In social psychology, a positive stereotype refers to a subjectively favourable belief held about a social group. Common examples of positive stereotypes are Asians with better math ability, African Americans with greater athletic ability, and women with being warmer and more communal.
As opposed to negative stereotypes, positive stereotypes represent a
"positive" evaluation of a group that typically signals an advantage
over another group. As such, positive stereotypes may be considered a form of compliment or praise.
However, positive stereotypes can have a positive or negative effect on
targets of positive stereotypes. The positive or negative influence of
positive stereotypes on targets depends on three factors: (1) how the
positive stereotype is stated, (2) who is stating the positive
stereotype, (3) in what culture the positive stereotype is presented
(e.g., Western contexts vs. East Asian contexts).
Prevalence
In The Nature of Prejudice (1954), Gordon Allport
suggested that the categorisation of people into groups is adaptive.
Although, this categorisation may allow for quicker processing of
information present in one's environment, this process may result in
stereotyping.
Stereotypes have implications for targets of stereotypes and
interpersonal interactions generally, because stereotypes assign traits
and abilities to members of social groups due simply to their perceived
group membership. Much research on prejudice
and stereotypes has largely focused on negative stereotypes (e.g., the
association of older adults with frailty) and the result of their
prevalence (e.g., stereotype threat) on perceivers and targets.
Composed of three studies spanning nearly 40 years, the Princeton
Trilogy (1933) is noted as one of the earliest set of studies
documenting the actual content of stereotypes attributed to different
ethnic groups and the change in content over time.
In the initial study of Princeton students in 1933, students were asked
to list the traits that were associated with various racial/ethnic
groups (e.g., Germans, Jews, Negroes). In this initial study, students
were found to associate distinct traits with each social group and that
there was a high consensus among beliefs (e.g., Germans were
scientifically minded and industrious, Italians were artistic, and
Negroes were superstitious and lazy).
In the follow-up studies in 1951 and in 1969, the researchers found
that the consensus and content of the stereotypes had changed in the
four decades after the initial study.
In the U.S., the content of stereotypes that people explicitly
associate to other groups have become more positive since the onset of
early studies, such as the Princeton Trilogy, that measured stereotype
content. The positive change in content can be attributed to multiple factors:
the relative change in status of different social groups
the expression of negative stereotypes as being less socially acceptable
the increased intergroup contact of people of different ethnicities and nationalities
Although both positive stereotypes and negative stereotypes require
making generalisations about a group, positive stereotypes and their
expression may not be seen as rooted in prejudice because of their
positive valence.
Additionally, because positive stereotypes may, on the surface,
indicate a positive view of a social identity, expression of positive
stereotypes in social interactions may not be as readily suppressed.
As a result, positive stereotypes are more likely to be used to when
describing a group than a negative stereotype, (e.g., "Women are more
warm than men" versus saying "Women are less competent than men") which
may contribute to their increase in prevalence.
Interaction with negative stereotypes
In their stereotype content model
(SCM), Fiske and colleagues (2002) provided evidence that being
positively stereotyped in one domain typically leads to being
correspondingly negatively stereotyped in another domain.
In their model of "mixed" stereotype content, they focused on the
stereotypes of warmth and competence. In their model, they propose that
"people want to know others’ intent (i.e., warmth) and their capability
to pursue their intentions (i.e., competence)" (p. 879)
The researchers indicated that the motivation to positively stereotype
groups as either warm or competent stemmed from perceived status and
competition of an out-group. According to the SCM, out-groups are
positively stereotyped as more competent to the extent that they are
more powerful or hold higher-status. And correspondingly, out-groups are
positively stereotyped as more warm to the extent that they are seen as
less competition. However being positively stereotyped on one dimension
usually corresponded with being negatively stereotyped on the other
dimension.
Stereotype Content Model from Fiske et al., 2002
For instance, social out-groups viewed as subordinate
and not competitive (e.g., elderly people) are often stereotyped as
higher in warmth, but lower in competence. Being high in warmth and low
in competence is considered to be a paternalistic
stereotype, as the out-group is perceived as not inclined or incapable
to harm the in-group. On the other end of the spectrum, an out-group
that is perceived as high-status and highly competitive (e.g., rich
people) may evoke an envious
stereotype. These groups would likely be positively stereotyped as
being high in competence to justify their higher relative position in
society (compared to one's own in-group). However, feelings of envy or
resentment about the group's higher status is justified by perceiving
them as more cold (i.e., lower in warmth).
Follow-up research has identified that for some subordinate
groups being positively stereotyped as high in competence may vary in
meaning. For instance, Black athletes and Black musicians are positively
stereotyped as high in competence. However, when investigated further,
the high competence rating was attributed to being competent due to
talent rather than due to intelligence.
