At each time step, the process is in some state , and the decision maker may choose any action that is available in state . The process responds at the next time step by randomly moving into a new state , and giving the decision maker a corresponding reward .
The probability that the process moves into its new state is influenced by the chosen action. Specifically, it is given by the state transition function . Thus, the next state depends on the current state and the decision maker's action . But given and ,
it is conditionally independent of all previous states and actions; in
other words, the state transitions of an MDP satisfies the Markov property.
Markov decision processes are an extension of Markov chains;
the difference is the addition of actions (allowing choice) and rewards
(giving motivation). Conversely, if only one action exists for each
state (e.g. "wait") and all rewards are the same (e.g. "zero"), a Markov
decision process reduces to a Markov chain.
Definition
Example of a simple MDP with three states (green circles) and two actions (orange circles), with two rewards (orange arrows).
is a finite set of actions (alternatively, is the finite set of actions available from state );
is the probability that action in state at time will lead to state at time ;
is the immediate reward (or expected immediate reward) received after transitioning from state to state , due to action .
(Note: The theory of Markov decision processes does not state that or are finite, but the basic algorithms below assume that they are finite.)
Problem
The core problem of MDPs is to find a "policy" for the decision maker: a function that specifies the action that the decision maker will choose when in state .
Once a Markov decision process is combined with a policy in this way,
this fixes the action for each state and the resulting combination
behaves like a Markov chain (since the action chosen in state is completely determined by and reduces to , a Markov transition matrix).
The goal is to choose a policy
that will maximize some cumulative function of the random rewards,
typically the expected discounted sum over a potentially infinite
horizon:
(where we choose , i.e. actions given by the policy),
where is the discount factor and satisfies . (For example, when the discount rate is r.) is typically close to 1.
Because of the Markov property, the optimal policy for this particular problem can indeed be written as a function of only, as assumed above.
Algorithms
The
solution for an MDP is a policy which describes the best action for
each state in the MDP, known as the optimal policy. This optimal policy
can be found through a variety of methods, like dynamic programming.
Some dynamic programming solutions require knowledge of the state transition function and the reward function . Others can solve for the optimal policy of an MDP using experimentation alone.
Consider the case in which there is a given the state transition function and reward function for an MDP, and we seek the optimal policy that maximizes the expected discounted reward.
The standard family of algorithms to calculate this optimal policy requires storage for two arrays indexed by state: value, which contains real values, and policy which contains actions. At the end of the algorithm, will contain the solution and will contain the discounted sum of the rewards to be earned (on average) by following that solution from state .
The algorithm has two kinds of steps, a value update and a policy
update, which are repeated in some order for all the states until no
further changes take place. Both recursively update
a new estimation of the optimal policy and state value using an older
estimation of those values.
Their order depends on the variant of the algorithm; one can also do
them for all states at once or state by state, and more often to some
states than others. As long as no state is permanently excluded from
either of the steps, the algorithm will eventually arrive at the correct
solution.
Notable variants
Value iteration
In value iteration (Bellman 1957), which is also called backward induction,
the function is not used; instead, the value of is calculated within whenever it is needed. Substituting the calculation of into the calculation of gives the combined step:
where is the iteration number. Value iteration starts at and as a guess of the value function. It then iterates, repeatedly computing for all states , until converges with the left-hand side equal to the right-hand side (which is the "Bellman equation" for this problem). Lloyd Shapley's 1953 paper on stochastic games included as a special case the value iteration method for MDPs, but this was recognized only later on.
Policy iteration
In policy iteration (Howard 1960),
step one is performed once, and then step two is repeated until it
converges. Then step one is again performed once and so on.
Instead of repeating step two to convergence, it may be
formulated and solved as a set of linear equations. These equations are
merely obtained by making in the step two equation. Thus, repeating step two to convergence can be interpreted as solving the linear equations by Relaxation (iterative method).
This variant has the advantage that there is a definite stopping condition: when the array does not change in the course of applying step 1 to all states, the algorithm is completed.
Policy iteration is usually slower than value iteration for a large number of possible states.
Modified policy iteration
In modified policy iteration (van Nunen 1976; Puterman & Shin 1978), step one is performed once, and then step two is repeated several times. Then step one is again performed once and so on.
Prioritized sweeping
In
this variant, the steps are preferentially applied to states which are
in some way important – whether based on the algorithm (there were large
changes in or
around those states recently) or based on use (those states are near
the starting state, or otherwise of interest to the person or program
using the algorithm).
Extensions and generalizations
A Markov decision process is a stochastic game with only one player.
Partial observability
The solution above assumes that the state is known when action is to be taken; otherwise
cannot be calculated. When this assumption is not true, the problem is
called a partially observable Markov decision process or POMDP.
A major advance in this area was provided by Burnetas and
Katehakis in "Optimal adaptive policies for Markov decision processes".
In this work, a class of adaptive policies that possess uniformly
maximum convergence rate properties for the total expected finite
horizon reward were constructed under the assumptions of finite
state-action spaces and irreducibility of the transition law. These
policies prescribe that the choice of actions, at each state and time
period, should be based on indices that are inflations of the right-hand
side of the estimated average reward optimality equations.
Reinforcement learning
If the probabilities or rewards are unknown, the problem is one of reinforcement learning.
For this purpose it is useful to define a further function, which corresponds to taking the action and then continuing optimally (or according to whatever policy one currently has):
While this function is also unknown, experience during learning is based on pairs (together with the outcome ; that is, "I was in state and I tried doing and happened"). Thus, one has an array and uses experience to update it directly. This is known as Q-learning.
