Neurophilosophy or the philosophy of neuroscience is the interdisciplinary study of neuroscience and philosophy that explores the relevance of neuroscientific studies to the arguments traditionally categorized as philosophy of mind.
The philosophy of neuroscience attempts to clarify neuroscientific
methods and results using the conceptual rigor and methods of philosophy of science.
Specific issues
Below is a list of specific issues important to philosophy of neuroscience:
- "The indirectness of studies of mind and brain"
- "Computational or representational analysis of brain processing"
- "Relations between psychological and neuroscientific inquiries"
- Modularity of mind
- What constitutes adequate explanation in neuroscience?
- "Location of cognitive function"
Indirectness of studies of the mind and brain
Many
of the methods and techniques central to neuroscientific discovery rely
on assumptions that can limit the interpretation of the data.
Philosophers of neuroscience have discussed such assumptions in the use
of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), dissociation in cognitive neuropsychology, single unit recording, and computational neuroscience. Following are descriptions of many of the current controversies and debates about the methods employed in neuroscience.
fMRI
Many fMRI studies rely heavily on the assumption of localization of function (same as functional specialization).
Localization of function means that many cognitive functions can
be localized to specific brain regions. An example of functional
localization comes from studies of the motor cortex. There seem to be different groups of cells in the motor cortex responsible for controlling different groups of muscles.
Many philosophers of neuroscience criticize fMRI for relying too
heavily on this assumption. Michael Anderson points out that
subtraction-method fMRI misses a lot of brain information that is
important to the cognitive processes.
Subtraction fMRI only shows the differences between the task activation
and the control activation, but many of the brain areas activated in
the control are obviously important for the task as well.
Rejections of fMRI
Some
philosophers entirely reject any notion of localization of function and
thus believe fMRI studies to be profoundly misguided.
These philosophers maintain that brain processing acts holistically,
that large sections of the brain are involved in processing most
cognitive tasks (see holism in neurology and the modularity section below). One way to understand their objection to the idea of localization of function is the radio repairman thought experiment.
In this thought experiment, a radio repairman opens up a radio and rips
out a tube. The radio begins whistling loudly and the radio repairman
declares that he must have ripped out the anti-whistling tube. There is
no anti-whistling tube in the radio and the radio repairman has
confounded function with effect. This criticism was originally targeted
at the logic used by neuropsychological brain lesion experiments, but
the criticism is still applicable to neuroimaging. These considerations
are similar to Van Orden's and Paap's criticism of circularity in
neuroimaging logic.
According to them, neuroimagers assume that their theory of cognitive
component parcellation is correct and that these components divide
cleanly into feed-forward modules. These assumptions are necessary to
justify their inference of brain localization. The logic is circular if
the researcher then uses the appearance of brain region activation as
proof of the correctness of their cognitive theories.
Reverse inference
A different problematic methodological assumption within fMRI research is the use of reverse inference.
A reverse inference is when the activation of a brain region is used to
infer the presence of a given cognitive process. Poldrack points out
that the strength of this inference depends critically on the likelihood
that a given task employs a given cognitive process and the likelihood
of that pattern of brain activation given that cognitive process. In
other words, the strength of reverse inference is based upon the
selectivity of the task used as well as the selectivity of the brain
region activation.
A 2011 article published in the New York Times has been heavily criticized for misusing reverse inference. In the study, participants were shown pictures of their iPhones and the researchers measured activation of the insula.
The researchers took insula activation as evidence of feelings of love
and concluded that people loved their iPhones. Critics were quick to
point out that the insula is not a very selective piece of cortex, and
therefore not amenable to reverse inference.
The neuropsychologist Max Coltheart
took the problems with reverse inference a step further and challenged
neuroimagers to give one instance in which neuroimaging had informed
psychological theory.
Coltheart takes the burden of proof to be an instance where the brain
imaging data is consistent with one theory but inconsistent with another
theory.
Roskies maintains that Coltheart's ultra cognitive position makes his challenge unwinnable.
Since Coltheart maintains that the implementation of a cognitive state
has no bearing on the function of that cognitive state, then it is
impossible to find neuroimaging data that will be able to comment on
psychological theories in the way Coltheart demands. Neuroimaging data
will always be relegated to the lower level of implementation and be
unable to selectively determine one or another cognitive theory.
In a 2006 article, Richard Henson suggests that forward inference
can be used to infer dissociation of function at the psychological
level.
He suggests that these kinds of inferences can be made when there is
crossing activations between two task types in two brain regions and
there is no change in activation in a mutual control region.
Pure insertion
One final assumption is the assumption of pure insertion in fMRI.