Advantages
Researchers
have found that being associated with a group that is positively
stereotyped in a domain (e.g., academics) can result in enhanced
performance if one is led to think about one's group membership, but not
the specific stereotype. For instance, researchers have studied how the
performance of Asian-Americans is affected when they are exposed to the
common stereotype that Asian-Americans are good at mathematics. In one
study, before taking a math test, one group of Asian-Americans were
subtly led to think about the association of Asians and better math
ability through answering questions about their ethnic identity and
family history (e.g., what languages they spoke, how many generations of
their family lived in America). Compared to both another group of
Asian-Americans that were explicitly reminded about the positive
association between Asian-Americans and math and a control condition
that was not reminded of their ethnicity or the positive stereotype, the
group lead to indirectly think of the positive Asian stereotype
answered more math questions correctly.
In a separate study, Asian-American women subtly led to think about
their ethnic identity (i.e., Asian) performed more accurately on a
quantitative task than did Asian-American women led to think about their
gender identity (i.e., woman) and women that were not made to think
about either identity. In a study of age and memory, older individuals primed to think of positive stereotypes associated with older age and wisdom showed increased performance on a set of memory tasks.
Disadvantages
When
positive stereotypes are expressed or simply believed as true about a
group and its members, positive stereotypes can be related to a number
negative consequences for targets’ emotional and psychological states,
their performance-based behaviors, and others’ judgments of them. The
ambiguity of positive stereotypes when encountered over time might come
to be seen as a form of microaggression.
Depersonalisation
Because stereotypes communicate beliefs held about a group, being the target of a stereotype can evoke a sense of being depersonalised
or being seen only by one's group membership instead of as a unique
individual. Feeling depersonalised has been found to determine the
extent of a person's negative reaction to being the target of a positive
stereotype.
For example, women who were told that they had performed well on a math
test reported higher levels of anger and greater desire to attack or
avoid the male test administrator if when he gave them their positive
feedback, he said, "Wow...you did really well for a woman" versus if he
simply said, "Wow...you did really well."
In a set of studies by Siy and Cheryan (2013), women and U.S.-born
Asian Americans were made the target of positive stereotypes (e.g., You
women are so cooperative, I know all Asians are good at math). Both
women and Asian-American targets expressed greater dislike and
negativity towards the person expressing the stereotype. In the study of
Asian-Americans, those participants that were the target of positive
stereotypes reported feeling greater levels of anger and annoyance than
those who were not targets of positive stereotypes. The amount of
negativity felt and expressed was influenced by the extent that the
positive stereotype made the participants feel depersonalised.
To determine whether this negative reaction to feeling depersonalised by a positive stereotype is found across different cultures,
Siy and Cheryan (2013) also studied U.S. born Asian-Americans compared
to non-U.S. born Asian-Americans. They found that both U.S. and non-U.S.
born groups reported similar levels of depersonalisation as a result of
being a target of a positive stereotype. However, unlike in their
previous studies, the extent of feeling depersonalised did not predict
negative reactions to being stereotyped for non-U.S. born
Asian-Americans.
The researchers asserted that non-U.S. born Asian-Americans may react
less negatively to being depersonalised and thus would react less
negatively to being the target of a positive stereotype. This difference
was attributed to general differences in values of East Asian cultures,
which place more value on interdependence, and Western cultures (e.g., U.S. culture), which place more value on independence. Eastern cultures promote more collectivistic
values and individuals are more likely to describe themselves in
relation to others and by their group memberships. In contrast, Western
cultures promote more individualistic values and thus individuals place high importance on being seen as a unique individual, separate from others.
Because being the target of a stereotype may signal that an individual
is being judged by their group membership and not by their individual
traits, someone who values being viewed as an individual may have an
increased negative reaction to being depersonalised. Thus, the extent of
a target's negative reaction to being depersonalised by a positive
stereotype can depend largely on the relevant culture
in which the stereotype is expressed, and importantly, how a person
views themselves and wants to be viewed in relation to others.
Association with negative stereotypes
"Positive stereotypes may signal to targets that negative stereotypes are not far behind" -In Prejudice Masquerading as Praise (Siy & Cheryan, 2016, p. 953)
Social groups typically are associated with both positive and negative stereotypes.
For example, women are positively stereotyped as warm but negatively
stereotyped as weak; Asian-Americans are positively stereotyped as
competent but negatively stereotyped as cold; Black Americans are
positively stereotyped as athletic but negatively stereotyped as
unintelligent.
An individual targeted by a positive stereotype associated with their
social group may assume that the stereotyper also believes they possess
the negative stereotypes associated with the group. The negative stereotype that is assumed to be held by the stereotyper
depends on to what social group the positive stereotype references. In a
study by Siy & Cheryan (2016), Asian-American men were either
exposed to a positive stereotype about their race (e.g., "Asians are
ambitious") or their gender (e.g., "Men are ambitious"). Asian men that
were positively stereotyped based on their gender were more likely to
believe that negative gender stereotypes (e.g., aggressive, dominant)
were also being applied to them than those who were only targets of
positive racial stereotypes. In a similar manner, Asian men that were
targets of positive racial stereotypes were more likely to believe that
negative racial stereotypes (e.g., bad at driving, bad at English) were
also being applied to them.
