Ambivalent sexism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ambivalent_sexism 

Ambivalent sexism is a theoretical framework which posits that sexism has two sub-components: "hostile sexism" (HS) and "benevolent sexism" (BS). Hostile sexism reflects overtly negative evaluations and stereotypes about a gender (e.g., the ideas that women are incompetent and inferior to men). Benevolent sexism represents evaluations of gender that may appear subjectively positive (subjective to the person who is evaluating), but are actually damaging to people and gender equality more broadly (e.g., the ideas that women need to be protected by men). For the most part, psychologists have studied hostile forms of sexism. However, theorists using the theoretical framework of ambivalent sexism have found extensive empirical evidence for both varieties. The theory has largely been developed by social psychologists Peter Glick and Susan Fiske.

Overview

Definition

Sexism, like other forms of prejudice, is a type of bias about a group of people. Sexism is founded in conceptualizations of one gender as being superior or having higher status than the other gender in a particular domain, which can lead to discrimination. Research has indicated that stereotypes about socially appropriate gender roles for women and men are a driving factor in the endorsement of sexism. Patriarchy, defined as men's power and "structural control over political, legal, economic, and religious institutions", is a feature of sexism and is related to hostile attitudes toward women. Anthropological research suggests that patriarchy is pervasive among the majority of human societies, such that women have been systematically discriminated against, oppressed, and marginalized by men throughout history. Sexism maintains patriarchal social structures and reinforces prescribed gender roles.

Typically, sexism is thought of as hostility toward women, perpetrated by men. However, both women and men can (and often do) endorse sexist beliefs about each other and themselves. In other words, men can express sexist attitudes about women or men, and women can express sexist attitudes about men or women. While sexism has historically disadvantaged women, there are negative consequences of sexism for both men and women. Rigid gender roles can be damaging to women and men alike, restricting opportunities and promoting gender-based prejudice. For the purposes of this article, sexism toward women will be the focus, as it is most relevant to the definition and study of ambivalent sexism.

Ambivalent sexism offers a multidimensional reconceptualization of the traditional view of sexism to include both subjectively benevolent and hostile attitudes toward women. The word "ambivalent" is used to describe the construal of sexism because this type of bias includes both negative and positive evaluations of women. The addition of a benevolent feature to definitions of gender-based prejudice was a major contribution to the study of sexism and field of psychology. Traditional conceptualizations of sexism focused almost entirely on overt hostility toward women. While historians, anthropologists, feminist scholars, and psychologists had previously suggested that sexism involves positive and negative evaluations of women, the majority of empirical research at the time evaluated only hostile expressions of sexism. The introduction of the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale which was developed by Glick and Fiske in 1996, and which assesses ambivalently sexist attitudes—marks a shift in how sexism is construed and scientifically measured. Glick and Fiske created the ASI to address a proposed deficiency in the measurement of sexism at the time. They argue that previous scales assessing sexism do not adequately capture the ambivalent nature of gender-based prejudice toward women.

Theoretical framework

Glick and Fiske assert that hostile and benevolent sexism complement each other in reinforcing traditional gender roles and preserving patriarchal social structures of women as subordinate to men. Both forms of sexism share the assumption that women are inferior and restrict women to a lower social status. Hostile sexism reflects misogyny (i.e., the hatred of women by men) and is expressed through blatant negative evaluations of women. Examples of hostile sexism include beliefs about women as incompetent, unintelligent, overly emotional, and sexually manipulative. Benevolent sexism reflects evaluations of women that are seemingly positive. Examples of benevolently sexist attitudes include the reverence of women in wife, mother, and child caretaker roles, the romanticizing of women as objects of heterosexual affection, and the belief that men have a duty to protect women. While benevolent sexism may not appear to be harmful to women on the surface, these beliefs are extremely caustic to gender equity and restrict women's personal, professional, political, and social opportunities. This is because these seemingly positive evaluations imply that (a) women are weak and need to be protected, (b) women should not deviate from traditional gender roles as mothers and caretakers, and (c) women should be idolized by men for their sexual purity and availability.

Because benevolently sexist attitudes appear positive, people often do not identify these beliefs as a form of gender-based prejudice. Furthermore, benevolent sexism may be seen by both men and women as reinforcing of the status quo, which some individuals may find comforting. Social and cultural norms may encourage benevolently sexist beliefs among women and men. A classic illustration of this is the endorsement of modern-day chivalry in interactions between women and men. It can be considered traditional and polite for a man to insist that he holds a door open or carries a heavy object for a woman. However, this tradition is founded in historical representations of women as weaker than men. In these types of circumstances, people may find it difficult to distinguish between kindness, tradition, and benevolent sexism. Men and women often disagree on whether or not a specific incident should be considered sexist. In general, women and men tend to show more agreement in classifying extreme and overt expressions of sexism. Hostile sexism is typically easier for people to identify as an expression of prejudice.

Overall, women are rarely perceived by others in an entirely hostile or benevolent manner. In fact, people frequently report high levels of both benevolent and hostile sexism. There are individual differences in people's levels of benevolent and hostile sexism, such that a person can be rated highly on both, one, or neither dimension of the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory. In addition, women are not immune from endorsing sexist beliefs about women. Extensive research supports the idea that it is common for women and men to support ambivalently sexist attitudes about women. Despite this, people find it difficult to believe that others can endorse both benevolent and hostile sexism. Research suggests that, when individuals are shown profiles of a benevolently sexist man and a man who endorses hostile sexism, they feel that it is very unlikely that one person can embody both forms of bias.

Sub-components and dimensions

Social psychologists have suggested that sexism may be inherently different from other forms of ambivalent prejudice, in that there is interdependency between women and men in social structures. A central argument to the theory of ambivalent sexism is the idea that there is a complicated balance of power between men and women, such that men have structural power and women have dyadic power (stemming from dependence between two people). Dyadic power reflects the notion that men depend on women to fulfill certain goals, such as heterosexual intimacy and childbearing. Glick and Fiske assert that men's dependence on women is what fuels benevolently sexist attitudes, leading to idolization and the placing of women on a pedestal. In other words, power relationships between men and women foster an ambivalent form of bias towards women.

Theoretically, each form of sexism is composed of three subcomponents: paternalism, gender differentiation, and heterosexuality. Paternalism reflects views of women as underdeveloped adults, providing justification for men to be authoritative and monitor, protect, and make decisions on women's behalf. Gender differentiation promotes the assumption that biological differences between males and females justify the strict adherence to socially prescribed gender roles. Heterosexuality—described as the most prominent cause of men's ambivalence toward women—reflects a tension between genuine desires for closeness and intimacy and a fear of women attaining power over men through sexual attraction.

