not all men" was absent from discussions of popular derailment tactics used in response to feminist discourse; in its place were phrases such as "'what about the men?' and 'patriarchy hurts men too'—pleas for inclusion, not for exemption". Zimmerman also highlights a use of the phrase dating to 1985 in Joanna Russ's novel On Strike Against God, where a character muses:

…that not all men make more money than all women, only most; that not all men are rapists, only some; that not all men are promiscuous killers, only some; that not all men control Congress, the Presidency, the police, the army, industry, agriculture, law, science, medicine, architecture, and local government, only some.

Writing at The Awl, John Herrman lists additional uses of the phrase as far back as 1863. In Charles Dickens' 1836 novel The Pickwick Papers, the character Miss Wardle says, "Men are such deceivers", to which another character replies, "They are, they are [...] but not all men."

Popularization as a meme

Kelsey McKinney writes at Vox that the phrase "not all men" has been "reappropriated by feminists and turned into a meme meant to parody its pervasiveness and bad faith." Both the phrase and hashtag "#NotAllMen" have been used as a satire of defensive reactions by men. The first appearance of the meme in popular media was a satirical tweet by Shafiqah Hudson in 2013 that quickly went viral:

ME: Men and boys are socially instructed to not listen to us. They are taught to interrupt us when we– RANDOM MAN: Excuse me. Not ALL men."

The following year, the phrase was added to an image of the Kool-Aid man crashing through a wall, a Tumblr page featured images in which a speech bubble with the phrase "not all men" was added to images from movies such as the shark from Jaws and the chestburster from Alien, and artist Matt Lubchansky created a webcomic with the character "Not-All-Man", in which the "defender of the defended" and "voice for the voiceful" breaks through a glass window to interrupt a pink-haired woman complaining about men. The comic was retweeted and reblogged tens of thousands of times, and shared by celebrities including Wil Wheaton, Paul F. Tompkins, Matt Fraction, and John Scalzi.

Other #NotAllMen-related memes include references to Aquaman, Adventure Time, and Magic: The Gathering.

A 2024 study published in Humanities and Social Sciences Communications analyzed comments on Reddit and Twitter and found a transformative use of the hashtag #NotAllMen, finding that there were women and men supporters of both perpetrators and victims of gender-based violence. Many men in social media call out sexism, violence and discrimination, a fact that many feminist women value because their aim is to join as many people as possible in the fight to end all gender violence.

2014 Isla Vista killings

#NotAllMen was already a Twitter hashtag before the 2014 Isla Vista killings, but it gained additional traction after the event, because of the hatred against women expressed by the killer. In response to the "not all men" argument, an anonymous Twitter user created the hashtag #YesAllWomen to express that all women are affected by sexism and misogyny. This newly created hashtag was used by women to share their experiences of sexual discrimination and attacks on social media.

Bengaluru incident

After reports of a mass molestation occurring at India's Bengaluru New Year's Eve celebration in 2017, #NotAllMen began trending on Twitter. This drew an angry reaction from women, with many Indian feminists and women strongly criticizing the hashtag while responding with their own hashtag #YesAllWomen.

Women Against Feminism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women_Against_Feminism

Women Against Feminism is an informal movement of women sharing equal ideals with antifeminists in rejecting feminism. Using #WomenAgainstFeminism, the hashtag is normally accompanied by a "selfie" style photo, holding up handwritten posters stating reasons why they disapprove of modern feminism. Most of the posts begin with the statement, "I don't need feminism because", followed by their reason(s).

The supporters of this movement primarily use social media platforms such Twitter and Tumblr, while campaigning on sites such as Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube to advocate their views.

Origin and content

The Women Against Feminism campaign began on Tumblr in July 2013, presumably in response to the "Who Needs Feminism" campaign. According to the BBC, the movement is an online community that use social media to brand 'Feminism' as a 'toxic' movement. Following on the original creator of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr page is an American woman who has chosen to remain anonymous because of online harassment and backlash she has faced for her ideas. Furthermore according to The Daily Dot, the campaign gathered steam in July and August 2014, when several prominent columnists and bloggers brought media attention to it.