The assumption of pure insertion is the assumption that a single
cognitive process can be inserted into another set of cognitive
processes without affecting the functioning of the rest. For example, to
find the reading comprehension area of the brain, researchers might
scan participants while they were presented with a word and while they
were presented with a non-word (e.g. "Floob"). If the researchers then
infer that the resulting difference in brain pattern represents the
regions of the brain involved in reading comprehension, they have
assumed that these changes are not reflective of changes in task
difficulty or differential recruitment between tasks. The term pure
insertion was coined by Donders as a criticism of reaction time methods.
Resting-state functional-connectivity MRI
Recently, researchers have begun using a new functional imaging technique called resting-state functional-connectivity MRI. Subjects' brains are scanned while the subject sits idly in the scanner. By looking at the natural fluctuations in the blood-oxygen-level-dependent (BOLD) pattern
while the subject is at rest, the researchers can see which brain
regions co-vary in activation together. Afterward, they can use the
patterns of covariance to construct maps of functionally-linked brain
areas.
The name "functional-connectivity" is somewhat misleading since
the data only indicates co-variation. Still, this is a powerful method
for studying large networks throughout the brain.
Methodological issues
There
are a couple of important methodological issues that need to be
addressed. Firstly, there are many different possible brain mappings
that could be used to define the brain regions for the network. The
results could vary significantly depending on the brain region chosen.
Secondly, what mathematical techniques are best to characterize these brain regions?
The brain regions of interest are somewhat constrained by the size of the voxels. Rs-fcMRI
uses voxels that are only a few millimeters cubed, so the brain regions
will have to be defined on a larger scale. Two of the statistical
methods that are commonly applied to network analysis can work on the
single voxel spatial scale, but graph theory methods are extremely sensitive to the way nodes are defined.
Brain regions can be divided according to their cellular architecture, according to their connectivity, or according to physiological measures.
Alternatively, one could take a "theory-neutral" approach, and randomly
divide the cortex into partitions with an arbitrary size.
As mentioned earlier, there are several approaches to network
analysis once the brain regions have been defined. Seed-based analysis
begins with an a priori
defined seed region and finds all of the regions that are functionally
connected to that region. Wig et al. caution that the resulting network
structure will not give any information concerning the
inter-connectivity of the identified regions or the relations of those
regions to regions other than the seed region.
Another approach is to use independent component analysis (ICA) to create spatio-temporal component maps, and the components are sorted into those that carry information of interest and those that are caused by noise.
Wigs et al. once again warns that inference of functional brain region
communities is difficult under ICA. ICA also has the issue of imposing
orthogonality on the data.
Graph theory
uses a matrix to characterize covariance between regions, which is then
transformed into a network map. The problem with graph theory analysis
is that network mapping is heavily influenced by a priori brain
region and connectivity (nodes and edges). This places the researcher at
risk of cherry-picking regions and connections according to their own
preconceived theories. However, graph theory analysis is still
considered extremely valuable, as it is the only method that gives pair-wise relationships between nodes.
While ICA may have an advantage in being a fairly principled
method, it seems that using both methods will be important to better
understanding the network connectivity of the brain. Mumford et al.
hoped to avoid these issues and use a principled approach that could
determine pair-wise relationships using a statistical technique adopted
from analysis of gene co-expression networks.
Dissociation in cognitive neuropsychology
Cognitive
neuropsychology studies brain damaged patients and uses the patterns of
selective impairment in order to make inferences on the underlying
cognitive structure. Dissociation
between cognitive functions is taken to be evidence that these
functions are independent. Theorists have identified several key
assumptions that are needed to justify these inferences:
- Functional modularity – the mind is organized into functionally separate cognitive modules.
- Anatomical modularity – the brain is organized into
functionally separate modules. This assumption is very similar to the
assumption of functional localization. These assumptions differ from the
assumption of functional modularity, because it is possible to have
separable cognitive modules that are implemented by diffuse patterns of
brain activation.
- Universality – The basic organization of functional and
anatomical modularity is the same for all normal humans. This assumption
is needed if we are to make any claim about functional organization
based on dissociation that extrapolates from the instance of a case
study to the population.
- Transparency / Subtractivity – the mind does not
undergo substantial reorganization following brain damage. It is
possible to remove one functional module without significantly altering
the overall structure of the system. This assumption is necessary in
order to justify using brain damaged patients in order to make
inferences about the cognitive architecture of healthy people.
There are three principal types of evidence in cognitive
neuropsychology: association, single dissociation and double
dissociation.