Example
The
Model Minority Myth perfectly explains how positive stereotypes have
negative consequences. The model minority myth is a stereotype against
Asian Americans and it states how all Asian Americans are intelligent,
hard-working, and academically more successful than other minorities. In
order words, it says that Asian Americans outperform other racial
groups in school.
The model minority myth is a positive stereotype, which says
Asian Americans outperform other groups, but it also has negative
stereotypes associated with it. Due to this stereotype, Asian Americans
are faced with frequent racism, which causes interracial tension. On top
of that, the myth deemphasizes the academic problems that Asian
Americans have. Since Asian Americans are perceived with this “positive”
stereotype, they tend to hide their personal problems because they
don’t want to break this “positive" stereotype around them. It makes
people hide in a shell because they don't want to be the odd one out.
They want to fit into the stereotype, even if they don't. This positive
stereotype ignores the diversity in the group of Asian Americans by not
understanding that not all Asian Americans have same resources or even
the same experiences.
The model minority myth puts into perspective how good
stereotypes can still be associated with negative stereotypes, so people
need to be careful of their words because it can make someone feel less
of a person in their group.
Benevolent prejudice is a superficially positive prejudice
that is expressed in terms of positive beliefs and emotional responses,
which are associated with hostile prejudices or result in keeping
affected groups in inferior positions in society.
Benevolent prejudice can be expressed towards those of different race,
religion, ideology, country, sex, sexual orientation, or gender
identity.
Some of the earliest and most notable studies on benevolent
prejudice were conducted by the researchers Susan Fiske and Peter Glick,
with the primary focus of their research being the issue of sexism.
Benevolent prejudice derives from their studies on ambivalent sexism,
claiming that there are two main types of sexist attitudes: hostile and
benevolent sexism.
The term benevolent sexism eventually broadened into benevolent
prejudice, with one of the earliest uses of the term being in a study by
Susan Fiske and Peter Glick that focused on benevolent and hostile
sexism across cultures.
Application
Benevolent
prejudice is a superficially positive type of prejudice that is
expressed in terms of apparently positive beliefs and emotional
responses. Though this type of prejudice associates supposedly good
things with certain groups, it still has the result of keeping the group
members in inferior positions in society. Benevolent prejudices can help justify any hostile prejudices a person has toward a particular group. It is defined by UK LGBT rights charity Stonewall
as "expressions of positive views about minority groups that are not
intended to demonstrate less positive attitudes towards them, but which
may still produce negative consequences".
In an experiment run by Judd, Park, Ryan, Brauer, and Kraus (1995), perceptions of African Americans held by European Americans
show that they held hostile beliefs indicating that they viewed African
Americans as hostile, cliquish, irresponsible, and loud. However, the
same European American participants held benevolent beliefs that African
Americans were athletic, musical, religious, and had strong family
ties. The study was also done with African American participants who
were asked to share their beliefs about European Americans. The African
Americans said that European Americans were self-centered, greedy,
stuffy/uptight, and sheltered from the real world. However, the same
African Americans held benevolent beliefs that European Americans were
intelligent, organized, independent, and financially well-off.
LGBT and disabled people
A Stonewall UK publication (Understanding Prejudice: Attitudes towards minorities)
published in 2004 has found that interviewees used benevolent
stereotyping of gay men as "fun" and "caring stereotypes" of disabled
individuals, saying they were "vulnerable and in need of protection".
This was seen as contrasting to the negative prejudices of Travellers
and asylum seekers who were often the subject of aggressive prejudice. The survey also stated that:
These stereotypes are not intended to demonstrate a less
positive attitude towards these groups, but lesbians, gay men or
disabled people can experience these views as negative and
discriminatory. This benevolent prejudice demonstrates a lack of
understanding of what being disabled or lesbian and gay can mean; a lack
of awareness of the more serious discrimination that these groups often
experience; and the changing expectations and rights of these minority
groups. Other research has suggested that these benevolent attitudes can
play an important role in the social exclusion of particular groups,
for example because labels like "nice", "kind" and "helpless" can define
some minority groups as not competent or suitable for powerful
positions.
The survey also showed that men were more likely to exhibit
aggressive prejudice, whereas women were more likely to exhibit
benevolent prejudice.
Sexism across cultures
An
experiment run by Glick and Fiske et al. aimed to measure benevolent
and hostile sexism across various countries and cultures.
The study found that in countries where the levels of hostile sexism
were high, the levels of benevolent sexism were also high. Researchers
claimed that "the strength of these correlations supports the idea that
HS and BS act as complementary forms of sexism."