A September 12, 2017 post to the Women Against Feminism blog titled "What is Feminism?" maps out the arguments of the blog's supporters. Community member and writer Jinna states "If Women Against Feminism were asked if they believe men and women should have equal human rights and equality before the law, the answer would be a resounding 'Yes'" "Jinna" also known as "Jana Xiolier" also runs a YouTube channel and Facebook group for Women Against Feminism. The blog raises issue with the modern practice of feminism rather than the fundamental definition of feminism for the reason given that "3rd wave feminism is not feminism". It argues that as long as men and women are equal before the law, feminism is unnecessary, fosters misandry, and distracts from men's rights issues.

Women Against Feminism is inclusive of both traditional minded, right leaning, conservative women who are non feminist and egalitarian, left leaning, liberal women who are non feminist. The women in women against feminism do not all want the same things or have the same goals. Some support legal equality for men and women while others do not. It is a diverse group of non feminist women whose main goal was to reclaim the word "women" and to point out to feminist women that they can not and should not attempt to speak for all women.

Response

The response by the media, social commentators, and feminists has included support and criticism. As of 19 August 2014, the campaign's Facebook page had garnered 21,000 likes.

Supporters say modern feminism has gone astray in some ways and cite examples such as radical feminists not supporting trans women and saying things such as, "anyone born a man retains male privilege in society, even if he chooses to live as a woman", and related complaints that some feminists exaggerate women's problems while ignoring men's problems. Also cited was the abortion debate and the argument that women have suffered as a result of a feminist culture that promotes casual sex as empowering. In an op-ed for The Globe and Mail, Margaret Wente supports Women Against Feminism, saying she believes modern feminism has become a belief system that presents a distorted view of reality based on misandry and victim-culture, and she questions the existence of rape culture.

Critics say the young women involved in this campaign do not appear to know what feminism is and are arguing against an imaginary foe using straw man arguments. A commentator from Time writes: "Most of the posts include some reiteration of the central misunderstanding about feminism, that a core belief of feminism involves hating men." A commentator from The Irish Independent wrote, "being anti-feminism is like being pro-apartheid, or a big fan of social injustice, but no one would think it's cute to hold up a sign saying that.", while independent researcher Mackenzie Cockerill states that "[a] global culture of misogyny is growing and flourishing thanks to the internet and its unprecedented potential for connecting people and their ideas."

Commenting on the campaign, Anette Borchorst, professor and researcher in sex and gender in the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, stated that "there have always been disagreements and debates within feminism and those debates help to advance the movement." She added that, "Feminism has always generated debate among women and it is difficult to imagine a feminist world-view that everyone can agree on."

Beulah Maud Devaney's September 2015 column on openDemocracy compares Women Against Feminism to the history of women's opposition to feminism dating back to the late 1700s, suggesting that a modern anti-feminist campaign will be just as ineffective in combating the feminist movement as preceding efforts. Devaney asserts that Women Against Feminism mainly represents the view of privileged women who want to maintain the status quo and are, thus, deliberately misrepresenting what feminism stands for. According to Devaney, "As intersectional feminism becomes more popular it is, sadly, to be expected that some white, straight, cis first world women will see the emphasis on their own privilege as an attack. In a similar way feminist calls for a more inclusive beauty standard and appreciation of multiple body types can be read as an attempt to undermine the received wisdom that 'skinny white girl' is the ideal aesthetic." Devaney adds that Women Against Feminism has failed to stem public support for the feminist agenda, that its influence is minor, and that its arguments are "easy to dismiss." Devaney concludes, however, that the anti-feminism it represents deserves closer examination.