Within hostile sexism (HS) and benevolent sexism (BS), the three subcomponents serve distinct functions. Dominative paternalism (HS) suggests that men should control women, while protective paternalism (BS) implies that men should protect and care for women. Competitive gender differentiation (HS) bolsters men's self-confidence (e.g., men are superior to women). Complementary gender differentiation (BS) places importance on traditional gender roles for women (e.g., mother & wife) and assumes that men depend on women to fulfill these roles. Lastly, heterosexual hostility (HS) views women as sexual objects for men's pleasure and promotes the fear of women's capacity to manipulate men by engaging in or withholding sexual activity. Intimate heterosexuality (BS) romanticizes women as having sexual purity and views romantic intimacy as necessary to complete a man.

Ambivalent Sexism Inventory

Researchers typically measure ambivalent sexism at the individual level. The primary method used to measure an individual's endorsement of ambivalent sexism is the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI), created by Glick and Fiske in 1996. The ASI is a 22-item self-report measure of sexism on which respondents indicate their level of agreement with various statements, which are placed on a 6-point Likert scale. It is composed of two sub-scales that may be independently calculated for sub-scale scores or may be averaged for an overall composite sexism score. The first sub-scale is the hostile sexism scale, which is composed of 11 items designed to assess an individual's position on the dimensions of dominative paternalism, competitive gender differentiation, and heterosexual hostility, as previously defined. A sample item from the hostile sexism sub-scale is "Women are too easily offended." The second sub-scale is the benevolent sexism scale, which is composed of 11 items that aim to assess an individual's position on the dimensions of protective paternalism, complementary gender differentiation, and heterosexual intimacy, as previously defined. A sample item from the benevolent sexism sub-scale is "Women should be cherished and protected by men."

Over fifteen years of additional research and replications support that this inventory possesses psychometric characteristics indicating that the measure is both empirically reliable and valid. Standard criteria in psychological research can be utilized to evaluate a scale. Using statistics, a Cronbach's alpha coefficient can be calculated to indicate whether items on a scale seem to be measuring the same psychological construct or dimension (demonstrating the retestability of a scale). Generally, researchers agree that a Cronbach's alpha coefficient above 0.80 suggests strong reliability in a scale. The ASI has consistently demonstrated this empirical reliability over time. In addition, empirical evaluations of the ASI provide support for the validity of the scale, such that the inventory seems to effectively measure what it proposes to assess: a polarized attitude towards women, where both dimensions can be activated simultaneously.

The utility of the ASI is not limited to English speakers. There is extensive support for the cross-cultural validity of the ASI. A cross-cultural study examining the theory of ambivalent sexism in 19 countries found that hostile and benevolent components of sexism are not culturally specific. Furthermore, research suggests that ambivalently sexist attitudes towards men exist, such that hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men are found cross-culturally. These studies provide additional empirical evidence that support the framework of ambivalent sexism.

Critiques

While the ASI is widely used and accepted among researchers, one limitation of the ASI is that it is a self-reported measure. Social desirability is a common limitation of self-report measures in survey research; when participants in a research study complete a written self-report questionnaire, respondents are vulnerable to answering the items in a socially desirable manner. For this reason, some researchers employ variations of the ASI in their study designs that do not require self-reports. For example, Dardenne, Dumont, and Bollier (2007) transformed some items from the ASI into scenarios, presenting them to participants to induce conditions of both hostile and benevolent sexism. Hebl, King, Glick, Singletary, and Kazama (2007) designed a field study in which they observed the sexist behaviors of others; they used the theory of ambivalent sexism and the ASI to generate items for their own measure to assess these observed behaviors.

Another criticism of the ASI is that the labels of the two sub-constructs, "benevolent" and "hostile", are too abstract, do not generalize to certain languages, and may not be relevant to some cultures.

Lastly, findings from the Conn, Hanges, Sipe, and Salvaggio (1999) study suggest that other sexism scales may measure ambivalent attitudes towards women. Glick and Fiske originally proposed the theoretical framework of ambivalent sexism as filling a gap in the psychological literature and providing a novel tool for assessing a new dimension of sexism: benevolent sexism. However, Conn and colleagues (1999), using confirmatory factor analysis, showed that the Modern Sexism Scale (Swim, Aikin, Hall, and Hunter, 1995) captures ambivalent sentiments toward women, such that it identifies individuals that appear nonsexist but actually endorse sexist attitudes. Results from this study suggest that, while both the Modern Sexism Scale and the ASI assess ambivalence toward women, the ASI is unique in its capabilities for separately measuring both hostile and benevolent attitudes. In addition, the ASI captures heterosexual intimacy and benevolent paternalism, whereas the Modern Sexism Scale does not.

Research

While many individuals endorse both benevolent and hostile sexism simultaneously, research suggests that people rated significantly higher in one of the two sub-components have distinct constellations of beliefs and patterns of behavior. In other words, someone who is high in benevolent sexism tends to show a different profile of attitudes than someone who is high in hostile sexism. The independence of these types of sexism in predicting human behavior indicates that the two are, in fact, discrete forms of bias on separate but related axes. Examples of research findings identifying disparate outcomes between benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are described below. In addition, the relationships between ambivalent sexism and a range of other related attitudes and behaviors are discussed.

Attitudes toward sexual harassment, intimate partner violence, and rape

Main articles: Sexual harassment, Intimate partner violence, and Rape

Men who are ambivalently sexist (i.e., high in both benevolent and hostile sexism simultaneously) and men who are high in hostile sexism are more likely to tolerate the sexual harassment of women than men who are benevolently sexist. Overall, hostile sexism is associated with acceptance of sexual harassment. In addition, the endorsement of hostile sexism is related to attitudes about intimate partner violence perpetrated by men towards women, such that people that are high in hostile sexism are more tolerant of intimate partner violence. Benevolently sexist attitudes were not found to be a significant predictor of the tolerance of intimate partner violence. However, the endorsement of benevolent sexism was not a protective factor either. Lastly, men high in hostile sexism are more likely to rape women, whereas men that are high in benevolent sexism are more likely to blame a victim of rape for the attack.

Close relationships and attraction

Research has shown that sexist attitudes relate to preferences for certain characteristics in romantic partners. Evidence suggests that women with higher levels of benevolent sexism have more stereotypical preferences in men as romantic partners, such as financial security and resources. Men with higher levels of hostile sexism are more likely to value physical attractiveness in women as romantic partners. In addition, benevolent sexism tends to predict mate selection, whereas hostile sexism tend to predict subsequent marriage norms after pairing. Women find men high in benevolent sexism attractive, and rate men high in ambivalent sexism as less attractive. Furthermore, in a recent research study on a particular aspect of benevolent sexism, protective paternalistic beliefs, women endorsed more protective paternalistic beliefs for men (toward women) in romantic versus work contexts. The endorsement of these beliefs in romantic contexts is thought to serve to reinforce and maintain such benevolent sexist behaviors. Overall, benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are associated with beliefs that premarital sex is unacceptable for women.