This was exemplified in countries such as Cuba and Nigeria, where men
scored higher on sexism, resulting in a higher hostile and benevolent
sexism score amongst women; therefore, the results in those countries
provided "evidence consistent with the notion that disadvantaged groups
adopt the system-justifying beliefs of dominant groups."
Media literacy and stereotyping
An
experiment run by Srividya Ramasubramanian and Mary Beth Oliver aimed
to measure the reduction in prejudice in their participants.
In the experiment, participants were to watch a media literacy video,
then proceed to read stereotypical and counter-stereotypical news
stories about African Americans, Asian-Indians, and Caucasian-Americans.
The participants were then prompted to fill out a questionnaire
regarding their feelings about the aforementioned groups. The results
revealed that the participants were more likely to display benevolent
prejudice towards the Asian-Indian group, than to the Caucasian-American
or African American group. Benevolent prejudice towards Asian-Indians
was seen as a result of the cultural stereotypes associated with the
group, such as passivity and deprivation, thus the results were
"consistent with the argument that benevolent feelings stem from notions
of superiority of dominant groups over subordinate groups seen as
incompetent, yet sociable.
A eunuch (/ˈjuːnək/ⓘYOO-nək) is a male who has been castrated. Throughout history, castration often served a specific social function.
The earliest records for intentional castration to produce eunuchs are from the Sumerian city of Lagash in the 2nd millennium BCE. Over the millennia since, they have performed a wide variety of functions in many different cultures: courtiers or equivalent domestics, for espionage or clandestine operations, castrato singers, concubines or sexual partners, religious specialists, soldiers, royal guards, government officials, and guardians of women or harem servants.
Eunuchs would usually be servants or slaves who had been castrated to make them less threatening servants of a royal court where physical access to the ruler could wield great influence. Seemingly lowly domestic functions—such as making the ruler's bed, bathing him, cutting his hair, carrying him in his litter, or even relaying messages—could, in theory, give a eunuch "the ruler's ear" and impart de facto
power on the formally humble but trusted servant. Similar instances are
reflected in the humble origins and etymology of many high offices.
Eunuchs supposedly did not generally have loyalties to the
military, the aristocracy, or a family of their own (having neither
offspring nor in-laws, at the very least). They were thus seen as more
trustworthy and less interested in establishing a private "dynasty".
Because their condition usually lowered their social status, they could
also be easily replaced or killed without repercussion. In cultures that
had both harems and eunuchs, eunuchs were sometimes used as harem
servants.
Etymology
Eunuch comes from the Ancient Greek word εὐνοῦχος (eunoûkhos), first attested in a fragment of Hipponax, the 6th century BCE comic poet and prolific inventor of compound words.
The acerbic poet describes a particular lover of fine food having
"consumed his estate dining lavishly and at leisure every day on tuna
and garlic-honey cheese paté like a Lampsaceneeunoukhos."
The earliest surviving etymology of the word is from late antiquity. The 5th century (CE) Etymologicon by Orion of Thebes offers two alternative origins for the word eunuch: first, to tēn eunēn ekhein, "guarding the bed", a derivation inferred from eunuchs' established role at the time as "bedchamber attendants" in the imperial palace, and second, to eu tou nou ekhein, "being good with respect to the mind", which Orion explains based on their "being deprived of intercourse (esterēmenou tou misgesthai), the things that the ancients used to call irrational (anoēta, literally: 'mindless')". Orion's second option reflects well-established idioms in Ancient Greek, as shown by entries for transl. grc – transl. noos, eunoos and ekhein in Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon, while the first option is not listed as an idiom under eunē in that standard reference work. However, the first option was cited by the late 9th century Byzantine emperor Leo VI
in his New Constitution 98 banning the marriage of eunuchs, in which he
noted eunuchs' reputation as trustworthy guardians of the marriage bed (eunē) and claimed that the very word eunuch attested to this kind of employment.The emperor also goes further than Orion by attributing eunuchs' lack
of male–female intercourse specifically to castration, which he said was
performed with the intention "that they will no longer do the things
that males do, or at least to extinguish whatever has to do with desire
for the female sex". The 11th century Byzantine monk Nikon of the Black Mountain, opting instead for Orion's second alternative, stated that the word came from eunoein (eu "good" + nous
"mind"), thus meaning "to be well-minded, well-inclined, well-disposed
or favorable", but unlike Orion he argued that this was due to the trust
that certain jealous and suspicious foreign rulers placed in the
loyalty of their eunuchized servants. Theophylact of Ohrid in a dialogue In Defence of Eunuchs also stated that the origin of the word was from eupnoeic and ekhein, "to have, hold", since they were always "well-disposed" toward the master who "held" or owned them. The 12th century Etymologicum Magnum (s.v. eunoukhos)
essentially repeats the entry from Orion, but stands by the first
option, while attributing the second option to what "some say". In the
late 12th century, Eustathius of Thessalonica (Commentaries on Homer 1256.30, 1643.16) offered an original derivation of the word from eunis + okheuein, "deprived of mating".