In October 2015, Angela Epstein mentioned the blog in an editorial criticizing feminists for being unpleasant to women who disagree with them. Epstein argues that feminists have lost their cause and are fighting unnecessary battles and overplaying issues such as women's "self-imposed glass ceiling". Recounting her experience of receiving insulting messages after sharing her stance on modern feminism with BBC News, she states, "I don't expect all women to agree with me. But there are many who do. Look no further than the proliferation of websites such as Women Against Feminism."

Recent works such as Oana Crusmac's The Social Representation of Feminism within the movement "Women Against Feminism" argues that social representation of feminism within WAF is not based on lack of information, but rather on a stereotypical understanding of the concept. Crusmac's work also argues that "WAF contributes do not quality as post feminists" as "While post-feminists can be easily identified and characterised by the already famous expression "I am not a feminist, but...", WAF contributes categorically reject any feminist resemblance and instead prefer either to be labelled as "humanist" or "egalitarian", either to be strong supporters of the traditional gender roles.' Cursmac's research also reveals that social representation of feminism in the on-line group WAF has "numerous common elements with the way the second wave was stereotyped by the 80s media backlash against feminism, such as: feminism is an ideology that demonises men and does not wish equality (which is a goal already accomplished), but special treatment and privileges for women, thereby ignoring the individual contribution in shaping success or decision making. Moreover, in the same direction in common with the negative illustration of the 80s, feminism is seen as a threat to family and womanhood, and as a promoter of promiscuity."

Anti-suffragism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Anti-suffrage leaders, Mrs. George Phillips, Mrs. K.B. Lapham, Miss Burham, Mrs. Evertt P. Wheeler and Mrs. John A. Church at an anti-suffrage event on the Hudson River, May 30, 1913.
US Anti-suffrage leaders, Mrs. George Phillips, Mrs. K.B. Lapham, Miss Burham, Mrs. Evertt P. Wheeler and Mrs. John A. Church at an anti-suffrage event on the Hudson River, May 30, 1913.

Anti-suffragism was a political movement composed of both men and women that began in the late 19th century in order to campaign against women's suffrage in countries such as Australia, Canada, Ireland, the United Kingdom and the United States. To some extent, Anti-suffragism was a Classical Conservative movement that sought to keep the status quo for women. More American women organized against their own right to vote than in favor of it, until 1916. Anti-suffragism was associated with "domestic feminism," the belief that women had the right to complete freedom within the home. In the United States, these activists were often referred to as "remonstrants" or "antis."

Background

The anti-suffrage movement was a counter movement opposing the social movement of women's suffrage in various countries. It could also be considered a counterpublic that espoused a democratic defense of the status quo for women and men in society.

Countries in the Western World began to explore giving women the equal right to vote around the mid 19th century, beginning with the Wyoming Territory in 1869. Areas with the most visible women's suffrage movements were Great Britain and in the United States, although women's suffrage movements took place in many Western countries. Anti-suffrage activities began to emerge in many countries as women publicly advocated for suffrage.

Australia

Anti-suffrage movements were present in Australia through the 1880s and 1890s. Anti-suffrage organizations in Australia were "closely associated with the Conservative Party, manufacturing interests and anti-socialist forces." The Australian media took part in the anti-suffrage movement, and depicted women as being "weak and unintelligent," emotional and too involved in domestic and trivial matters.

The Australian anti-suffragist movement was founded on a platform of patriotism. Australia stood out as one of the few members of the British Empire where women held the right to vote at the turn of the twentieth century. Consequently, they were held accountable when the 1916 referendum on compulsory overseas military service was defeated. Publications advocating anti-suffragism utilized the emotions and politics surrounding forced enlistment for men to argue against women's enfranchisement in other parts of the empire. In the lead-up to the 1917 referendum, feminine emotionalism was cited as evidence that women had no place in politics. Newspaper coverage of the referendum placed blame on women's belief that "they would be condemning men to death if they voted ‘yes’.” Anti-suffragists consistently pointed to the defeat of Australia's referenda as evidence to support their assertion of the universal unreliability of women voters. Even in the face of loyal efforts by Australian women, such as those within the Australian Women's National League (AWNL), opponents of suffrage persisted in characterizing Australian women's participation in the referenda as a failure to fulfill their responsibilities.