Reinforcement learning can solve Markov decision processes
without explicit specification of the transition probabilities; the
values of the transition probabilities are needed in value and policy
iteration. In reinforcement learning, instead of explicit specification
of the transition probabilities, the transition probabilities are
accessed through a simulator that is typically restarted many times from
a uniformly random initial state. Reinforcement learning can also be
combined with function approximation to address problems with a very
large number of states.
Learning automata
Another application of MDP process in machine learning
theory is called learning automata. This is also one type of
reinforcement learning if the environment is stochastic. The first
detail learning automata paper is surveyed by Narendra and Thathachar (1974), which were originally described explicitly as finite state automata.
Similar to reinforcement learning, learning automata algorithm also has
the advantage of solving the problem when probability or rewards are
unknown. The difference between learning automata and Q-learning is that
they omit the memory of Q-values, but update the action probability
directly to find the learning result. Learning automata is a learning
scheme with a rigorous proof of convergence.
In learning automata theory, a stochastic automaton consists of:
a set x of possible inputs,
a set Φ = { Φ1, ..., Φs } of possible internal states,
a set α = { α1, ..., αr } of possible outputs, or actions, with r≤s,
an initial state probability vector p(0) = ≪ p1(0), ..., ps(0) ≫,
a computable functionA which after each time step t generates p(t+1) from p(t), the current input, and the current state, and
a function G: Φ → α which generates the output at each time step.
The states of such an automaton correspond to the states of a "discrete-state discrete-parameter Markov process". At each time step t=0,1,2,3,..., the automaton reads an input from its environment, updates P(t) to P(t+1) by A, randomly chooses a successor state according to the probabilities P(t+1)
and outputs the corresponding action. The automaton's environment, in
turn, reads the action and sends the next input to the automaton.
Category theoretic interpretation
Other than the rewards, a Markov decision process can be understood in terms of Category theory. Namely, let denote the free monoid with generating set A. Let Dist denote the Kleisli category of the Giry monad. Then a functor encodes both the set S of states and the probability function P.
In this way, Markov decision processes could be generalized from
monoids (categories with one object) to arbitrary categories. One can
call the result a context-dependent Markov decision process, because moving from one object to another in changes the set of available actions and the set of possible states.
Fuzzy Markov decision processes (FMDPs)
In
the MDPs, an optimal policy is a policy which maximizes the
probability-weighted summation of future rewards. Therefore, an optimal
policy consists of several actions which belong to a finite set of
actions. In fuzzy Markov decision processes (FMDPs), first, the value
function is computed as regular MDPs (i.e., with a finite set of
actions); then, the policy is extracted by a fuzzy inference system. In
other words, the value function is utilized as an input for the fuzzy
inference system, and the policy is the output of the fuzzy inference
system.
Continuous-time Markov decision process
In discrete-time Markov Decision Processes, decisions are made at discrete time intervals. However, for continuous-time Markov decision processes,
decisions can be made at any time the decision maker chooses. In
comparison to discrete-time Markov decision processes, continuous-time
Markov decision processes can better model the decision making process
for a system that has continuous dynamics, i.e., the system dynamics is defined by partial differential equations (PDEs).
Definition
In order to discuss the continuous-time Markov decision process, we introduce two sets of notations:
If the state space and action space are finite,
: State space;
: Action space;
: , transition rate function;
: , a reward function.
If the state space and action space are continuous,
: state space;
: space of possible control;
: , a transition rate function;
: , a reward rate function such that , where is the reward function we discussed in previous case.
Problem
Like the discrete-time Markov decision processes, in continuous-time Markov decision processes we want to find the optimal policy or control which could give us the optimal expected integrated reward:
Where
Linear programming formulation
If
the state space and action space are finite, we could use linear
programming to find the optimal policy, which was one of the earliest
approaches applied. Here we only consider the ergodic model, which means
our continuous-time MDP becomes an ergodic continuous-time Markov chain under a stationary policy.
Under this assumption, although the decision maker can make a decision
at any time at the current state, he could not benefit more by taking
more than one action. It is better for him to take an action only at the
time when system is transitioning from the current state to another
state. Under some conditions, if our optimal value function is independent of state , we will have the following inequality:
If there exists a function , then will be the smallest satisfying the above equation. In order to find , we could use the following linear programming model:
Primal linear program(P-LP);
Dual linear program(D-LP);
is a feasible solution to the D-LP if is
nonnative and satisfied the constraints in the D-LP problem. A
feasible solution to the D-LP is said to be an optimal
solution if:
for all feasible solution to the D-LP.
Once we have found the optimal solution , we can use it to establish the optimal policies.
Hamilton–Jacobi–Bellman equation
In continuous-time MDP, if the state space and action space are continuous, the optimal criterion could be found by solving Hamilton–Jacobi–Bellman (HJB) partial differential equation.
In order to discuss the HJB equation, we need to reformulate
our problem
is the terminal reward function, is the
system state vector, is the system control vector we try to
find. shows how the state vector changes over time.
The Hamilton–Jacobi–Bellman equation is as follows:
We could solve the equation to find the optimal control , which could give us the optimal value
The
terminology and notation for MDPs are not entirely settled. There are
two main streams — one focuses on maximization problems from contexts
like economics, using the terms action, reward, value, and calling the
discount factor or ,
while the other focuses on minimization problems from engineering and
navigation, using the terms control, cost, cost-to-go, and calling the
discount factor . In addition, the notation for the transition probability varies.
in this article
alternative
comment
action
control
reward
cost
is the negative of
value
cost-to-go
is the negative of
policy
policy
discounting factor
discounting factor
transition probability
transition probability
In addition, transition probability is sometimes written, or, rarely,
Constrained Markov decision processes
Constrained
Markov decision processes (CMDPs) are extensions to Markov decision
process (MDPs). There are three fundamental differences between MDPs and
CMDPs:
There are multiple costs incurred after applying an action instead of one.