Women in the workplace

While the consequences of hostile sexism in the workplace are more widely known and accepted, research has shown that benevolent sexism may have a more severe impact on a women's cognitive performance. Dardenne, et al.(2006) suggested that hostile sexism can elicit anger or frustration in the target, which may increase her motivation to succeed or perform. Benevolent sexism, because of its seemingly positive evaluations and implicit attributions, is likely to hinder a woman's confidence and performance. The researchers showed that, in a typical team working environment, hostile sexism as well as benevolent sexism had consequences for the participant's performance. Masser and Abrams (2004) highlighted the fact that previous research has shown that benevolent sexism can have detrimental effects on a woman's performance evaluation if that woman violates social norms associated with certain sexist attitudes. Their study showed that hostile sexism, but not benevolent sexism, hurt women's evaluations and recommendations for promotion.

Additionally, studies have shown that benevolent sexist attitudes lead to lower professional evaluations from men and women. Using an experimental design, Masser and Abrams (2004) found that individuals with hostile sexist attitudes rated women lower when applying for a male-dominant position. Additionally, high hostile sexist individuals recommend men to fill the available position more often than women. The authors argue that this is one of the main contributors to the glass ceiling effect.

Help-seeking

In a recent experimental study on the effects of benevolent sexism on help-seeking behaviors, researchers found that, when stereotypes of women as dependent were made salient, female college students were less willing to seek help. In addition, the more that help was sought, the worse women felt. Therefore, benevolent sexism appears to hold consequences towards women's help-seeking when certain benevolent sexist stereotypes are made salient.

Voting behaviour

During the 2016 US presidential election, researchers connected ambivalent sexism to voting intentions. In a non-representative sample of US voters, predominantly male, ambivalent sexism was found to be the sole predictor of intending to vote for someone other than Hillary Clinton in the election. For every step up on the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, participants were 3.3 times more likely to be voting for someone other than Hillary Clinton. Of those not voting for Clinton, they were not necessarily being pulled over to the Trump campaign, but rather, many were intending to vote Third Party or were still undecided. While higher Islamophobia predicted a vote for Trump, lower Islamophobia and higher ambivalent sexism predicted being undecided or voting for a Third Party.

Ambivalent sexism may also be endorsed by the media in the presentation of electoral candidates, consequentially influencing voting behaviour. In the article The Psychology of Voting, Digested a study is noted which revealed that 'obesity is a disadvantage for female candidates, but may help male candidates'. This is one example of how media coverage of female electoral candidates can prioritise appearance over capability, often using the former to shed a negative light over the latter.

It's also important to acknowledge that ambivalent sexism has a disproportionate effect on women of colour, and groups of women who may be more so marginalised because of the physical geography of where, or socio-political condition in which they live. The cost of voting participation may be too high for women; as put in an economic journal on female voting behaviour in Pakistan, this might be because of 'cultural stereotypes that discourage the exercise of own preferences'. That is to say in an election, for example, the outcome may be a relatively low count of female voters when women are unable to choose to be active political agents alongside other socio-cultural responsibilities.

Plan A vs. Plan B

Benevolent sexism is sometimes also referred to as Plan A. It can be used to have women act as a subordinate because it aims for the remarks to be perceived as ‘good’ or ‘positive’. This targets a woman’s sensitivity and need to be protected by a male, which may not seem so bad to some women. Plan B or hostile sexism is used as a more aggressive approach as it includes more harsh remarks, and can tend to anger the women more. Studies show that women are more likely to be defensive and inspired to protest against sexism when exposed to hostile sexist statements. When exposed to benevolently sexist remarks, they're less likely to rally and protest. They take on a more subordinate and passive role. This is why benevolent sexism is Plan A when trying to get women to be subordinate.

Women's endorsement

Both benevolent and hostile sexism are considered legitimizing ideologies, in that these attitudes provide the justification for social inequalities between men and women. Social dominance orientation (SDO; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) asserts that group-based inequalities are systematically reinforced by the disadvantaged group's adoption of the dominant group's ideology and social stratification. Empirical research has consistently supported the validity of Social Dominance Theory, and the SDO model of structural oppression may be particularly apt to describe how patriarchy is perpetuated.

Researchers have explored reasons for why women might internalize ambivalently sexist attitudes towards women. Fischer (2006) found that women may develop benevolently sexist attitudes as a response to experiencing sexism themselves. Cross-cultural research suggests that women's endorsement of benevolent sexism often reflects a culture of extreme hostile sexism among men in a given community. Some researchers argue that, in cultures that are particularly hostile, women may internalize benevolent sexism as a protective mechanism.

Some research indicates that women perceived men high in benevolent sexism to possess positive attitudes towards women, while by contrast men low in benevolent sexism were perceived to be misogynistic and possessing high levels of hostile sexism, when in reality men who reject benevolent sexism also tend to reject hostile sexism. If the man stated that his rejection of benevolent sexism was motivated by egalitarian values then the perception that he was a hostile sexist was somewhat mitigated, though not entirely.

Emasculation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emasculation

A painting of Zeus emasculating Cronus, c. 1501

Emasculation is the removal of both the penis and the scrotum (including the testicles), the external male sex organs. It differs from castration, which is the removal of the testicles only, although the terms are sometimes used interchangeably. The potential medical consequences of emasculation are more extensive than those associated with castration, as the removal of the penis gives rise to a unique series of complications. There are a range of religious, cultural, punitive, and personal reasons why someone may choose to emasculate themselves or another person. Consensual emasculation may be seen as a form of body modification that enhances a recipient's identification with their community or sense of self. By comparison, non-consensual emasculations, such as those performed punitively or accidentally, may constitute genital mutilation. The medical treatment for an emasculated person differs depending on whether the procedure was consensual.

The term emasculation may be used metaphorically to refer to the loss of a man's masculinity. A man is said to be emasculated when he loses or is deprived of a characteristic traditionally associated with being a man, such as power or independence.

Method

See also: Penectomy and Orchiectomy

There are several different methods of emasculation. Both the penis and testicles may be removed simultaneously using a sharp instrument, such as a knife or razor or swords. Non-crushing vascular clamps may also be used in medical surgery to cut off blood circulation and reduce bleeding.

Alternatively, the penis and testicles may be removed at different stages in time. Medical surgeons use this method when performing surgery on trans women who want their genitals removed over multiple sex reassignment surgeries (male-to-female), rather than in a single sitting.

Medical consequences

Short-term consequences of emasculation include bleeding and infection. Historically, death was also a potential complication, although the prevalence is disputed.

Long term complications include incontinence, urethral stricture, urine retention, urinary tract infection, urine extravasation and bladder stones. Some studies have found that emasculation may cause a range of physiological changes, such as a shortened torso, widened stomach and hips, increased height, bowed legs, and an elongated skull. Additionally, emasculates typically have less or no facial and body hair, increased fatty tissue or gynecomastia, and a feminine fat pattern distribution. The physiological effects of emasculation are more severe for people who undergo the procedure before the onset of puberty.