Canada

Canadian men and women both became involved in debating the women's suffrage movement in the late 19th century. Women's suffrage was debated in the Legislative Assembly in New Brunswick starting in 1885, and anti-suffrage "testimonies" began to appear in the newspapers around that time.

Great Britain

Anti-suffrage postcard- "While in the act of voting"
Anti-suffrage postcard- For a Suffragette the Ducking-Stool.jpg

Organized campaigns against women's suffrage began in earnest in 1905, around the same time that suffragettes were turning to militant tactics. In general, most ordinary women had prioritized domestic and family life over paid employment and political activism when it came to the issue of suffrage. Most historical evidence shows that ordinary women did not have much interest in the right to vote before the first World War and also after suffrage had been granted to women.

The Women's National Anti-Suffrage League was established in London on 21 July 1908. Its aims were to oppose women being granted the vote in British parliamentary elections, although it did support their having votes in local government elections. It was founded at a time when there was a resurgence of support (though still by a minority of women) for the women's suffrage movement.

The Women's National Anti-Suffrage League, publisher of the Anti-Suffrage Review, submitted a petition to Parliament in 1907 with 87,500 names, but it was rejected by the Petitions Committee of Parliament as "informal". The Anti-Suffrage Review also used shame as a tool to fight against the suffrage movement.

An Anti-suffrage correspondence had taken place in the pages of The Times through 1906–1907, with further calls for leadership of the anti-suffrage movement being placed in The Spectator in February 1908. Possibly as early as 1907, a letter was circulated to announce the creation of a National Women's Anti-Suffrage Association and inviting recipients to become a member of the Central Organising Committee or a member. It was issued under the names of thirty peeresses who would become prominent anti-suffragists, as well as a number of peers and MPs. However, the first meeting of the Women's National Anti-Suffrage League only took place the following year on 21 July, at the Westminster Palace Hotel with Lady Jersey in the chair. Seventeen persons were nominated to the central committee at this meeting, including Mrs Humphry Ward in the chair of the Literary Committee and Gertrude Bell as secretary. Other members were Mrs. Frederic Harrison, Miss Lonsdale, Violet Markham and Hilaire Belloc MP. Beatrice Chamberlain served as the editor of the Anti-Suffrage Review.

The League's aims were to oppose women being granted the parliamentary franchise, though it did support their having votes in local and municipal elections. It published the Anti-Suffrage Review from December 1908 until 1918. It gathered 337,018 signatures on an anti-suffrage petition and founded the first local branch in Hawkenhurst in Kent. The first London branch was established in South Kensington under the auspices of Mary, Countess of Ilchester. Soon after, in May 1910, a Scottish branch was organised into the Scottish National Anti-Suffrage League by the Duchess of Montrose. By December of that year, there were 26 branches or sub-branches in the country, a total which grew to 82 by April 1909, and 104 in July 1910. It was announced that 2000 subscriptions had been received by December, 1908, rising to 9000 in July, 1909.

In 1910, the group amalgamated with the Men's League for Opposing Woman Suffrage to form the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage with Lord Cromer as president and Lady Jersey as vice-president. The merger was in effect a takeover, as the president of the former organization, Lord Cromer, became president of the new one. In 1912 Lord Curzon and Lord Weardale became joint presidents. By 1914, there were around 15,000 members. The organization continued its activities and the publication of the Anti-Suffrage Review until 1918 when both came to an end as women's suffrage was granted.

Reasons for suffrage opposition

The opposition to the right for women to vote was a multifaceted phenomenon in which women themselves played a major part. One reason for women's opposition was their belief that women were equal to men (although women were expected to be "equal" in different spheres from men); and that women already had significant moral authority in society, which they would lose if they entered the corrupt world of partisan politics. Anti-suffragists were also appalled by the violent tactics of suffragettes, who had attacked Members of Parliament with whips and a hatchet.