In translations of the Bible into modern European languages, such as the Luther Bible or the King James Bible, the word eunuchs as found in the Latin Vulgate
is usually rendered as an officer, official or chamberlain, consistent
with the idea that the original meaning of eunuch was bed-keeper
(Orion's first option). Modern religious scholars have been disinclined
to assume that the courts of Israel and Judah included castrated men, even though the original translation of the Bible into Greek used the word eunoukhos.
The early 17th-century scholar and theologian Gerardus Vossius therefore explains that the word originally designated an office, and he affirms the view that it was derived from eunē and ekhein (i.e. "bed-keeper").
He says the word came to be applied to castrated men in general because
such men were the usual holders of that office. Still, Vossius notes
the alternative etymologies offered by Eustathius ("deprived of mating")
and others ("having the mind in a good state"), calling these analyses
"quite subtle". Then, after having previously declared that eunuch
designated an office (i.e., not a personal characteristic), Vossius
ultimately sums up his argument in a different way, saying that the word
"originally signified continent men" to whom the care of women was
entrusted, and later came to refer to castration because "among
foreigners" that role was performed "by those with mutilated bodies".
Modern etymologists have followed Orion's first option.In an influential 1925 essay on the word eunuch and related terms, Ernst Maass suggested that Eustathius's derivation "can or must be laid to rest", and he affirmed the derivation from eunē and ekhein ("guardian of the bed"), without mentioning the other derivation from eunoos and ekhein ("having a well-disposed state of mind").
In Latin, the words eunuchus, spado (Greek: σπάδωνspadon), and castratus were used to denote eunuchs.
Non-castrated eunuchs
The term eunuch has sometimes figuratively been used for a wide range of men who were seen to be physically unable to procreate. Hippocrates describes the Scythians as being afflicted with high rates of erectile dysfunction and thus "the most eunuchoid of all nations" (Airs Waters Places 22). In the Charlton T. Lewis, Charles Short, A Latin Dictionary, the term literally used for impotent males is spado but may also be used for eunuchs.
Some men have falsified the status of their castration to gain entrance into the palace. Chinese eunuch Lao Ai, for instance, became the lover of the mother of Qin Shi Huang, who bore him two sons, before Lao Ai and his sons were executed after participating in a rebellion against Qin Shi Huang.
Asia
In Siam (modern Thailand) Indian Muslims from the Coromandel Coast served as eunuchs in the Thai palace and court.
The Thai at times asked eunuchs from China to visit the court in
Thailand and advise them on court ritual since they held them in high
regard.
Sir Henry Yule saw many Muslims serving as eunuchs during the Konbaung dynasty period of Burma (modern Myanmar) while on a diplomatic mission.
A group of eunuchs. Mural from the tomb of the prince Zhanghuai, 706 AD.
In China, castration included removal of the penis as well as the testicles (see emasculation). Both organs were cut off with a knife at the same time.
Eunuchs existed in China from about 4,000 years ago, were
imperial servants by 3,000 years ago, and were common as civil servants
by the time of the Qin dynasty. From those ancient times until the Sui dynasty, castration was both a traditional punishment (one of the Five Punishments) and a means of gaining employment in the imperial service. Certain eunuchs, such as the Ming dynasty official Zheng He, gained immense power that occasionally superseded that of even the Grand Secretaries. Self-castration was a common practice, although it was not always performed completely, which led to it being made illegal.
It is said that the justification for the employment of eunuchs
as high-ranking civil servants was that, since they were incapable of
having children, they would not be tempted to seize power and start a
dynasty. In many cases, eunuchs were considered more reliable than the
scholar-officials.
As a symbolic assignment of heavenly authority to the palace system, a
constellation of stars was designated as the Emperor's, and, to the west
of it, four stars were identified as his "eunuchs."
The tension between eunuchs in the service of the emperor and
virtuous Confucian officials is a familiar theme in Chinese history. In
his History of Government, Samuel Finer
points out that reality was not always that clear-cut. There were
instances of very capable eunuchs who were valuable advisers to their
emperor, and the resistance of the "virtuous" officials often stemmed
from jealousy on their part. Ray Huang
argues that in reality, eunuchs represented the personal will of the
Emperor, while the officials represented the alternative political will
of the bureaucracy. The clash between them would thus have been a clash of ideologies or political agenda.
The number of eunuchs in imperial employ fell to 470 by 1912, when the practice of using them ceased. The last imperial eunuch, Sun Yaoting, died in December 1996.
Korea
The eunuchs of Korea, called Korean: 내시, 內侍, romanized: naesi,
were officials to the king and other royalty in traditional Korean
society. The first recorded appearance of a Korean eunuch was in Goryeosa ("History of Goryeo"), a compilation about the Goryeo dynasty period. In 1392, with the founding of the Joseon dynasty, the naesi system was revised, and the department was renamed the "Department of Naesi".