Reasons

Cultural

Imperial China

See also: Castration § China

An emasculated Chinese eunuch from the Qing Dynasty

Emasculation was performed in China on men to create palace eunuchs for the imperial court. The practice dates back to the Shang dynasty (1600–1046 BC) and continued up until 1924, when the eunuch system was abolished by the last emperor of China, Puyi. The last living palace eunuch, Sun Yaoting, died in 1996.

Originally, palace eunuchs were prisoners who were involuntarily emasculated. In the Qing dynasty, men began volunteering to undergo the procedure in order to gain employment, although instances of forced emasculation still occurred. One reason why recipients willingly underwent emasculation is that they saw employment as a palace eunuch as a way to acquire wealth and power. Alternatively, poverty was a reason why fathers forced their sons to undergo emasculation, and the desire for financial benefit motivated human traffickers to force emasculation on their victims.

There were several reasons why the Imperial court required its civil servants to be emasculated. Emasculation was thought to ensure a recipient's undivided loyalty to the emperor, as it severs the recipient's existing familial or social bonds and destroys their ability to produce future heirs. The choice to hire emasculated eunuchs also ensured the legitimacy of the emperor's lineage. The choice to emasculate, rather than merely castrate, was motivated by a desire to protect the chastity of women in the court, as emasculation rendered a recipient physically incapable of having sex. While emasculation was a pre-requisite for gaining employment as a palace eunuch, it did not guarantee employment.

The emasculation procedure was typically performed by a trained 'knifer', or 'knife expert'. To prepare for the operation, the recipient was bathed in cold water to numb his senses and, in some instances, his genitals were twisted to reduce blood flow. The recipient was then asked if he consented to the procedure, and if he answered yes the knifer excised the genitals with a single cut. Styptic powder was then applied to the wound to stop bleeding, and a pewter needle or spigot was inserted into the urethra to prevent stenosis (narrowing).

Some Chinese emasculates were the great historian Sima Qian, Cao Teng, the foster grandfather of Cao Cao, Zheng He, a Ming dynasty admiral of the imperial navy who sailed to Africa, and the surviving sons and grandson of rebel Yaqub Beg.

West Asia

To create eunuchs for the Arab slave trade, young black boys from South East Africa typically had their penis and scrotum completely amputated. White boys, by comparison, were usually only castrated.

Religious

Skoptsy

Main article: Skoptsy

Emasculated Skoptsy male (left) and Skoptsy female with breasts cut off (right)

Emasculation was one form of genital mutilation practiced by the Skoptsy, a Russian Christian sect. For males, the other form of mutilation available was castration. Females could remove their nipples, breasts, labia majora, labia minora or clitoris. These practices may have begun sometime during the 1760s, after the sect was founded by Kondratii Selivanov, although they were only discovered by the broader community in 1772. They continued up until the 1930s, when the sect was destroyed and its members sentenced.

The Skoptsy practiced genital mutilation because they believed the genitals were the source of original sin, and that by removing them, they could attain salvation. The aim of removing the offending genitalia was to purify the body. Their belief was based on a literal reading of the verse of Matthew 19:12, which states: "There are some eunuchs, which were so born from their mother's womb: and there are some eunuchs, which were made eunuchs of men: and there be eunuchs, which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake." In addition, the verses of Matthew 18:8,9 and Luke 23:29 were also cited as support. Of the two types of genital mutilation available to men, emasculation was called the Greater Seal. Castration, by comparison, was called the Lesser Seal. Emasculation was preferable because it rendered a recipient physically incapable of engaging in sinful sexual conduct, allowing them to attain a higher level of purity.

Originally, the emasculation procedure was performed by burning the testicles off with an iron. Later, the genitals were tied at the base and removed using a knife or razor blade. The wound was then cauterised, or a salve was applied, to prevent bleeding. Many Skoptsy were peasants and were familiar with animal husbandry, which meant their emasculation procedures were often performed with "surgical precision." In some instances, members of the Skoptsy would perform the emasculation on themselves, in an act of self-surgery, though it was more typical for the procedure to be performed by an elder during a ceremony.

Hijra

Main article: Hijra (South Asia)

Throughout the Indian subcontinent tradition, including India, Bangladesh and Pakistan, some members of the Hijra community reportedly undergo emasculation, or nirvan.

Traditionally, emasculation was a rite of passage into the Hijra community. Today it remains an important ritual, though is not mandatory or universally practiced. When it is performed, it typically occurs several years after an individual has already participated within the Hijra community. While some Hijra are emasculated, others are intersex, undeveloped in puberty or impotent.

Whether or not a Hijra undergoes emasculation is influenced by a range of considerations. Some people are not emasculated because they are fearful of surgical complications, are under financial constraints, or merely as a matter of personal choice. For Muslim Hijra, emasculation may be avoided due to the belief that genital mutilation goes against Allah's will. Others see emasculation as necessary in order to be 'reborn' as a Hijra. In this view, emasculated Hijra are seen as more 'real' than those who are not. The decision to be emasculated may also be motivated by personal beliefs about whether a Hijra can have spiritual powers without undergoing the procedure. Amongst members of the Hijra community, this issue is subject to considerable debate.

In the past, the emasculation procedure was performed by barbers or by the individual themselves (i.e. self-emasculation). Nowadays, the operation is performed by a Hijra elder, also called a dai ma (midwife). They have no medical training, but believe they operate with the power of the patron goddess, Bahuchara Mata. The operation takes place early in the morning, around 3 a.m. or 4 a.m. Anesthesia is not administered.  The penis and testes are tied together with a string, and the elder then makes two diagonal cuts with a sharp surgical knife to completely excise the organs. The elder allows the blood to gush from the wound, which is considered necessary to completely cleanse the recipient of their male parts. This is one reason why the procedure is performed by an elder rather than a medical professional, who might try to stop the haemorrhage, thus interfering with the ritual's cleansing effect. Afterwards, no stitches are taken and the wound is left exposed, although a small stick is inserted into the urethra to prevent urethral stricture.

For the Hijra, emasculation does affect a recipient's gender identity, with some identifying as female, non-binary or a third gender.

Punishment

Ancient China

Main article: Five Punishments § The Five Punishments in ancient China

Emasculation was one of the Five Punishments used in ancient China. It was the prescribed punishment for people who engaged in licentious conduct, such as infidelity or rape. The first evidence of its use dates to the Shang dynasty (1700–1100 BC), when the characters for a knife and male genitalia were carved into oracle bones. It continued up until the Sui dynasty (581–618 CE), when it was formally abolished.

Europe

See also: Hanged, drawn and quartered

Gender affirmation

Transgender

See also: Sex reassignment surgery and Sex reassignment surgery (male-to-female)

Emasculation occurs voluntarily within the transgender community as a form of gender reassignment surgery, allowing recipients to renounce their masculine characteristics and bring their body into closer alignment with their identified gender. It may be sought by trans women (those born male who identify as female), who wish to assume their femininity, or by non-binary transgender individuals (those born male who identify as neither male nor female), who want to locate themselves outside of traditional gender categories.