Many female maternal reformers, who sought to protect women's defined spheres of motherhood, education, philanthropy, and civil service, felt that women were the better sex for preserving British society through social service to their communities rather than by meddling with politics. Many women had little desire to participate in politics, and believed that to do so was women just imitating men, instead of using the moral authority that came from being "real women." Some feared that the right to vote would lead to uninformed women in making decisions on important political matters. Since Britain was in the process of colonizing other regions around the globe, some viewed the right to vote as a threat to their imperial power as it would make the British look weak to other nations who were male oriented still. Some suffragist female groups developed militant and violent tactics which tarnished the image of women as peaceful people that the anti-suffragists had been striving to preserve. Anti-suffragists used these acts as reasons to show that women were unable to handle political matters and that both genders had different strengths.

Women writers promoted anti-suffragism through their wide readerships by raising questions of what ideal women were to be like.

Ireland

Women's suffrage movements had been going on in Ireland since the 1870s. However, as Suffragettes in Ireland became more militant, more organized anti-suffrage campaigns emerged. An Irish branch of the Women's National Anti-Suffrage League was started in 1909 in Dublin. This branch of the League also opposed suffrage in Britain as well.

Reasons for suffrage opposition

Irish opposition to the women's vote was both religious and cultural. Both Catholic and Protestant churches in Ireland wanted women's influence to remain domestic in nature. Women were closely associated with their husbands for legal and political purposes and it was argued that husband's votes were sufficient to allow a woman's political expression.

Irish nationalism also played a role in anti-suffrage movements. Because of the nationalistic movements going on in Ireland, both men and women nationalists opposed giving women the vote because they were prioritizing Irish Home Rule. A nationalist paper, Bean na hÉireann, which was published by the Inghinidhe na hÉirann (Daughters of Ireland), took a very anti-suffrage stance.

United States

Election Day! anti-suffrage cartoon by E. W. Guston, 1909
"Looking backward" by Laura E. Foster, 1912

The American Revolution established universal ideas of equality and natural rights as the hallmark of American policy. This juxtaposed women's customary and now legal exclusion with the public sanctions they had been granted to act politically in the role of the Republican wife or mother and the competency displayed by female politicians. An expanding franchise for white men, moved political action indoors and women to the periphery. By expanding the franchise to include all white men, Americans "devised a social order in which supposed biological differences, as defined by gender and race, determined relative status.”

While men were involved in the anti-suffrage movement in the United States, most anti-suffrage groups were led and supported by women. In fact, more women joined Anti-suffrage groups than suffrage associations, until 1916. While these groups openly stated that they wanted politics to be left to men, it was more often women addressing political bodies with anti-suffrage arguments. The first women-led anti-suffrage group in the United States was the Anti-Sixteenth Amendment Society. The group was started by Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren in 1869. During the fight to pass the nineteenth amendment, women increasingly took on a leading role in the anti-suffrage movement.

Helen Kendrick Johnson's Woman and the Republic (1897) was a lauded anti-suffrage book that described the reasons for opposing women's right to vote. Other books, such as Molly Elliot Seawell's The Ladies' Battle (1911), Ida Tarbell's The Business of Being a Woman (1912), Grace Duffield Goodwin's Anti-Suffrage: Ten Good Reasons (1915) and Annie Riley Hale's The Eden Sphinx (1916) were similarly well received by the media and used as a "coherent rationale for opposing women's enfranchisement."