While evangelicalism is on the rise globally, developing countries have particularly embraced it; it is the fastest growing portion of Christianity.
Terminology
The word evangelical has its etymological roots in the Greek word for "gospel" or "good news": εὐαγγέλιονeuangelion, from eu "good", angel- the stem of, among other words, angelos "messenger, angel", and the neutersuffix -ion. By the English Middle Ages, the term had expanded semantically to include not only the message, but also the New Testament which contained the message, as well as more specifically the Gospels, which portray the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus. The first published use of evangelical in English was in 1531, when William Tyndale wrote "He exhorteth them to proceed constantly in the evangelical truth." One year later Sir Thomas More
wrote the earliest recorded use in reference to a theological
distinction when he spoke of "Tyndale [and] his evangelical brother
Barns".
During the Reformation, Protestant theologians embraced the term as referring to "gospel truth". Martin Luther referred to the evangelische Kirche ("evangelical church") to distinguish Protestants from Catholics in the Roman Catholic Church. Into the 21st century, evangelical has continued in use as a synonym for (mainline)
Protestant in continental Europe, and elsewhere. This usage is
reflected in the names of Protestant denominations, such as the Evangelical Church in Germany (a union of Lutheran and Reformed churches) and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.
In the English-speaking world, evangelical was commonly
applied to describe the series of revival movements that occurred in
Britain and North America during the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries. Christian historian David Bebbington
writes that, "Although 'evangelical', with a lower-case initial, is
occasionally used to mean 'of the gospel', the term 'Evangelical', with a
capital letter, is applied to any aspect of the movement beginning in
the 1730s." According to the Oxford English Dictionary, evangelicalism was first used in 1831.
The term may also be used outside any religious context to
characterize a generic missionary, reforming, or redeeming impulse or
purpose. For example, the Times Literary Supplement refers to "the rise and fall of evangelical fervor within the Socialist movement".
One influential definition of evangelicalism has been proposed by historian David Bebbington. Bebbington notes four distinctive aspects of evangelical faith: conversionism, biblicism, crucicentrism, and activism, noting, "Together they form a quadrilateral of priorities that is the basis of Evangelicalism."
Conversionism, or belief in the necessity of being "born again", has been a constant theme of evangelicalism since its beginnings. To evangelicals, the central message of the gospel is justification by faith in Christ and repentance, or turning away, from sin.
Conversion differentiates the Christian from the non-Christian, and the
change in life it leads to is marked by both a rejection of sin and a
corresponding personal holiness
of life. A conversion experience can be emotional, including grief and
sorrow for sin followed by great relief at receiving forgiveness. The
stress on conversion differentiates evangelicalism from other forms of
Protestantism by the associated belief that an assurance of salvation will accompany conversion. Among evangelicals, individuals have testified to both sudden and gradual conversions.
Crucicentrism is the centrality that evangelicals give to the Atonement, the saving death and resurrection of Jesus, that offers forgiveness of sins and new life. This is understood most commonly in terms of a substitutionary atonement, in which Christ died as a substitute for sinful humanity by taking on himself the guilt and punishment for sin.
Activism describes the tendency toward active expression
and sharing of the gospel in diverse ways that include preaching and
social action. This aspect of evangelicalism continues to be seen today
in the proliferation of evangelical voluntary religious groups and parachurch organizations.
In the early 20th century, evangelical influence declined within mainline Protestantism and Christian fundamentalism
developed as a distinct religious movement. Between 1950 and 2000 a
mainstream evangelical consensus developed that sought to be more
inclusive and more culturally relevant than fundamentalism, while
maintaining conservative Protestant teaching. According to Brian Stanley, professor of world Christianity, this new postwar consensus is termed neo-evangelicalism, the new evangelicalism, or simply evangelicalism in the United States, while in Great Britain and in other English-speaking countries, it is commonly termed conservative evangelicalism.
Over the years, less-conservative evangelicals have challenged this
mainstream consensus to varying degrees. Such movements have been
classified by a variety of labels, such as progressive, open,
post-conservative, and post-evangelical.
Mainstream evangelicalism is historically divided between two main orientations: confessionalism and revivalism. These two streams have been critical of each other. Confessional evangelicals have been suspicious of unguarded religious experience, while revivalist evangelicals have been critical of overly intellectual teaching that (they suspect) stifles vibrant spirituality.
In an effort to broaden their appeal, many contemporary evangelical
congregations intentionally avoid identifying with any single form of
evangelicalism. These "generic evangelicals" are usually theologically
and socially conservative, but their churches often present themselves
as nondenominational within the broader evangelical movement.
In the words of Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary,
confessional evangelicalism refers to "that movement of Christian
believers who seek a constant convictional continuity with the
theological formulas of the Protestant Reformation". While approving of
the evangelical distinctions proposed by Bebbington, confessional
evangelicals believe that authentic evangelicalism requires more
concrete definition in order to protect the movement from theological
liberalism and from heresy. According to confessional evangelicals, subscription to the ecumenical creeds and to the Reformation-era confessions of faith (such as the confessions of the Reformed churches) provides such protection. Confessional evangelicals are represented by conservative Presbyterian churches (emphasizing the Westminster Confession), certain Baptist churches that emphasize historic Baptist confessions such as the Second London Confession, evangelical Anglicans who emphasize the Thirty-Nine Articles (such as in the Anglican Diocese of Sydney, Australia), and some confessional Lutherans with pietistic convictions.
The emphasis on historic Protestant orthodoxy among confessional
evangelicals stands in direct contrast to an anti-creedal outlook that
has exerted its own influence on evangelicalism, particularly among
churches strongly affected by revivalism and by pietism. Revivalist evangelicals are represented by some quarters of Methodism, the Wesleyan Holiness churches, the Pentecostal/charismatic churches, some Anabaptist churches, and some Baptists and Presbyterians. Revivalist evangelicals tend to place greater emphasis on religious experience than their confessional counterparts.