For trans women, emasculation surgery may be performed with or without the creation of a vagina. When a vagina is created, the procedure is called a vaginoplasty, and where it is not, the procedure is called a cosmesis or cosmetic vulvoplasty.

For non-binary transgender people, the purpose of emasculation is to make the body less congruent with one's biological sex without the subsequent assumption of femininity.  These individuals may identify as non-binary, a third-sex, eunuch, or another gender. Some adopt the term 'nullo', meaning someone whose gender has been nullified.

Self-inflicted

Transgender

Occasionally, self-emasculation is practiced by transgender people. When compared with the general population, transgender persons are at a higher risk of engaging in acts of genital self-mutilation, including self-emasculation.

Mental disorder

There are reports of self-emasculation cases resulting from mental disorder. Some academics claim that a majority of self-emasculations are a result of psychosis, although this finding has been challenged. Nonetheless, there are several reported cases of people with schizophrenia engaging in self-emasculation. 

It has been linked to other mental disorders such as dissociative identity disorder.

Skoptic syndrome, or Klingsor syndrome, is a condition where people mutilate their genitals as a result of psychotic religious delusions.  For example, a person with Skoptic syndrome is reported to have mutilated his genitals after experiencing auditory hallucinations telling him he would only be allowed into the Kingdom of Heaven if he emasculated himself.

Body integrity dysphoria, or xenomelia, is another mental disorder that may drive a person to seek emasculation. People with this disorder are distressed by the presence of a limb that they do not identify as part of their body, including the genitals. Emasculation in this context alleviates their distress, enabling them to become 'whole'. However, the amputation of healthy limbs by medical professionals is highly controversial. The inability to acquire medically administered emasculation has driven some to self-emasculation.

In some cases, a person with a mental illness has emasculated other people.

Involuntary or accidental

In some circumstances, a person may be emasculated involuntarily as the result of an accident. as part of a ritual attack, or due to poor circumcision practice.

In these cases, the objective of medical treatment is different than for cases of voluntary emasculation. The goals of treatment are to either reattach the severed genitals or to reconstruct an artificial penis and testes.

From 1960 to 2000, involuntarily emasculated infants were surgically reassigned female, similar to the treatment received by David Reimer after his penis was burnt off during a circumcision procedure. It is now understood from cases like Reimer's that gender reassignment surgery in infancy can interfere with gender identity formation. Therefore, gender reassignment is no longer the standard practice for involuntarily emasculated infants.

Other meanings

By extension, the word emasculation has also come to mean rendering a male less masculine, including by humiliation. It can also mean to deprive anything of vigour or effectiveness. This figurative usage has become more common than the literal meaning. For example: "William Lewis Hughes voted for Folkestone's amendment to Curwen's emasculated reform bill, 12 June 1809 ... "

In horticulture, the removal of male (pollen) parts of a plant, largely for controlled pollination and breeding purposes, is also called emasculation.

LGBT stereotypes

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/LGBT_stereotypes 

The Dykes on Bikes motorcycle group in a pride parade, exhibiting a stereotype of butch lesbians.

LGBT stereotypes are stereotypes about lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people are based on their sexual orientations, gender identities, or gender expressions. Stereotypical perceptions may be acquired through interactions with parents, teachers, peers and mass media, or, more generally, through a lack of firsthand familiarity, resulting in an increased reliance on generalizations.

Negative stereotypes are often associated with homophobia, lesbophobia, gayphobia, biphobia, or transphobia. Positive stereotypes, or counterstereotypes, also exist.

In general

Media

See also: Media portrayal of LGBT people

The portrayal of LGBT people in the media historically included negative stereotypes, or LGBT people were not included. Stereotypes included that gay men are portrayed as flashy, flamboyant and feminine, and lesbians being portrayed as the opposite. In recent years, portrayal has become relatively positive, and LGBT people have had increasingly higher media representation.

Murder and violence

See also: Violence against LGBT people

LGBT rights activists have fought against fictional representations of LGBT people that depict them as violent and murderous. Columnist Brent Hartinger observed that "big-budget Hollywood movies until, perhaps, Philadelphia in 1993 that featured major gay male characters portrayed them as insane villains and serial killers". Community members organized protests and boycotts against films with murderous LGBT characters, including Cruising (1980), Silence of the Lambs (1991), and Basic Instinct (1992). Theatre scholar Jordan Schildcrout has written about the recurrence of the "homicidal homosexual" in American plays but notes that LGBT playwrights themselves have appropriated this negative stereotype to confront and subvert homophobia. Such plays include The Lisbon Traviata (1985) by Terrence McNally, Porcelain (1992) by Chay Yew, The Secretaries (1993) by the Five Lesbian Brothers, and The Dying Gaul (1998) by Craig Lucas.

Bisexual people

See also: Bisexual erasure and Biphobia

Indecision

Bisexual people are sometimes excluded from LGBT events and community gatherings as they are seen as being in an experimental phase.

Many bisexual people are often characterized as indecisive due to their attraction to both men and women. As the term bisexual can refer to people who do have a sexual preference but are open to sexual interactions with other groups, bisexuals are sometimes seen as unwilling to commit to one sexual identity. This characterization can include stereotypes originating in the LGBT community itself as people who are bisexual do not always choose homosexual partners—they are often seen as being in a transitory or experimental phase between being heterosexual and homosexual.

Promiscuity

Another common stereotype is that bisexual people are promiscuous and incapable of having steady or long-term relationships. This includes belief that, according to a bisexuality study, "compared to lesbians or gay targets, bisexual targets in a relationship with lesbian or gay partners were evaluated as more likely to transmit STDs and less likely to sexually satisfy their partners." by the public. Bisexual people are sometimes seen as being incapable of monogamy or sexually manipulative. Bisexual people are also assumed to want to engage in threesomes.

Media representation

Due to negative characterizations of bisexuality, media personalities are often reluctant to share their identity with the public, leading to reduced visibility. Rock musician David Bowie famously declared himself bisexual in an interview with Melody Maker in January 1972, a move coinciding with the first shots in his campaign for stardom as Ziggy Stardust. Bowie later regretted revealing his sexuality, stating, "I had no problem with people knowing I was bisexual. But I had no inclination to hold any banners or be a representative of any group of people. I knew what I wanted to be, which was a songwriter and a performer ... "

Regarding the portrayal of bisexual people by Hollywood, stigma is present, especially for men. From the end of the McCarthy era to today, "The history of male bisexual characters in film has been one of negative stereotyping." With so many negative stereotypes surrounding bisexual characters, they are often relegated to supporting or one-note characters.