Anti-suffrage dramas were also published between the mid-1800s and up to the 1920s. The first playwright to create anti-suffrage plays was William Bentley Fowle, who wrote the one-act play for amateurs, Women's Rights, published in 1856. Later plays were adapted for the professional stage, such as The Rights of Man (1857) by Oliver S. Leland and Election Day (1880) by Frank Dumont. Nellie Locke published an anti-suffrage drama in 1896, called A Victim of Women's Rights. Many anti-suffrage dramas were overtly political and incorporated the use of farce to paint suffragists as "self-absorbed" and "mannish in dress and manner." They also criticized the idea of the New Woman in general and advocated for women and men to occupy separate spheres of influence.

The Remonstrance, a journal published by the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women (MAOFESW) between 1890 and 1920 was used to promote anti-suffrage ideas and also to react to and refute the claims of suffragists.

A political cartoon in Harper's lampoons the anti-suffrage movement (1907).

Early backing for the anti-suffrage movement

The anti-suffrage movement began in the United States after the Massachusetts State legislature introduced a proposal to promote female voting rights. Two hundred women opposed this initiative as they did not want women to gain full citizenship. Though nothing became of this proposal, its introduction mobilized the suffrage movement on both sides.

In 1871, a petition to the United States Congress was published by nineteen women in Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine in opposition to votes for women, the first instance of the mobilization from anti-suffrage women.

Women turned out at the New York State Constitutional Convention in 1894 to protest women's suffrage.

Emergence of anti-suffrage organizations

In 1895, the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women (MAOFESW) was created and is noted to be the first effort of the anti-suffragists to institutionalize their cause. In Des Moines, Iowa, 35 women formed the Iowa Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage in 1898. California, Illinois, New York, Oregon, South Dakota and Washington all formed groups by 1900. Ohio formed an anti suffrage group, the Ohio Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage in 1902.

The New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage was founded in 1897, and by 1908 it had over 90 members. It was active in producing pamphlets and publications explaining their views of women's suffrage, until the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was passed in 1920. A Geneva branch was founded in 1909. The suffragists in New York often extended invitations to open discussion with the anti-suffragists. The New York association had its own magazine, The Anti-Suffragist, published by Mrs. William Winslow Crannell from July 1908 to April 1912.

The National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (NAOWS) was the first national organization of women who challenged the fight for women's suffrage. Several state associations assembled for an anti-suffrage convention in New York City and formed the NAOWS. The association gained significant momentum between 1912 and 1916 and was operational in twenty-five states. The NAOWS was said to have as many as 350,000 members. At the start, the organization was run by Josephine Dodge and Minnie Bronson. Alice Hay Wadsworth, wife of James Wolcott Wadsworth Jr., assumed leadership of the association when it moved its headquarters from New York to Washington D.C. in 1917. NAOWS produced The Woman's Protest, a newsletter that helped defeat close to forty woman suffrage referendums.

Everett P. Wheeler, a lawyer from New York, created the Man-Suffrage Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage in 1913. This organization was made up of powerful and affluent men and started out with around 600 members opposed to women's suffrage.

Friction over the Fifteenth Amendment

The cause of anti-suffragism was furthered by the friction between the women's and black suffrage movements prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. The connection between the two movements arose during the 1830s when abolitionist activists' rhetoric linked the subordination of enslaved people to the marginalization of women. Figures like William Lloyd Garrison, leader of the American Anti-Slavery Society, advocated for the collaboration of women and blacks in their respective causes. However, other abolitionists argued that simultaneous promotion of women's rights would detract from the cause of black suffrage.

By 1869, a split between race and gender had formed. Pioneers of the women's suffrage movement, such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, adopted overtly racist rhetoric that served to distance the causes of women's and black suffrage. This division has been attributed to a number of factors, including personal biases of women suffragists. However, some scholars argue for a reexamination of the assumption that women's suffrage was "ahead of its time" during the Reconstruction era.

Relations between the two movements soured when the 1867 Kansas suffrage referendum proved unsuccessful for both causes. Women suffragists found themselves unable to endorse the conditions of the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted voting rights to black men but omitted provisions for women's suffrage. Historian Faye E. Dudden suggests that the content of Stanton and Anthony's speeches in the year prior to the Fifteenth Amendment's ratification indicates their belief that they were capitalizing on a historic moment of political opportunity that would not recur in their lifetime.