Non-conservative varieties
Evangelicals
dissatisfied with the movement's conservative mainstream have been
variously described as progressive evangelicals, post-conservative
evangelicals, Open Evangelicals and post-evangelicals. Progressive evangelicals, also known as the evangelical left, share theological or social views with other progressive Christians while also identifying with evangelicalism. Progressive evangelicals commonly advocate for women's equality, pacifism and social justice.
As described by Baptist theologian Roger E. Olson,
post-conservative evangelicalism is a theological school of thought
that adheres to the four marks of evangelicalism, while being less rigid
and more inclusive of other Christians. According to Olson,
post-conservatives believe that doctrinal truth is secondary to
spiritual experience shaped by Scripture.
Post-conservative evangelicals seek greater dialogue with other
Christian traditions and support the development of a multicultural
evangelical theology that incorporates the voices of women, racial
minorities, and Christians in the developing world. Some
post-conservative evangelicals also support open theism and the possibility of near universal salvation.
The term "Open Evangelical" refers to a particular Christian school of thought or churchmanship, primarily in Great Britain (especially in the Church of England).
Open evangelicals describe their position as combining a traditional
evangelical emphasis on the nature of scriptural authority, the teaching
of the ecumenical creeds and other traditional doctrinal teachings, with an approach towards culture and other theological
points-of-view which tends to be more inclusive than that taken by
other evangelicals. Some open evangelicals aim to take a middle position
between conservative and charismatic evangelicals, while others would
combine conservative theological emphases with more liberal social
positions.
British author Dave Tomlinson coined the phrase post-evangelical
to describe a movement comprising various trends of dissatisfaction
among evangelicals. Others use the term with comparable intent, often to
distinguish evangelicals in the so-called emerging church movement from post-evangelicals and anti-evangelicals. Tomlinson argues that "linguistically, the distinction [between evangelical and post-evangelical] resembles the one that sociologists make between the modern and postmodern eras".
Evangelicalism did not take recognizable form until the 18th century,
first in Britain and its North American colonies. Nevertheless, there
were earlier developments within the larger Protestant world that
preceded and influenced the later evangelical revivals. According to
religion scholar, social activist, and politician Randall Balmer,
Evangelicalism resulted "from the confluence of Pietism,
Presbyterianism, and the vestiges of Puritanism. Evangelicalism picked
up the peculiar characteristics from each strain – warmhearted
spirituality from the Pietists (for instance), doctrinal precisionism
from the Presbyterians, and individualistic introspection from the
Puritans". Historian Mark Noll adds to this list High Church Anglicanism, which contributed to Evangelicalism a legacy of "rigorous spirituality and innovative organization".
During the 17th century, Pietism emerged in Europe as a movement for the revival of piety
and devotion within the Lutheran church. As a protest against "cold
orthodoxy" or an overly formal and rational Christianity, Pietists
advocated for an experiential religion that stressed high moral
standards for both clergy and lay people. The movement included both
Christians who remained in the liturgical, state churches as well as separatist
groups who rejected the use of baptismal fonts, altars, pulpits, and
confessionals. As Pietism spread, the movement's ideals and aspirations
influenced and were absorbed into early Evangelicalism.
The Presbyterian heritage not only gave Evangelicalism a
commitment to Protestant orthodoxy but also contributed a revival
tradition that stretched back to the 1620s in Scotland and Northern
Ireland. Central to this tradition was the communion season, which normally occurred in the summer months. For Presbyterians, celebrations of Holy Communion
were infrequent but popular events preceded by several Sundays of
preparatory preaching and accompanied with preaching, singing, and
prayers.
Puritanism combined Calvinism with teaching that conversion was a
prerequisite for church membership and a stress on the study of
Scripture by lay people. It took root in New England, where the Congregational church was an established religion. The Half-Way Covenant
of 1662 allowed parents who had not testified to a conversion
experience to have their children baptized, while reserving Holy
Communion for converted church members alone.
By the 18th century, Puritanism was in decline and many ministers were
alarmed at the loss of religious piety. This concern over declining
religious commitment led many people to support evangelical revival.
High Church Anglicanism also exerted influence on early
Evangelicalism. High Churchmen were distinguished by their desire to
adhere to primitive Christianity.
This desire included imitating the faith and ascetic practices of early
Christians as well as regularly partaking of Holy Communion. High
Churchmen were also enthusiastic organizers of voluntary religious
societies. Two of the most prominent were the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, which distributed Bibles and other literature and built schools, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, which was created to facilitate missionary work in British colonies. Samuel and Susanna Wesley, the parents of John and Charles Wesley, were both devoted advocates of High Churchmanship.
In the 1730s, Evangelicalism emerged as a distinct phenomenon out of
religious revivals that began in Britain and New England. While
religious revivals had occurred within Protestant churches in the past,
the evangelical revivals that marked the 18th century were more intense
and radical.
Evangelical revivalism imbued ordinary men and women with a confidence
and enthusiasm for sharing the gospel and converting others outside of
the control of established churches, a key discontinuity with the
Protestantism of the previous era.
It was developments in the doctrine of assurance that
differentiated Evangelicalism from what went before. Bebbington says,
"The dynamism of the Evangelical movement was possible only because its
adherents were assured in their faith." He goes on:
Whereas the Puritans had held that
assurance is rare, late and the fruit of struggle in the experience of
believers, the Evangelicals believed it to be general, normally given at
conversion and the result of simple acceptance of the gift of God. The
consequence of the altered form of the doctrine was a metamorphosis in
the nature of popular Protestantism. There was a change in patterns of
piety, affecting devotional and practical life in all its departments.