Association inferences observe that certain deficits are likely to
co-occur. For example, there are many cases who have deficits in both
abstract and concrete word comprehension following brain damage.
Association studies are considered the weakest form of evidence, because
the results could be accounted for by damage to neighboring brain
regions and not damage to a single cognitive system.
Single Dissociation inferences observe that one cognitive faculty can
be spared while another can be damaged following brain damage. This
pattern indicates that a) the two tasks employ different cognitive
systems b) the two tasks occupy the same system and the damaged task is
downstream from the spared task or c) that the spared task requires
fewer cognitive resources than the damaged task. The "gold standard" for
cognitive neuropsychology is the double dissociation. Double
dissociation occurs when brain damage impairs task A in Patient1 but
spares task B and brain damage spares task A in Patient 2 but damages
task B. It is assumed that one instance of double dissociation is
sufficient proof to infer separate cognitive modules in the performance
of the tasks.
Many theorists criticize cognitive neuropsychology for its
dependence on double dissociations. In one widely cited study, Joula and
Plunkett used a model connectionist system to demonstrate that double
dissociation behavioral patterns can occur through random lesions of a
single module.
They created a multilayer connectionist system trained to pronounce
words. They repeatedly simulated random destruction of nodes and
connections in the system and plotted the resulting performance on a scatter plot.
The results showed deficits in irregular noun pronunciation with spared
regular verb pronunciation in some cases and deficits in regular verb
pronunciation with spared irregular noun pronunciation. These results
suggest that a single instance of double dissociation is insufficient to
justify inference to multiple systems.
Charter offers a theoretical case in which double dissociation logic can be faulty.
If two tasks, task A and task B, use almost all of the same systems but
differ by one mutually exclusive module apiece, then the selective
lesioning of those two modules would seem to indicate that A and B use
different systems. Charter uses the example of someone who is allergic
to peanuts but not shrimp and someone who is allergic to shrimp and not
peanuts. He argues that double dissociation logic leads one to infer
that peanuts and shrimp are digested by different systems. John Dunn
offers another objection to double dissociation.
He claims that it is easy to demonstrate the existence of a true
deficit but difficult to show that another function is truly spared. As
more data is accumulated, the value of your results will converge on an
effect size of zero, but there will always be a positive value greater
than zero that has more statistical power than zero. Therefore, it is
impossible to be fully confident that a given double dissociation
actually exists.
On a different note, Alphonso Caramazza has given a principled
reason for rejecting the use of group studies in cognitive
neuropsychology.
Studies of brain damaged patients can either take the form of a single
case study, in which an individual's behavior is characterized and used
as evidence, or group studies, in which a group of patients displaying
the same deficit have their behavior characterized and averaged. In
order to justify grouping a set of patient data together, the researcher
must know that the group is homogenous, that their behavior is
equivalent in every theoretically meaningful way. In brain damaged
patients, this can only be accomplished a posteriori
by analyzing the behavior patterns of all the individuals in the group.
Thus according to Caramazza, any group study is either the equivalent
of a set of single case studies or is theoretically unjustified.
Newcombe and Marshall pointed out that there are some cases (they use
Geschwind's syndrome as an example) and that group studies might still
serve as a useful heuristic in cognitive neuropsychological studies.
Single-unit recordings
It is commonly understood in neuroscience that information is encoded in the brain by the firing patterns of neurons.
Many of the philosophical questions surrounding the neural code are
related to questions about representation and computation that are
discussed below. There are other methodological questions including
whether neurons represent information through an average firing rate or
whether there is information represented by the temporal dynamics. There
are similar questions about whether neurons represent information
individually or as a population.
Computational neuroscience
Many
of the philosophical controversies surrounding computational
neuroscience involve the role of simulation and modeling as explanation.
Carl Craver has been especially vocal about such interpretations. Jones and Love wrote an especially critical article targeted at Bayesian behavioral modeling that did not constrain the modeling parameters by psychological or neurological considerations
Eric Winsberg has written about the role of computer modeling and
simulation in science generally, but his characterization is applicable
to computational neuroscience.
Computation and representation in the brain
The computational theory of mind
has been widespread in neuroscience since the cognitive revolution in
the 1960s. This section will begin with a historical overview of
computational neuroscience and then discuss various competing theories
and controversies within the field.
Historical overview
Computational neuroscience began in the 1930s and 1940s with two groups of researchers. The first group consisted of Alan Turing, Alonzo Church and John von Neumann, who were working to develop computing machines and the mathematical underpinnings of computer science. This work culminated in the theoretical development of so-called Turing machines and the Church–Turing thesis, which formalized the mathematics underlying computability theory.