Wendell Phillips, a trustee of the Hovey Fund, denied access to the capital necessary to launch their campaign. Consequently, the conflict over money misdirected the suffragists’ attentions from Phillips to the Black Suffragism movement he funded instead. Ultimately, the instability between the two parties would prolong the cause of anti-suffragists for another fifty years until the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in 1920.

World War I

Anti-suffragists helped contribute to war relief work during World War I. NAOWS contributed to the Belgian war relief effort. Many anti-suffrage groups highlighted their charitable efforts, painting themselves as "self-sacrificing." They wanted the country to see that women could make a difference without the vote, however, it was partly the efforts of women aiding the war that helped women gain the vote in the end.

Reasons for suffrage opposition

There were several concerns that drove the anti-suffrage argument. Anti-suffragists felt that giving women the right to vote would threaten the family institution. Illinois anti-suffragist, Caroline Corbin felt that women's highest duties were motherhood and its responsibilities. Some saw women's suffrage as in opposition to God's will. Antis such as Catharine Beecher and Sara Josepha Hale both shared a religiously based criticism of suffrage and believed women should be only involved with Kinder, Küche, Kirche (children, kitchen and church). Some anti-suffragists did not want the vote because they felt it violated traditional gender norms. Many anti-suffragists felt that if women gained the vote there would be an end to "true womanhood."

There were also those who thought that women could not handle the responsibility of voting because they lacked knowledge of that beyond the domestic sphere and they feared the government would be weakened by introducing this ill-informed electorate. Anti-suffragists did not see voting as a "right," but as a "duty" and that women already had their own unique responsibilities and duties in the domestic sphere. Also, since Antis believed that governments had authority due to "force," women wouldn't be able to "enforce the laws they may enact."

Anti-suffragists, such as Josephine Dodge, argued that giving women the right to vote would overburden them and undermine their privileged status. They saw participation in the private sphere as essential to a woman's role and thought that giving them public duties would prevent them from fulfilling their primary responsibilities in the home. Anti-suffragists claimed that they represented the "silent majority" of America who did not want to enter the public sphere by gaining the right to vote. Being against women's suffrage didn't mean, however, that all Antis were against civic pursuits. Jeanette L. Gilder, a journalist, wrote "Give women everything she wants, but not the ballot. Open every field of learning, every avenue of industry to her, but keep her out of politics." Dodge encouraged women to become involved in "charitable, philanthropic and educational activities." It was also cited that women had made reforms such as raising the age of consent without the vote and that gaining this right was, therefore, unnecessary and could even be harmful to further reform movements. The thought was that women were able to influence the government because they were seen as politically neutral and non-partisan and giving them the right to vote would strip them of this unique position. In addition, because voting is "only a small part of government," they believed there was no need to vote in order to participate in politics. This particular line of reasoning, that women should stay out of politics, kept the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC) from officially endorsing suffrage until 1914.

Anti-suffragism was not limited to conservative elements. The anarchist Emma Goldman opposed suffragism on the grounds that women were more inclined toward legal enforcement of morality (as in the Women's Christian Temperance Union), that it was a diversion from more important struggles, and that suffrage would ultimately not make a difference. She also said that activists ought to advocate revolution rather than seek greater privileges within an inherently unjust system. Anti-suffragists saw women's efforts to gain the vote to be all surface dressing with a lack of serious intent to change the world for the better. Other Antis believed that social reform was better accomplished through trade unions and non-partisan groups. Progressives criticized suffrage in the Utah Territory as a cynical Mormon ploy, resulting in the passage of the Edmunds-Tucker Act.

Another argument employed by anti-suffragists related to the issue of the uninformed voter. This argument was grounded not so much in opposition to women's right to vote, but rather in the concern that their participation would exacerbate an already overtaxed ballot system. The steady rise in immigration between 1850 and 1880 made this rationale popular among middle-class voters, who suggested that these new voters were "illiterate, unfamiliar with democracy, or inclined to sell their votes for liquor or money."