The naesi system included two ranks, those of Korean: 상선, 尙膳, romanized: Sangseon, lit. 'Chief of Naesi', who held the official title of senior second rank, and Korean: 내관, 內官, romanized: Naegwan, lit. 'Common official naesi', both of which held rank as officers. A total of 140 naesi served the palace in the Joseon dynasty period. They also took the exam on Confucianism every month. The naesi system was repealed in 1894 following Gabo reform.
Eunuchs were the only males outside the royal family allowed to
stay inside the palace overnight. Court records going back to 1392
indicate that the average lifespan of eunuchs was 70.0 ± 1.76 years,
which was 14.4–19.1 years longer than the lifespan of non-castrated men
of similar socioeconomic status.
The Vietnamese adopted the eunuch system and castration techniques from China. Records show that the Vietnamese performed castration
in a painful procedure by removing the entire genitalia with both penis
and testicles being cut off with a sharp knife or metal blade. The
procedure was agonizing since the entire penis was cut off.
The young man's thighs and abdomen would be tied and others would pin
him down on a table. The genitals would be washed with pepper water and
then cut off. A tube would be then inserted into the urethra to allow
urination during healing.
Many Vietnamese eunuchs were products of self castration to gain access
to the palaces and power. In other cases they might be paid to become
eunuchs. They served in many capacities, from supervising public works,
to investigating crimes, to reading public proclamations.
Middle East
Ancient
The four-thousand-year-old Egyptian Execration Texts threaten enemies in Nubia and Asia, specifically referencing "all males, all eunuchs, all women."
Castration was sometimes punitive; under Assyrian law, homosexual acts were punishable by castration.
Limestone
wall relief depicting an Assyrian royal attendant, a eunuch. From the
Central Palace at Nimrud, Iraq, 744–727 BCE. Ancient Orient Museum,
Istanbul.
Eunuchs were familiar figures in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Akkadian: ša rēš šarri izuzzū "the one who stands by the head of the king", often abbreviated as ša rēš; c. 850 until 622 BCE) and in the court of the Egyptian pharaohs (down to the Lagid dynasty known as Ptolemies, ending with Cleopatra VII, 30 BCE). Eunuchs sometimes were used as regents for underage heirs to the throne, as it seems to be the case for the Syro-Hittite state of Carchemish.
Political eunuchism became a fully established institution among the Achaemenid Empire. Eunuchs (called Imperial Aramaic: סריס, romanized: səris, an Assyrian loanword) held powerful positions in the Achaemenid court. The eunuch Bagoas (not to be confused with Alexander's Bagoas) was the vizier of Artaxerxes III and Artaxerxes IV, and was the primary power behind the throne during their reigns until he was killed by Darius III.
Marmon (1995) writes "Mamluk biographies of the eunuchs often praise their appearance with adjectives such as jamil (beautiful), wasim (handsome), and ahsan (the best, most beautiful) or akmal (the most perfect)."
Arabian Peninsula
For several centuries, Muslim Eunuchs were tasked with honored roles in Medina and Mecca. They are thought to have been instituted in their role there by Saladin, but perhaps earlier. Their tasks included caring for the Prophet's Tomb, maintaining borders between males and females where needed, and keeping order in the sacred spaces. They were highly respected in their time and remained there throughout the Ottoman Empire's control of the area and afterward. In the present day, it is reported that only a few remain.
Fatimid Caliphate
In the Isma'iliFatimid Caliphate
(909–1171 CE), eunuchs played major roles in the politics of the
caliphate's court. These eunuchs were normally purchased from slave
auctions and typically came from a variety of Arab and non-Arab minority
ethnic groups. In some cases, they were purchased from various noble
families in the empire, which would then connect those families to the
caliph. Generally, though, foreign slaves were preferred, described as
the "ideal servants".
Once enslaved, eunuchs were often placed into positions of
significant power in one of four areas: the service of the male members
of the court; the service of the harem, or female members of the court;
administrative and clerical positions; and military service. For example, during the Fatimid occupation of Cairo, Egyptian eunuchs controlled military garrisons (shurta) and marketplaces (hisba),
two positions beneath only the city magistrate in power. However, the
most influential Fatimid eunuchs were the ones in direct service to the
caliph and the royal household as chamberlains, treasurers, governors,
and attendants. Their direct proximity to the caliph and his household afforded them a great amount of political sway. One eunuch, Jawdhar, became hujja to Imam-Caliph al-Qa'im, a sacred role in Shia Islam entrusted with the imam's choice of successor upon his death.
There were several other eunuchs of high regard in Fatimid history, mainly being Abu'l-Fadi Rifq al-Khadim and Abu'l-Futuh Barjawan al-Ustadh.