The second group consisted of Warren McCulloch and Walter Pitts who
were working to develop the first artificial neural networks. McCulloch
and Pitts were the first to hypothesize that neurons could be used to
implement a logical calculus that could explain cognition. They used
their toy neurons to develop logic gates that could make computations.
However these developments failed to take hold in the psychological
sciences and neuroscience until the mid-1950s and 1960s.
Behaviorism had dominated the psychology until the 1950s when new
developments in a variety of fields overturned behaviorist theory in
favor of a cognitive theory. From the beginning of the cognitive
revolution, computational theory played a major role in theoretical
developments. Minsky and McCarthy's work in artificial intelligence,
Newell and Simon's computer simulations, and Noam Chomsky's importation
of information theory into linguistics were all heavily reliant on
computational assumptions.
By the early 1960s, Hilary Putnam was arguing in favor of machine
functionalism in which the brain instantiated Turing machines. By this
point computational theories were firmly fixed in psychology and
neuroscience.
By the mid-1980s, a group of researchers began using multilayer
feed-forward analog neural networks that could be trained to perform a
variety of tasks. The work by researchers like Sejnowski, Rosenberg,
Rumelhart, and McClelland were labeled as connectionism, and the
discipline has continued since then.
The connectionist mindset was embraced by Paul and Patricia Churchland
who then developed their "state space semantics" using concepts from
connectionist theory. Connectionism was also condemned by researchers
such as Fodor, Pylyshyn, and Pinker. The tension between the
connectionists and the classicists is still being debated today.
Representation
One
of the reasons that computational theories are appealing is that
computers have the ability to manipulate representations to give
meaningful output. Digital computers use strings of 1s and 0s in order
to represent the content. Most cognitive scientists posit that the brain
uses some form of representational code that is carried in the firing
patterns of neurons. Computational accounts seem to offer an easy way of
explaining how human brains carry and manipulate the perceptions,
thoughts, feelings, and actions of individuals.
While most theorists maintain that representation is an important part
of cognition, the exact nature of that representation is highly debated.
The two main arguments come from advocates of symbolic representations
and advocates of associationist representations.
Symbolic representational accounts have been famously championed
by Fodor and Pinker. Symbolic representation means that the objects are
represented by symbols and are processed through rule governed
manipulations that are sensation to the constitutive structure. The fact
that symbolic representation is sensitive to the structure of the
representations is a major part of its appeal. Fodor proposed the language of thought hypothesis, in which mental representations
are manipulated in the same way that language is syntactically
manipulated in order to produce thought. According to Fodor, the
language of thought hypothesis explains the systematicity and
productivity seen in both language and thought.
Associativist representations are most often described with connectionist
systems. In connectionist systems, representations are distributed
across all the nodes and connection weights of the system and thus are
said to be sub symbolic.
A connectionist system is capable of implementing a symbolic system.
There are several important aspects of neural nets that suggest that
distributed parallel processing provides a better basis for cognitive
functions than symbolic processing. Firstly, the inspiration for these
systems came from the brain itself indicating biological relevance.
Secondly, these systems are capable of storing content addressable
memory, which is far more efficient than memory searches in symbolic
systems. Thirdly, neural nets are resilient to damage while even minor
damage can disable a symbolic system. Lastly, soft constraints and
generalization when processing novel stimuli allow nets to behave more
flexibly than symbolic systems.
The Churchlands described representation in a connectionist
system in terms of state space. The content of the system is represented
by an n-dimensional vector where the n= the number of nodes in the
system and the direction of the vector is determined by the activation
pattern of the nodes. Fodor rejected this method of representation on
the grounds that two different connectionist systems could not have the
same content.
Further mathematical analysis of connectionist system revealed that
connectionist systems that could contain similar content could be mapped
graphically to reveal clusters of nodes that were important to
representing the content. However, state space
vector comparison was not amenable to this type of analysis. Recently,
Nicholas Shea has offered his own account for content within
connectionist systems that employs the concepts developed through
cluster analysis.
Views on computation
Computationalism, a kind of functionalist
philosophy of mind, is committed to the position that the brain is some
sort of computer, but what does it mean to be a computer? The
definition of a computation must be narrow enough so that we limit the
number of objects that can be called computers. For example, it might
seem problematic to have a definition wide enough to allow stomachs and
weather systems to be involved in computations. However, it is also
necessary to have a definition broad enough to allow all of the wide
varieties of computational systems to compute. For example, if the
definition of computation is limited to syntactic manipulation of
symbolic representations, then most connectionist systems would not be
able to compute.