The shift, in fact, was responsible for creating in Evangelicalism a new
movement and not merely a variation on themes heard since the
Reformation.
The first local revival occurred in Northampton, Massachusetts, under the leadership of Congregationalist minister Jonathan Edwards.
In the fall of 1734, Edwards preached a sermon series on "Justification
By Faith Alone", and the community's response was extraordinary. Signs
of religious commitment among the laity
increased, especially among the town's young people. The revival
ultimately spread to 25 communities in western Massachusetts and central
Connecticut until it began to wane by the spring of 1735. Edwards was heavily influenced by Pietism, so much so that one historian has stressed his "American Pietism".
One practice clearly copied from European Pietists was the use of small
groups divided by age and gender, which met in private homes to
conserve and promote the fruits of revival.
At the same time, students at Yale University (at that time Yale College) in New Haven, Connecticut, were also experiencing revival. Among them was Aaron Burr, Sr., who would become a prominent Presbyterian minister and future president of Princeton University. In New Jersey, Gilbert Tennent, another Presbyterian minister, was preaching the evangelical message and urging the Presbyterian Church to stress the necessity of converted ministers.
The spring of 1735 also marked important events in England and Wales. Howell Harris,
a Welsh schoolteacher, had a conversion experience on May 25 during a
communion service. He described receiving assurance of God's grace after a period of fasting, self-examination, and despair over his sins. Sometime later, Daniel Rowland, the Anglican curate
of Llangeitho, Wales, experienced conversion as well. Both men began
preaching the evangelical message to large audiences, becoming leaders
of the Welsh Methodist revival. At about the same time that Harris experienced conversion in Wales, George Whitefield
was converted at Oxford University after his own prolonged spiritual
crisis. Whitefield later remarked, "About this time God was pleased to
enlighten my soul, and bring me into the knowledge of His free grace,
and the necessity of being justified in His sight by faith only".
Whitefield's fellow Holy Club member and spiritual mentor, Charles Wesley, reported an evangelical conversion in 1738. In the same week, Charles' brother and future founder of Methodism, John Wesley
was also converted after a long period of inward struggle. During this
spiritual crisis, John Wesley was directly influenced by Pietism. Two
years before his conversion, Wesley had traveled to the newly
established colony of Georgia as a missionary for the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge. He shared his voyage with a group of Moravian Brethren led by August Gottlieb Spangenberg.
The Moravians' faith and piety deeply impressed Wesley, especially
their belief that it was a normal part of Christian life to have an
assurance of one's salvation. Wesley recounted the following exchange with Spangenberg on February 7, 1736:
[Spangenberg] said, "My brother, I
must first ask you one or two questions. Have you the witness within
yourself? Does the Spirit of God bear witness with your spirit that you
are a child of God?" I was surprised, and knew not what to answer. He
observed it, and asked, "Do you know Jesus Christ?" I paused, and said,
"I know he is the Savior of the world." "True," he replied, "but do you
know he has saved you?" I answered, "I hope he has died to save me." He
only added, "Do you know yourself?" I said, "I do." But I fear they were
vain words.
Wesley finally received the assurance he had been searching for at a
meeting of a religious society in London. While listening to a reading
from Martin Luther's preface to the Epistle to the Romans, Wesley felt spiritually transformed:
About a quarter before nine, while
[the speaker] was describing the change which God works in the heart
through faith in Christ, I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did
trust in Christ, Christ alone for salvation, and an assurance was given
me that he had taken away my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death.
Pietism continued to influence Wesley, who had translated 33 Pietist
hymns from German to English. Numerous German Pietist hymns became part
of the English Evangelical repertoire.
By 1737, Whitefield had become a national celebrity in England where
his preaching drew large crowds, especially in London where the Fetter Lane Society had become a center of evangelical activity. Whitfield joined forces with Edwards to "fan the flame of revival" in the Thirteen Colonies in 1739–40. Soon the First Great Awakening stirred Protestants throughout America.
Evangelical preachers emphasized personal salvation and piety
more than ritual and tradition. Pamphlets and printed sermons
crisscrossed the Atlantic, encouraging the revivalists.
The Awakening resulted from powerful preaching that gave listeners a
sense of deep personal revelation of their need of salvation by Jesus
Christ. Pulling away from ritual and ceremony, the Great Awakening made
Christianity intensely personal to the average person by fostering a
deep sense of spiritual conviction and redemption, and by encouraging
introspection and a commitment to a new standard of personal morality.
It reached people who were already church members. It changed their
rituals, their piety and their self-awareness. To the evangelical
imperatives of Reformation Protestantism, 18th century American
Christians added emphases on divine outpourings of the Holy Spirit and
conversions that implanted within new believers an intense love for God.
Revivals encapsulated those hallmarks and forwarded the newly created
Evangelicalism into the early republic.
19th century
The start of the 19th century saw an increase in missionary work and many of the major missionary societies were founded around this time. Both the Evangelical and high church movements sponsored missionaries.
In Britain in addition to stressing the traditional Wesleyan
combination of "Bible, cross, conversion, and activism", the revivalist
movement sought a universal appeal, hoping to include rich and poor,
urban and rural, and men and women. Special efforts were made to attract
children and to generate literature to spread the revivalist message.
"Christian conscience" was used by the British Evangelical
movement to promote social activism. Evangelicals believed activism in
government and the social sphere was an essential method in reaching the
goal of eliminating sin in a world drenched in wickedness. The Evangelicals in the Clapham Sect included figures such as William Wilberforce who successfully campaigned for the abolition of slavery.