Educational requirements were proposed to counter these concerns but became contentious with the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. Educated women voiced their resentment that less educated and frequently illiterate men should have the right to vote before themselves.

The anti-suffrage movement began to change in its position against suffrage in 1917, expanding their scope to include anti-radical rhetoric. The anti-suffrage movement focused less on the issue of suffrage and began to spread fear of radical ideas and to use "conspiratorial paranoia." Suffragists were accused of subversion of the government and treason. They were also accused of being socialists, "Bolsheviks" or "unpatriotic German sympathizers." The Texas branch of the NAOWS accused women's suffrage groups of being linked to "socialism, anarchy and Mormonism." Accusations of being associated with unpopular radical movements was named after the second president of NAOWS, Alice Wadsworth, and called "Wadsworthy" attacks. In addition to associating suffrage with radicalism, the antis also felt that they were oppressed and had lost much perceived political power by 1917.

Anti-suffrage movements in the American South included an appeal to conservatism and white supremacy. In Virginia, the NAOWS chapter even linked race riots to women's suffrage.

Anti-suffragism after the nineteenth amendment

Once the nineteenth amendment was passed, some women who opposed suffrage exercised this right. They took the energy they were investing in the anti-suffrage movement and turned it towards supporting the platform of the Republican party. Former members of anti-suffrage groups in New York became involved in the Women's National Republican Club. In this way, they left the private sphere and entered the public sphere, one of the things that they were resisting in their anti-suffrage efforts. Former anti-suffragist, Ida Tarbell, pointed out that it would take some time for women to get comfortable with voting. Some women didn't vote or get involved in politics. Others, like Annie Nathan Meyer advocated for all anti-suffrage women to not vote in order to allow the country to suffer from what she saw as a terrible decision to allow women to vote.

The passage of the Nineteenth Amendment also kickstarted a coalition of anti-suffragists who organized themselves into a political anti-feminist movement in order to "oppose expansion of social welfare programs, women's peace efforts, and to foster a political culture hostile to progressive female activists. This coalition effectively blended anti-feminism and anti-radicalism by embracing and utilizing the hysteria of the post-World War I Red Scare."

Criticism

Alice Duer Miller's satire of Anti-Suffrage arguments from The Daily Telegram in 1916.

There was contemporary criticism of the anti-suffrage movement in the United States. One criticism was that anti-suffragists did not present a consistent argument against suffrage. Other arguments were seen as inconsistent, such as Antis claiming that voting meant women must hold office, when members of anti-suffrage groups were already holding offices such as being on the school board. Other critics, such as Alice Stone Blackwell, pointed out that the anti-suffrage groups exaggerated certain claims, such as membership numbers. Critics also argued that there were no new arguments presented over time. Anti-suffrage groups were also criticized for being "inconsistent" in that they wanted women out of the public sphere, yet they gathered together into public lobbying groups against suffrage. The Valley Independent wrote in 1915 that any organization that wanted to oppose women's suffrage and which was made up of women "leaves a bad taste in our mouth."

Some critics were "almost contemptuous," such as Anna Howard Shaw, who said, "You'd think they would have loyalty enough to their sex not to make us all out a set of fools." Shaw believed that Antis were "puppets of more power male forces." Florence Kelley called anti-suffragists "lazy, comfortable, sheltered creatures, caring nothing for the miseries of the poor."

Archives

The archives of the Women's National Anti-Suffrage League are held at The Women's Library at the Library of the London School of Economics, ref 2WNA

The Library and Archives division of the Georgia Historical Society have a collection of broadsides from the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage from 1917 to 1919. The documents appear to be printed by state affiliates of the national group. One of the documents was issued by The Men's Anti-Ratification League of Montgomery, Alabama.

Magnet school

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