Gay men

See also: Gayphobia

Gay men are often equated interchangeably with heterosexual women by the heterocentric mainstream and are frequently stereotyped as being effeminate, despite the fact that gender expression, gender identity, and sexual orientation are widely accepted to be distinct from each other. The "flaming queen" is a characterization that melds flamboyance and effeminacy, remaining a gay male stock character in Hollywood. Theatre, specifically Broadway musicals, is a component of another stereotype, the "show queen", which generalizes that gay men are involved with the performing arts, and are theatrical, overly dramatic, and camp.

The bear subculture of the LGBT community is composed of generally large, hairy men, referred to as bears. They embrace their image, and some will shun more effeminate gay men, such as twinks, and vice versa.

Appearance and mannerisms

Gay men are often associated with a lisp or a feminine speaking tone. Fashion and effeminacy have long been seen as stereotypes of homosexuality. They are often based on the visibility of the reciprocal relationship between gay men and fashion. Designers, including Dolce & Gabbana, have made use of homoerotic imagery in their advertising. Some commentators argue this encourages the stereotype that most gay men enjoy shopping. A limp wrist is also a mannerism associated with gay men.

Recent research by Cox and colleagues demonstrated that "gaydar" is often used as an alternate label for using stereotypes, especially those related to appearance and mannerisms, to infer orientation.

Sex and relationships

Gay men on a pride parade float in Rome

Research also suggests that lesbians may be slightly more likely than gay men to be in steady relationships. In terms of unprotected sex, a 2007 study cited two large population surveys as showing that "the majority of gay men had similar numbers of unprotected sexual partners annually as straight men and women". Another study found that gay men sometimes faced social boundaries because of this stereotype. Participants in the study reported finding it difficult to befriend other gay men on a platonic basis. They found that when they would engage with other gay men there would be an assumption of sexual motivations, and when it became clear that this was not the case the other men would not be interested in continuing socialising. These stereotypes permeate throughout all facets of society, even influencing those subjected to it.

Another persistent stereotype associated with the gay male community is excessive partying. Before the Stonewall riots in 1969, most LGBT people were extremely private and closeted, and house parties, bars, and taverns became some of the few places where they could meet, socialize, and feel safe. The riots represented the start of the modern LGBT social movement and acceptance of sexual and gender minorities, which has steadily increased since. Festive and party-like social occasions remain at the core of organizing and fundraising in the LGBT community. In cities where there are large populations of LGBT people, benefits and bar fundraisers are still common, and alcohol companies invest heavily in LGBT-oriented marketing. Ushered in by underground gay clubs and disc jockeys, the disco era kept the "partying" aspect vibrant and ushered in the more hardcore circuit party movement, hedonistic and associated with party and play.

The relationship between gay men and female heterosexual "fag hags" has become highly stereotypical. The accepted behaviors in this type of relationship can predominantly include physical affections (such as kissing and touching), as in the sitcom Will & Grace.

Film scholar Robin Wood called David Lynch's Dune (1984) "the most obscenely homophobic film I have ever seen" – referring to a scene in which Baron Harkonnen sexually assaults and kills a young man by bleeding him to death – charging it with "managing to associate with homosexuality in a single scene physical grossness, moral depravity, violence, and disease." Gay writer Dennis Altman suggested that the film showed how "AIDS references began penetrating popular culture" in the 1980s, asking, "Was it just an accident that in the film Dune the homosexual villain had suppurating sores on his face?"

Sex and drugs

The term party and play (PNP) is used to refer to a subculture of gay men who use recreational drugs and have sex together, either one-on-one or in groups. The drug chosen is typically methamphetamine, known as crystal or tina in the gay community. Other "party drugs" such as MDMA and GHB are less associated with this term. While PNP probably has its genesis in the distinct subculture of methamphetamine users, and is most associated with its use, it has become somewhat generalized to include partying with other drugs thought to enhance sexual experiences, especially MDMA, GHB, and cocaine.

A report from the National HIV Prevention Conference (a collaborative effort by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other governmental and non-government organizations) describes PNP as "sexual behavior under the influence of crystal meth or other 'party' drugs." It has been referred to as both an "epidemic" and a "plague" in the gay community. A meta-analysis of studies between 1996 and 2012 found that "some studies report that gay men are more likely to use alcohol and illicit drugs than heterosexual men, while other studies report that gay and heterosexual men do not differ in alcohol and illicit drug use, alcohol-related problems, or treatment utilization, and still other studies report that gay men in college are less likely to binge drink than their heterosexual counterparts." Research on the minority stress model shows stigma toward gay men may contribute to elevated substance use. Representatives for Drugscope state that methamphetamine use is relatively unknown in the UK outside this PNP subculture, and it largely occurs in the heavy-end party scene.

Pedophilia and predation

It is a common stereotype that gay men are sexual predators or pedophiles. The former perception can lead to a knee-jerk reaction that created the "gay panic defense", usually in straight men, who fear being hit on by gay men, and can be either a cause or an expression of homophobia.

The perception that a greater proportion of gay than straight men are pedophiles or child sexual abusers is one contributing factor of discrimination against gay teachers, despite the stark contrast to statistical figures, which have generally revealed most male child sexual abusers, including those who target boys, are heterosexual and usually married with children of their own, and research on child sexual abuse shows that most instances of child sexual abuse (one cited percentage being over 90%) are perpetrated by heterosexual males raping underage females. Research has consistently indicated that a significant minority of child sex abuse perpetrators are female (5–20%), but other research has indicated that almost 40% of child sexual abuse against boys, and 6% of abuse against girls, is committed by women.

Lesbians

See also: Lesbophobia and Lesbian erasure

Actress Portia de Rossi came out as a lesbian in the early 2000s.

Many 20th-century films put a negative connotation on the lesbian community. The 1961 drama The Children's Hour gives viewers the idea that lesbians live a "dark" and almost depressing lifestyle.

The television series The L Word portrays a long-term lesbian couple attempting to start a family, and counters the negative "U-Haul" lesbian stereotype, which is that lesbians move in on the second date. However, at the same time, the series came under heavy criticism for reinforcing numerous other negative stereotypes, such as lesbians preying on and seducing straight women in relationships with men; mistreating bisexual women or outright shunning them if they had a history of sleeping with men (to the point where Alice Piezsecki, a bisexual character, refers to bisexuality as "gross"); for downplaying the main characters' misdeeds and unexplained tendency for adultery and instead focusing on their physical beauty and sex scenes; for randomly killing off main characters for no specific reason (referred to as "bury your gays"); for downplaying a rape scene as "angry sex"; reportedly attempting to "reify heteronormativity"; for depicting lesbianism or bisexuality as a gene passed from mothers to daughters which sometimes caused both to fight over the same woman (as demonstrated in the cases of Lenore and Alice Piezsecki, Cherie and Clea Jaffe, Peggy and Helena Peabody, Phyllis and Molly Kroll, an instance when Shane had sex with a mother and her two daughters separately on one of the daughters' wedding day, which led to all three of them falling in love with Shane and subsequently falling out with each other, and ultimately Tina and Angelica Kennard in the sequel series, The L Word: Generation Q); and showing lesbian relationships as destined to fail due to lesbians' apparent struggles with monogamy and commitment. Series creator Ilene Chaiken was labeled as "shameless in her professional upbringing" for her depiction of lesbians in general.