Rifq was an African eunuch general who served as governor of the
Damascus until he led an army of 30,000 men in a campaign to expand
Fatimid control northeast to the city of Aleppo, Syria. He was noted for
being able to unite a diverse group of Africans, Arabs, Bedouins,
Berbers, and Turks into one coherent fight force which was able to
successfully combat the Mirdasids, Bedouins, and Byzantines.
Barjawan was a European eunuch during late Fatimid rule who
gained power through his military and political savvy which brought
peace between them and the Byzantine empire. Moreover, he squashed
revolts in the Libya and the Levant. Given his reputation and power in
the court and military he took the reins of the caliphate from his then
student al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah;
then ruled as the de facto Regent 997 CE. His usurpation of power from
the caliph resulted in his assassination in 1000 CE on the orders of
al-Hakim.
Since imams during this period ruled over a majority non-Shi'a
population, the court eunuchs served an important informal role as
ambassadors of the caliph, promoting loyalty and devotion to the Shi'a
sect and the imam-caliph himself. The multicultural, multilingual
eunuchs were able to connect to the commoners through shared cultural
ground
In the Ottoman Empire, eunuchs were typically slaves imported from outside their domains. A fair proportion of male slaves were imported as eunuchs.
The Ottoman court harem—within the Topkapı Palace (1465–1853) and later the Dolmabahçe Palace (1853–1909) in Istanbul—was
under the administration of the eunuchs. These were of two categories:
black eunuchs and white eunuchs. Black eunuchs were slaves from sub-Saharan Africa
who served the concubines and officials in the Harem together with
chamber maidens of low rank. The white eunuchs were slaves from the Balkans or the Caucasus, either purchased in the slave markets or taken as boys from Christian families in the Balkans who were unable to pay the jizya tax. They served the recruits at the Palace School and were from 1582 prohibited from entering the Harem. An important figure in the Ottoman court was the Chief Black Eunuch (Kızlar Ağası or Darüssaade Ağası).
In control of both the harem and a net of spies among the black
eunuchs, the Chief Eunuch was involved in almost every palace intrigue
and thereby could gain power over either the sultan or one of his
viziers, ministers, or other court officials. One of the most powerful Chief Eunuchs was Beshir Agha in the 1730s, who played a crucial role in establishing the Ottoman version of Hanafi Islam throughout the Empire by founding libraries and schools.
Algiers
In the 16th century, an Englishman, Samson Rowlie, was captured and castrated to serve the Ottoman governor in Algiers.
Coptic involvement
In
the 14th century, the Muslim Egyptian religious scholar Taj-al-Din Abu
Nasr 'Abdal-Wahhab al-Subki discussed eunuchs in his book Kitab Mu'id al-Ni'am wa Mubid al-Niqam (Arabic: كتاب معيد النعم ومبيد النقم), a title that has been translated as Book of the Guide to [Divine] Benefits and Averting of [Divine] Vengeance and also as Book of Tutor of Graces and Annihilator of Misfortunes.
In a chapter dedicated to eunuchs, Al-Subki made "the clear implication
that 'eunuchness' is itself an office," Shaun Marmon explained, adding
that al-Subki had specified occupational subgroups for the tawashiya [eunuchs]: the zimam watched over women, and the muqaddam al-mamalik over adolescent boys.
A black eunuch of the Ottoman Sultan. Photograph by Pascal Sebah, 1870s.
Coptic castration of slaves was discussed by Peter Charles Remondino, in his book History of Circumcision from the Earliest Times to the Present,
published in 1900. He refers to the "Abou-Gerghè" monastery in a place
he calls "Mount Ghebel-Eter". He adds details not mentioned by Andrews
such as the insertion of bamboo into the victim. Bamboo was used with
Chinese eunuchs. Andrews states his information is derived from an
earlier work, Les Femmes, les eunuques, et les guerriers du Soudan, published by a French explorer, Count Raoul du Bisson, in 1868, though this detail does not appear in Du Bisson's book.
Remondino's claims were repeated in similar form by Henry G. Spooner in 1919, in the American Journal of Urology and Sexology. Spooner, an associate of William J. Robinson, referred to the monastery as "Abou Gerbe in Upper Egypt".
According to Remondino, Spooner, and several later sources, the Coptic priests sliced the penis and testicles off Nubian or Abyssinian slave boys around the age of eight. The boys were captured from Abyssinia and other areas in Sudan like Darfur and Kordofan,
then brought into Sudan and Egypt. During the operation, the Coptic
clergyman chained the boys to tables, then, after slicing off their
sexual organs, stuck a piece of bamboo into the urethra and submerged
them in neck-high sand under the sun. The survival rate was ten percent.
Slave traders made especially large profits off eunuchs from this
region.
However, neither "Abou Gerbe", as an actual monastery, nor "Mount Ghebel Eter", as an actual location, are known.