Rick Grush distinguishes between computation as a tool for simulation
and computation as a theoretical stance in cognitive neuroscience.
For the former, anything that can be computationally modeled counts as
computing. In the latter case, the brain is a computing function that is
distinct from systems like fluid dynamic systems and the planetary
orbits in this regard. The challenge for any computational definition is
to keep the two senses distinct.
Alternatively, some theorists choose to accept a narrow or wide definition for theoretical reasons. Pancomputationalism is the position that everything can be said to compute. This view has been criticized by Piccinini on the grounds that such a definition makes computation trivial to the point where it is robbed of its explanatory value.
The simplest definition of computations is that a system can be
said to be computing when a computational description can be mapped onto
the physical description. This is an extremely broad definition of
computation and it ends up endorsing a form of pancomputationalism.
Putnam and Searle, who are often credited with this view, maintain that
computation is observer-related. In other words, if you want to view a
system as computing then you can say that it is computing. Piccinini
points out that, in this view, not only is everything computing, but
also everything is computing in an indefinite number of ways.
Since it is possible to apply an indefinite number of computational
descriptions to a given system, the system ends up computing an
indefinite number of tasks.
The most common view of computation is the semantic account of
computation. Semantic approaches use a similar notion of computation as
the mapping approaches with the added constraint that the system must
manipulate representations with semantic content. Note from the earlier
discussion of representation that both the Churchlands' connectionist
systems and Fodor's symbolic systems use this notion of computation. In
fact, Fodor is famously credited as saying "No computation without
representation".
Computational states can be individuated by an externalized appeal to
content in a broad sense (i.e. the object in the external world) or by
internalist appeal to the narrow sense content (content defined by the
properties of the system).
In order to fix the content of the representation, it is often
necessary to appeal to the information contained within the system.
Grush provides a criticism of the semantic account.
He points out that appeal to the informational content of a system to
demonstrate representation by the system. He uses his coffee cup as an
example of a system that contains information, such as the heat
conductance of the coffee cup and the time since the coffee was poured,
but is too mundane to compute in any robust sense. Semantic
computationalists try to escape this criticism by appealing to the
evolutionary history of system. This is called the biosemantic account.
Grush uses the example of his feet, saying that by this account his feet
would not be computing the amount of food he had eaten because their
structure had not been evolutionarily selected for that purpose. Grush
replies to the appeal to biosemantics with a thought experiment. Imagine
that lightning strikes a swamp somewhere and creates an exact copy of
you. According to the biosemantic account, this swamp-you would be
incapable of computation because there is no evolutionary history with
which to justify assigning representational content. The idea that for
two physically identical structures one can be said to be computing
while the other is not should be disturbing to any physicalist.
There are also syntactic or structural accounts for computation.
These accounts do not need to rely on representation. However, it is
possible to use both structure and representation as constrains on
computational mapping. Oron Shagrir
identifies several philosophers of neuroscience who espouse structural
accounts. According to him, Fodor and Pylyshyn require some sort of
syntactic constraint on their theory of computation. This is consistent
with their rejection of connectionist systems on the grounds of
systematicity. He also identifies Piccinini as a structuralist quoting
his 2008 paper: "the generation of output strings of digits from input
strings of digits in accordance with a general rule that depends on the
properties of the strings and (possibly) on the internal state of the
system".
Though Piccinini undoubtedly espouses structuralist views in that
paper, he claims that mechanistic accounts of computation avoid
reference to either syntax or representation.
It is possible that Piccinini thinks that there are differences between
syntactic and structural accounts of computation that Shagrir does not
respect.
In his view of mechanistic computation, Piccinini asserts that
functional mechanisms process vehicles in a manner sensitive to the
differences between different portions of the vehicle, and thus can be
said to generically compute. He claims that these vehicles are
medium-independent, meaning that the mapping function will be the same
regardless of the physical implementation. Computing systems can be
differentiated based upon the vehicle structure and the mechanistic
perspective can account for errors in computation.
Dynamical systems theory presents itself as an alternative to
computational explanations of cognition. These theories are staunchly
anti-computational and anti-representational. Dynamical systems are
defined as systems that change over time in accordance with a
mathematical equation. Dynamical systems theory claims that human
cognition is a dynamical model in the same sense computationalists claim
that the human mind is a computer.
A common objection leveled at dynamical systems theory is that
dynamical systems are computable and therefore a subset of
computationalism. Van Gelder is quick to point out that there is a big
difference between being a computer and being computable. Making the
definition of computing wide enough to incorporate dynamical models
would effectively embrace pancomputationalism.