Many lesbians are associated with short hair, wearing baggy clothes and playing sports. Further, news coverage of LGBT issues reinforces stereotyped portrayals of lesbians. Often news broadcasts highlight stories on more "masculine" lesbians and fail to give equal coverage to other more faceted lesbian identities. Thus, the populations who receive information about marginalized communities from a news source begin to equate lesbian sexuality with a masculine presentation. The way lesbians are portrayed leads people to make assumptions about individuals in everyday life.

Typically, lesbians are stereotyped as belonging to one of the two following categories: "butch and femme". Butch lesbians dress in a more masculine manner than other women. "Dykes" (a pejorative term that the Lesbian community has reclaimed, to an extent) are considered members of a community that is perceived as being composed of strong and outspoken advocates in wider society. Actress Portia de Rossi has been credited for significantly countering the general societal misconception of how lesbians look and function when, in 2005, she divulged her sexual orientation in intimate interviews with Details and The Advocate which generated further discussion on the concept of the "lipstick lesbian" ("femme" women who tend to be "hyper-feminine"). These stereotypes play out within the LGBTIQ+ community itself, with many women reporting feeling rejected by the queer community for not appearing or acting in the accepted way.

Lesbian feminists assert that a sexual component is unnecessary for a woman to declare herself a lesbian if her primary and closest relationships are with women, on the basis that, when considering past relationships within an appropriate historical context, there were times when love and sex were separate and unrelated notions. In 1989, an academic cohort called the Lesbian History Group wrote:

"Because of society's reluctance to admit that lesbians exist, a high degree of certainty is expected before historians or biographers are allowed to use the label. Evidence that would suffice in any other situation is inadequate here... A woman who never married, who lived with another woman, whose friends were mostly women, or who moved in known lesbian or mixed gay circles, may well have been a lesbian. ... But this sort of evidence is not 'proof'. What our critics want is incontrovertible evidence of sexual activity between women. This is almost impossible to find."

Transgender people

See also: Transphobia

Transgender is an umbrella term that encompasses a wide range of people with more specific identities. In general, a person who is transgender identifies with a gender other than their gender assigned at birth. The term may apply to any number of distinct communities, such as cross-dressers, drag queens, and drag kings, in addition to transsexuals. The beliefs that transgender people are all prostitutes and caricatures of men and women are two of many erroneous misconceptions.

One common stereotype of trans women is that they are assumed to be drag queens. While historically some trans women have been innovators within the drag scene alongside gay men, trans women are not drag queens.

Another stereotype is that trans women are sexual predators seeking to assault women, analogous to the stereotype about gay men as sexual predators on boys; even though most sexual assault victims, women and boys, are assaulted by cisgender heterosexual male perpetrators.

Transsexualism

A transsexual person is born with the physical characteristics of one sex who psychologically and emotionally identifies with a variant or different gender than their physical sex characteristics. Stereotypes of trans women include them always being taller and having larger hands than cisgender women. Trans men, conversely, are often stereotyped as being cuter, more feminine, and more passive than their cisgender counterparts, being classified as "softboys" (also spelled "softbois" or "softybois"). Both transgender men and women are often conflated with being gay, with trans men being mistaken for lesbians and trans women being mistaken for gay men.

Transvestites and cross-dressers

Transvestites are often assumed to be homosexuals. The word transvestism comes from the combination of Latin words trans meaning "across, over" and vestitus meaning dressed. Most transvestites are heterosexual. Although many people use the words interchangeably, transvestite has increasingly become a derogatory term. Most prefer to use the term cross-dresser or cross-dressing.

Origins and prevalence

Research

Social scientists have attempted to understand why there are such negative connotations associated with the lesbian community. William James assumed that it was a repulsive instinct that came naturally to each woman and that, when an individual enjoyed same-sex interaction, it was because it became a habit. In short, he assumed that "tolerance is learned and revulsion is inborn" (PBS). In 1908, James and Edward Westermack attempted to understand the violent actions taken toward homosexuals by Jewish, Christian, and Zoroastrian religions. They believed hostility existed because of the historical association between homosexuality and idolatry, heresy, and criminal behavior. Sigmund Freud asserted in 1905 that homophobia was shaped by society, an individual's environment, and the individual's exposure to homo-eroticism. Sandor Ference (1914) believed that heterosexual women's feelings of repulsion toward those identifying as lesbians was a reaction formation and defense mechanism against affection from the same sex. In other words, he believed heterosexual females feared being labeled as lesbians.

Taking an individual that adheres to stereotypes of LGBT people and putting them in face-to-face interaction with those of the LGBT community tends to lessen tendencies to rely upon stereotypes and increases the presence of individuals with a similar ethnic, religious, or geographical background, and who are accepting of homosexuals.

Intersections between LGBT, race, and class stereotypes

See also: Racism in the LGBT community, Homophobia in ethnic minority communities, and Pink capitalism

According to the theory of intersectionality, discrimination leveled against an individual can compound based on several factors, including race, class, gender, and sexuality. As members of the LGBT community can be members of other minority groups and stand at all ends of the socioeconomic spectrum, intersectional stereotypes are often perpetuated, including those related to class and race.

As people of color and those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to go to prison, LGBT members of these groups are often misrepresented as being criminally inclined. LGBT individuals often face discrimination in prisons as they are typically gender-segregated and are stereotyped as being sexually available to other prisoners. This makes them vulnerable to assault and discrimination both behind bars and in the outside world. Shows like Orange is the New Black and other forms of media perpetuate stereotypes of LGBT expression within prisons.

African Americans

African Americans represent a particularly marginalized segment of the LGBT community which faces both race and sexuality based prejudice.

African American gay men are often characterized as being dominant in relationships both sexually and emotionally. This belief is rooted in the Mandingo stereotype, a popular stereotype among opponents of the Emancipation Proclamation that painted African American men as animalistic and brutish to deepen the existing divide between White and Black Americans. In addition to traditional forms of racism, African American gay men are subject to sexual racism that expects them to assume the "top" role during anal sex due to stereotypes that depict them as sexually aggressive partners with large penises. These stereotypes can be observed in many forms of media, notably pornography, which depicts Black gay men as sexual predators who are capable of satisfying fantasies of extreme domination. African American members of the LGBT community also face discrimination and stereotypes from other African Americans who are historically likely to be religious and stereotype homosexuals as having loose morals. Religious stereotypes surrounding the LGBT community are especially prevalent in certain black evangelical churches, where LGBT members are thought to be "damned to hell."