In the late 19th century, the revivalist Holiness movement,
based on the doctrine of "entire sanctification," took a more extreme
form in rural America and Canada, where it ultimately broke away from
institutional Methodism. In urban Britain the Holiness message was less
exclusive and censorious.
John Nelson Darby of the Plymouth Brethren was a 19th-century Irish Anglican minister who devised modern dispensationalism,
an innovative Protestant theological interpretation of the Bible that
was incorporated in the development of modern Evangelicalism. Cyrus Scofield further promoted the influence of dispensationalism through the explanatory notes to his Scofield Reference Bible.
According to scholar Mark S. Sweetnam, who takes a cultural studies
perspective, dispensationalism can be defined in terms of its
Evangelicalism, its insistence on the literal interpretation of
Scripture, its recognition of stages in God's dealings with humanity,
its expectation of the imminent return of Christ to rapture His saints,
and its focus on both apocalypticism and premillennialism.
Notable figures of the latter half of the 19th century include Charles Spurgeon in London and Dwight L. Moody in Chicago. Their powerful preaching reached very large audiences.
After 1910 the Fundamentalist movement dominated Evangelicalism in the early part of the 20th century; the Fundamentalists rejected liberal theology and emphasized the inerrancy of the Scriptures.
In the post–World War II period a split developed between
Evangelicals as they disagreed among themselves about how individual
Christians ought to respond to an unbelieving world. Many Evangelicals urged that Christians must engage "the culture" directly and constructively, and they began to express reservations about being known to the world as fundamentalists. As Kenneth Kantzer put it at the time, the name fundamentalist had become "an embarrassment instead of a badge of honor".
In 1947 Harold Ockenga coined the term neo-evangelicalism
to identify a distinct movement within self-identified fundamentalist
Christianity at the time, especially in the English-speaking world. It
described the mood of positivism and non-militancy that characterized
that generation. The new generation of Evangelicals set as their goal to
abandon a militant Bible stance. Instead, they would pursue dialogue,
intellectualism, non-judgmentalism, and appeasement. They further called
for an increased application of the gospel to sociological, political,
and economic areas.
The self-identified fundamentalists also cooperated in separating their "neo-Evangelical" opponents from the fundamentalist
name, by increasingly seeking to distinguish themselves from the more
open group, whom they often characterized derogatorily by Ockenga's
term, "neo-Evangelical" or just "Evangelical".
The fundamentalists saw the Evangelicals as often being too
concerned about social acceptance and intellectual respectability, and
being too accommodating to a perverse generation that needed correction.
In addition, they saw the efforts of evangelist Billy Graham, who
worked with non-Evangelical denominations, such as the Roman Catholics
(whom fundamentalists saw as heretical), as a mistake.
The post-war period also saw growth of the ecumenical movement and the founding of the World Council of Churches, which the Evangelical community generally regarded with suspicion.
In the United Kingdom, John Stott (1921–2011) and Martyn Lloyd-Jones (1899–1981) emerged as key leaders in Evangelical Christianity.
The closing years of the 20th century saw controversial postmodern influences entering some parts of Evangelicalism, particularly with the emerging church movement.
According to a 2011 Pew Forum study on global Christianity, 285,480,000 or 13.1 percent of all Christians are Evangelicals. These figures do not include the Evangelical movements Pentecostalism and Charismatic movement;
584,080,000. The study states that the category "Evangelicals" should
not be considered as a separate category of "Pentecostal and
Charismatic" categories, since some believers consider themselves in
both movements where their church is affiliated with an Evangelical
association.
In 2015, the World Evangelical Alliance
is "a network of churches in 129 nations that have each formed an
Evangelical alliance and over 100 international organizations joining
together to give a world-wide identity, voice, and platform to more than
600 million Evangelical Christians". The Alliance was formed in 1951 by Evangelicals from 21 countries. It
has worked to support its members to work together globally.
According to Sébastien Fath of CNRS, in 2016, there are 619 million Evangelicals in the world, one in four Christians. In 2017, about 630 million, an increase of 11 million, including Pentecostals.
Operation World estimates the number of Evangelicals at 550 million.
From 1960 to 2000, the global growth of the number of reported
Evangelicals grew three times the world's population rate, and twice
that of Islam.
Africa
In the
21st century, there are Evangelical churches active in Sudan, Angola,
Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Rwanda, Uganda, Ghana, Kenya, Zambia,
South Africa, and Nigeria. They have grown especially since independence
came in the 1960s, the strongest movements are based on Pentecostal-charismatic beliefs, and comprise a way of life that has led to upward social mobility and demands for democracy.
There is a wide range of theology and organizations, including some
sponsored by European missionaries and others that have emerged from
African culture such as the Apostolic and Zionist Churches which enlist 40% of black South Africans, and their Aladura counterparts in western Africa.
In Nigeria the Evangelical Church Winning All
(formerly "Evangelical Church of West Africa") is the largest church
organization with five thousand congregations and over three million
members. It sponsors two seminaries and eight Bible colleges, and 1600
missionaries who serve in Nigeria and other countries with the
Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS). There have been serious
confrontations since 1999 between Muslims and Evangelical Christians
standing in opposition to the expansion of Sharia law in northern
Nigeria. The confrontation has radicalized and politicized the
Christians. Violence has been escalating.
In Kenya, mainstream Evangelical denominations have taken the lead in promoting political activism and backers, with the smaller Evangelical sects of less importance. Daniel arap Moi
was president 1978 to 2002 and claimed to be an Evangelical; he proved
intolerant of dissent or pluralism or decentralization of power.