With respect to the experience of African American lesbians, they deliberately construct their identities to protect themselves against intersectional forms of discrimination. Though Black feminine and masculine lesbians–femmes and studs–use gender performance to blend into a heteropatriarchal society, they continue to experience negative gender and racial stereotypes.

Black femmes are characterized as hypersexual, submissive women who lack substance and, in conformity with traditional feminine gender norms, are obsessed with outward appearance (i.e., clothes, hair, makeup). As their visual identity allows them to pass as heterosexual women, Black femmes are shielded from potential homophobic violence. However, due to their subordinate position in the dominant racial and gender hierarchy, Black women remain vulnerable to misogynoir–regardless of perceived or actual sexual orientation.

Studs are similarly identified through dress and appearance. In an attempt to imitate straight, Black men, studs incorporate stereotypical elements of "thuggish" style into their own, often covered in loose-fitting clothing and chains with their hair styled in braids, twists, tied up, or cut short. To protect themselves against homophobia within Black and non-Black communities further, studs will exaggerate certain elements of traditional masculinity to become "one of the guys." As a result, studs are stereotyped as having extremely sexist and homophobic attitudes towards feminine lesbians and gay men.

However, deviation from heteronormativity has contributed to the rise of negative representations of all Black lesbians in media and popular culture. In the 1920s, African American newspapers popularized the stereotype of Black lesbians as violent, sex-crazed individuals at the same time that the concept of "lesbianism" emerged in modern American society. Largely owing to the Great Migration, newspapers sensationalized homicide cases involving women who loved women to criticize the immoral behavior of Southern migrants, who were perceived as a threat to the respectability of Northern residents. While violence between Black women occurred at a lower rate than violence between heterosexual and other same-sex relationships during this time period, journalists' insinuation that Black lesbianism was inherently linked to extreme aggression and criminal behavior shaped public opinion for several decades.

Hispanics and Latinos

Hispanic and Latino gay men and women often experience difficulty coming out in their communities due to cultural values based on heterosexism or the presumption that heterosexual relationships and sexual behavior are the societal norm. As a result, coming out as homosexual may jeopardize the strong familial ties associated with Hispanic and Latino culture. A dominant stereotype of Hispanic and Latino family structures is that they are centered on the "macho" man who determines appropriate forms of masculinity and femininity. A "good man," for example, is not only expected to provide for his family and protect women and children, but also to maintain a positive family image through abusive and oppressive tactics. As such, a "good woman" is expected to assume a submissive and subservient position to both men and the family. Due to their sexuality, gay men and women are perceived to be at odds with traditional Hispanic and Latino structures that assign gender roles and are discriminated against as a result. In addition to machismo, Hispanic and Latino communities are stereotyped as homophobic due to their religiosity. However, the emerging popularity of Latin American Liberation Theology has empowered young gay men and women to redefine religion and spirituality on their own terms, come out, and confront heterosexism.

Like other gay men of color, Hispanic and Latino gay men are frequently reduced to racial stereotypes within the gay community. Due to the overgeneralization of Hispanic and Latino men as hyper-masculine individuals, gay men of the same background are stereotyped as passionate and spontaneous lovers with an insatiable sexual appetite. The continued presence of racial stereotypes within the gay community is harmful because it fetishizes and dehumanizes gay men of color to the point where issues impacting their intersecting identities—such as universal healthcare, homelessness, welfare, and immigration—are excluded from the political agenda of the gay movement. Additionally, Hispanic and Latino gay men are subject to gender stereotypes within their ethnic community that largely influence their sexual behavior. As gay men in Hispanic and Latino cultures are stereotyped as overly effeminate individuals due to their sexual orientation, their preferences in sexual roles are formed and reformed to prevent any negative perceptions of them being a "lesser man." They prefer to assume the active role during anal sex over the passive role because penetration is associated with traditionally masculine traits such as power and dominance while being penetrated is associated with traditionally feminine traits such as weakness and submission.

Hispanic and Latina lesbians are similarly stereotyped according to their intersecting identities. As gay women of color, they are characterized as seductive and sensual individuals with a fiery or "spicy" disposition who exist to satisfy heterosexual male desire. One example of the stereotypical representation of Hispanic and Latina lesbians in popular culture is the fictional character Santana Lopez from Glee. Throughout the series, Santana is depicted as a "straight-up bitch" who engages in verbal and physical altercations with others and has had numerous sexual and romantic relationships with male and female protagonists. Within their communities, Hispanic and Latina lesbians are also impacted by gender stereotypes. Owing to the cultural belief that respectable women subordinate their needs to men and refrain from any sexual activity without the intention of procreation, Hispanic and Latina lesbians will "stay in the closet" or refrain from coming out. Those who do come out will be received differently depending on their presentation. While feminine lesbians will be rendered invisible in Hispanic and Latino spaces, masculine lesbians will be the only "type" of lesbian to be recognized and, as a result, are more likely to be disowned by their families and shut out of communities.

Asians

As a marginalized minority within gender and racial hierarchies, Asian members of the LGBT community experience intersectional invisibility. While this form of invisibility may offer a certain degree of protection from active prejudice, it also makes it difficult for the negative experiences of the Asian community—such as racism and discrimination—to be recognized. As a result, Asians are frequently excluded from discussions of race, which are generally framed around a White/Black dichotomy, and marginalized within the mostly-white LGBT community and movement at large.

On the basis of sexual orientation and race, gay Asian men are categorized as either hypersexual or asexual individuals. In particular, gay and bisexual Asian men are stereotyped as "effeminate, submissive, and docile." Due to their perceived feminine qualities, Asian men are viewed as mere bodies to be dominated by other gay men, primarily white men. The stereotype of the submissive and feminine Asian man is reinforced by additional stereotypes, such as the expectation that they will not only assume the passive role in anal sex or be the "bottom," but also that they will do this because of the myth/stereotype that they have small penises.

Asian women who identify as lesbian or bisexual endure sexual fetishization by white men or women with yellow fever, a derogatory term with racist origins that is used to describe an Asian fetish. They are stereotyped as "spicy" and "freaky," which contributes to Asian lesbians' frustration about not being taken seriously by society. Stereotypes of Asian women as either a Dragon Lady or China doll are dominant in mainstream media representation of Asian women, and butch Asian women are relatively invisible, giving way to more femme, or feminized, depictions.

GLAAD is working to have a fair depiction of the Asian community in the media by educating the public on language referring to Asian Americans, including refraining from phrases that are Eurocentric like "The Orient", "Far East", and "Asiatic", among other measures. GLAAD is also working to connect media networks with Asian and Pacific Islander LGBT leaders and organizations in order to create less biased media coverage.

Japanese

See also: Sexual minorities in Japan and Homosexuality in Japan

In Japan, adult lesbians are frequently portrayed as smokers in Japanese media. While Japanese culture heavily discourages interest in homosexual fiction matching the reader's sex, certain publications, such as manga magazine Yuri Hime, have repeatedly reported their dominant consumers as the same gender as portrayed for most of their operational life.