The Berlin Missionary Society
(BMS) was one of four German Protestant mission societies active in
South Africa before 1914. It emerged from the German tradition of
Pietism after 1815 and sent its first missionaries to South Africa in
1834. There were few positive reports in the early years, but it was
especially active 1859–1914. It was especially strong in the Boer
republics. The World War cut off contact with Germany, but the missions
continued at a reduced pace. After 1945 the missionaries had to deal
with decolonisation across Africa and especially with the apartheid
government. At all times the BMS emphasized spiritual inwardness, and
values such as morality, hard work and self-discipline. It proved unable
to speak and act decisively against injustice and racial discrimination
and was disbanded in 1972.
Since 1974, young professionals have been the active proselytizers of Evangelicalism in the cities of Malawi.
In Mozambique, Evangelical Protestant Christianity emerged around
1900 from black migrants whose converted previously in South Africa.
They were assisted by European missionaries, but, as industrial workers,
they paid for their own churches and proselytizing. They prepared
southern Mozambique for the spread of Evangelical Protestantism. During
its time as a colonial power in Mozambique, the Catholic Portuguese
government tried to counter the spread of Evangelical Protestantism.
East African Revival
The East African Revival was a renewal movement within Evangelical churches in East Africa during the late 1920s and 1930s that began at a Church Missionary Society mission station in the Belgian territory of Ruanda-Urundi
in 1929, and spread to: Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya during the 1930s and
1940s contributing to the significant growth of the church in East
Africa through the 1970s and had a visible influence on Western
missionaries who were observer-participants of the movement.
Latin America
In modern Latin America, the term "Evangelical" is often simply a synonym for "Protestant".
Protestantism in Brazil largely originated with German immigrants and British and American missionaries in the 19th century, following up on efforts that began in the 1820s.
In the late nineteenth century, while the vast majority of
Brazilians were nominal Catholics, the nation was underserved by
priests, and for large numbers their religion was only nominal. The
Catholic Church in Brazil was de-established in 1890, and responded by
increasing the number of dioceses and the efficiency of its clergy. Many
Protestants came from a large German immigrant community, but they were
seldom engaged in proselytism and grew mostly by natural increase.
Methodists were active along with Presbyterians and Baptists. The Scottish missionary Dr. Robert Reid Kalley, with support from the Free Church of Scotland,
moved to Brazil in 1855, founding the first Evangelical church among
the Portuguese-speaking population there in 1856. It was organized
according to the Congregational policy as the Igreja Evangélica
Fluminense; it became the mother church of Congregationalism in Brazil. The Seventh-day Adventists
arrived in 1894, and the YMCA was organized in 1896. The missionaries
promoted schools colleges and seminaries, including a liberal arts
college in São Paulo, later known as Mackenzie, and an agricultural
school in Lavras.
The Presbyterian schools in particular later became the nucleus of the
governmental system. In 1887 Protestants in Rio de Janeiro formed a
hospital. The missionaries largely reached a working-class audience, as
the Brazilian upper-class was wedded either to Catholicism or to
secularism. By 1914, Protestant churches founded by American
missionaries had 47,000 communicants, served by 282 missionaries. In
general, these missionaries were more successful than they had been in
Mexico, Argentina or elsewhere in Latin America.
There were 700,000 Protestants by 1930, and increasingly they were in
charge of their own affairs. In 1930, the Methodist Church of Brazil
became independent of the missionary societies and elected its own
bishop. Protestants were largely from a working-class, but their
religious networks help speed their upward social mobility.
Protestants accounted for fewer than 5% of the population until
the 1960s, but grew exponentially by proselytizing and by 2000 made up
over 15% of Brazilians affiliated with a church. Pentecostals and
charismatic groups account for the vast majority of this expansion.
Pentecostal missionaries arrived early in the 20th century.
Pentecostal conversions surged during the 1950s and 1960s, when native
Brazilians began founding autonomous churches. The most influential
included Brasil Para o Cristo
(Brazil for Christ), founded in 1955 by Manoel de Mello. With an
emphasis on personal salvation, on God's healing power, and on strict
moral codes these groups have developed broad appeal, particularly among
the booming urban migrant communities. In Brazil, since the mid-1990's,
groups committed to uniting black identity, antiracism, and Evangelical
theology have rapidly proliferated.
Pentecostalism arrived in Brazil with Swedish and American missionaries
in 1911. it grew rapidly, but endured numerous schisms and splits. In
some areas the Evangelical Assemblies of God churches have taken a leadership role in politics since the 1960s. They claimed major credit for the election of Fernando Collor de Mello as president of Brazil in 1990.
According to the 2000 Census, 15.4% of the Brazilian population was Protestant. A recent research conducted by the Datafolha institute
shows that 25% of Brazilians are Protestants, of which 19% are
followers of Pentecostal denominations. The 2010 Census found out that
22.2% were Protestant at that date. Protestant denominations saw a rapid
growth in their number of followers since the last decades of the 20th
century. They are politically and socially conservative, and emphasize that God's favor translates into business success.
The rich and the poor remained traditional Catholics, while most
Evangelical Protestants were in the new lower-middle class–known as the
"C class" (in a A–E classification system).
Chesnut argues that Pentecostalism has become "one of the
principal organizations of the poor," for these churches provide the
sort of social network that teach members the skills they need to thrive
in a rapidly developing meritocratic society.
One large Evangelical church that originated from Brasil is the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God
(IURD), a neo‐Pentecostal denomination begun in 1977. It now has a
presence in many countries, and claims millions of members worldwide.
Guatemala
Cash Luna, an evangelical Protestant televangelist in Guatemala
Protestants remained a small portion of the population until the
late-twentieth century, when various Protestant groups experienced a
demographic boom that coincided with the increasing violence of the
Guatemalan Civil War. Two former Guatemalan heads of state, General Efraín Ríos Montt and Jorge Serrano Elías have been practicing Evangelical Protestants, as is Guatemala's current President, Jimmy Morales.
General Montt, an Evangelical from the Pentecostal tradition, came to
power through a coup. He escalated the war against leftist guerilla
insurgents as a holy war against atheistic "forces of evil".
Asia
American pastor Johannes Maas preaching in Andhra Pradesh, India in 1974. Spreading the revival is an essential part of work done by evangelical missionaries.
South Korea
Protestant missionary activity in Asia was most successful in Korea.
American Presbyterians and Methodists arrived in the 1880s and were well
received. Between 1910 and 1945, when Korea was a Japanese colony,
Christianity became in part an expression of nationalism in opposition
to Japan's efforts to promote the Japanese language and the Shinto
religion.
In 1914, out of 16 million people, there were 86,000 Protestants and
79,000 Catholics; by 1934, the numbers were 168,000 and 147,000.
Presbyterian missionaries were especially successful.
Since the Korean War (1950–53), many Korean Christians have migrated to
the U.S., while those who remained behind have risen sharply in social
and economic status. Most Korean Protestant churches in the 21st century
emphasize their Evangelical heritage. Korean Protestantism is
characterized by theological conservatismcoupled with an emotional revivalistic
style. Most churches sponsor revival meetings once or twice a year.
Missionary work is a high priority, with 13,000 men and women serving in
missions across the world, putting Korea in second place just behind
the US.
Sukman argues that since 1945, Protestantism has been widely seen
by Koreans as the religion of the middle class, youth, intellectuals,
urbanites, and modernists. It has been a powerful force supporting South Korea's pursuit of modernity and emulation of the United States, and opposition to the old Japanese colonialism and to the authoritarianism of North Korea.
South Korea has been referred as an "evangelical superpower" for
being the home to some of the largest and most dynamic Christian
churches in the world; South Korea is also second to the U.S. in the
number of missionaries sent abroad.
According to 2015 South Korean census, 9.7 million or 19.7% of
the population described themselves as Protestants, many of whom belong
to Presbyterian churches shaped by Evangelicalism.
Philippines
According to the 2010 census, 2.68% of Filipinos are Evangelicals.
However, this figure has risen to 14% as of 2017. The Philippine Council
of Evangelical Churches (PCEC), an organization of more than seventy
Evangelical and Mainline Protestant churches, and more than 210
para-church organizations in the Philippines, counts more than 11
million members as of 2011.
Great Britain
John Wesley (1703–1791) was an Anglican cleric and theologian who, with his brother Charles Wesley (1707–1788) and fellow cleric George Whitefield
(1714 – 1770), founded Methodism. After 1791 the movement became
independent of the Anglican Church as the "Methodist Connection". It
became a force in its own right, especially among the working class.
The Clapham Sect was a group of Church of England evangelicals and social reformers based in Clapham, London; they were active 1780s–1840s). John Newton
(1725–1807) was the founder. They are described by the historian
Stephen Tomkins as "a network of friends and families in England, with William Wilberforce
as its centre of gravity, who were powerfully bound together by their
shared moral and spiritual values, by their religious mission and social
activism, by their love for each other, and by marriage".
Evangelicalism was a major force in the Anglican Church from about 1800 to the 1860s. By 1848 when an evangelical John Bird Sumner
became Archbishop of Canterbury, between a quarter and a third of all
Anglican clergy were linked to the movement, which by then had
diversified greatly in its goals and they were no longer considered an
organized faction.
In the 21st century there are an estimated 2 million Evangelicals in the UK.
According to research performed by the Evangelical Alliance in 2013,
87% of UK evangelicals attend Sunday morning church services every week
and 63% attend weekly or fortnightly small groups.
An earlier survey conducted in 2012 found that 92% of evangelicals
agree it is a Christian's duty to help those in poverty and 45% attend a
church which has a fund or scheme that helps people in immediate need,
and 42% go to a church that supports or runs a foodbank. 63% believe in
tithing, and so give around 10% of their income to their church,
Christian organisations and various charities
83% of UK evangelicals believe that the Bible has supreme authority in
guiding their beliefs, views and behaviour and 52% read or listen to the
Bible daily. The Evangelical Alliance,
formed in 1846, was the first ecumenical evangelical body in the world
and works to unite evangelicals, helping them listen to, and be heard
by, the government, media and society.
Socially conservative evangelical Protestantism plays a major role in the Bible Belt, an area covering almost all of the Southern United States. Evangelicals form a majority in the region.
By the late 19th to early 20th century, most American Protestants were Evangelicals. A divide had arisen between the more liberal-modernist mainline denominations and the fundamentalist denominations, the latter typically consisting of Evangelicals.
During and after World War II, Evangelicals became increasingly
organized. There was a great expansion of Evangelical activity within
the United States, "a revival of revivalism." Youth for Christ was formed; it later became the base for Billy Graham's
revivals. The National Association of Evangelicals formed in 1942 as a
counterpoise to the mainline Federal Council of Churches. In 1942–43,
the Old-Fashioned Revival Hour had a record-setting national radio
audience.
According to a Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life study, Evangelicals can be broadly divided into three camps: traditionalist, centrist, and modernist.
A 2004 Pew survey identified Evangelicals as 26.3 percent of the
population, while Catholics make up 22 percent and mainline Protestants
make up 16 percent.
Evangelicals have been socially active throughout US history, a tradition dating back to the abolitionist movement of the Antebellum period and the prohibition movement. As a group, evangelicals are most often associated with the Christian right. However, a large number of black self-labeled Evangelicals, and a small proportion of liberal white self-labeled Evangelicals, gravitate towards the Christian left.
Recurrent themes within American Evangelical discourse include abortion, the creation–evolution controversy, secularism, and the notion of the United States as a Christian nation.