Additionally, the cited references from Andrews, Remondino and Spooner
appear circular, originating in tales told by a single French explorer.
The later cited sources simply copy the earlier ones. Further, the 90%
mortality rate seems economically improbable, given that it would
require that markets paid at least 15 times the value of an uncastrated
slave boy for a eunuch slave boy. A modern peer-reviewed source
reports survival in Chinese court castrations of children at 33%, which
is quite low, but nevertheless far higher than reported by Remondino.
The same source reports later adult castrations as having a survival
rate of 98%. Consequently, the accounts of castration by Coptic monks
reported above, along with the 90% mortality figure, should be treated
with considerable skepticism.
Indian subcontinent
Eunuchs in Indian sultanates (before the Mughals)
Eunuchs
were frequently employed in imperial palaces by Muslim rulers as
servants for female royalty, as guards of the royal harem, and as sexual
mates for the nobles. Some of them attained high-status positions in
society. An early example of such a high-ranking eunuch was Malik Kafur. Eunuchs in imperial palaces were organized in a hierarchy, often with a senior or Chief Eunuch (Urdu: Khwaja Saras),
directing junior eunuchs below him. Eunuchs were highly valued for
their strength and trustworthiness, allowing them to live amongst women
with fewer worries. This enabled eunuchs to serve as messengers,
watchmen, attendants and guards for palaces. Often, eunuchs also doubled
as part of the King's court of advisers.
Sunni Afghan Pashtun Sur Empire
The Sunni MuslimAfghanPashtunSultan of the Sur Empire, Sher Shah Suri
defeated the Indian Hindu Rajputs under Puran Mal. The Afghan Pashtun
Sunnis who had war elephants slaughtered the Indian Rajput Hindus
including Puran Mal. The surviving Indian Rajput Hindu women and
children were enslaved, among them were 3 of Puran Mal's nephews or sons
who were castrated and became eunuchs so that their family line would
not continue while Puran Mal's daughter was enslaved as a dancing girl
as were other Hindu girls who were captured.
Twelver Shia Turkic ruled Oudh state
The Turkic and IranianPersianTwelver ShiaMuslim royal family ruling the Oudh (Awadh) state in India obtained their eunuchs (khwajasarais) through crushing Hindu rebellions by their IndianHindu subjects that they ruled, massacring Hindu men and enslaving the Hindu women and children with the South Asian
Indian Hindu boys being castrated and sent into the harems for service
as eunuchs. Jawahir Ali was a eunuch of Oudh state who was born a Hindu.
The rulers of Oudh (Awadh) state were Twelver Shia while Rajput Hindus made up most of the local cultivator landholding rajas. The Hindu Rajas of Khairabad rebelled since they refused to pay taxes to the Twelver Shia district administrator Nawab
Muhammad Ali Khan so Nawab Muhammad Ali defeated the Hindus in battle
and the Muslim historian Muhammad Faiz Bakhsh recorded in his book
Tarikh Farahbakhsh that Muhammad Ali sent "hundreds of unbelievers
(Hindus) to hell", enslaving their children and women and castrated the
Hindu boys among the children. Adult Hindu women, Hindu girls, and Hindu
boys like Jawahir Ali were enslaved by their Twelver Shia ruler. One
Hindu boy died from being castrated but the rest of the Hindu boys
including Jawahir Ali survived the castration and entered Muhammad Ali's
service as eunuchs. The castrated Hindu boys were converted to Twelver
Shia Islam and given Muslim names after being enslaved and then
educated. The Twelver Shia Turkic Nawab of Oudh Shuja-ud-Daula (a descendant of the Turkic Twelver Shia Qara Qoyunlu dynasty through his father Safdar Jang) made Nawab Muhammad Ali Khan give his eunuchs including Jawahir Ali to him.Jawahir Ali (Joahir Ali) served as nazir eunuch to Bahu Begum (Bahu
Begam, Bahoo Begum or Buhoo Begum) (Begum Amanat-uz Zahra Bano), the
Iranian Persian wife of the Turkic Twelver Shia ruler of Oudh,
Shuja-ud-Daula.
Bahu Begum owned multiple eunuchs, all of them of Indian Hindu
background. One of them was born a eunuch with defective genital and
sold to the Nawab by his family, Darab Ali Khan and he was a general
agent of Bahu Begam after Jawahir Ali. Another was a Brahmin
Hindu boy who was kidnaped by castrators, enslaved and castrated when
he was 14 after his famine stricken parents sold him to a woman of Sayyid background and he was the treasurer of Bahu Begam, Bahar Ali. Jawahir Ali was the first general agent of Bahu Begam.
Bahu Begam's estates were managed by Javahir 'Ali Khan. The
Twelver Shia cleric Mawlavi Muhammad Munir who came to Faizabad and was
there during a riot in 1779 between Sufi pirs and physicians against
Twelver Shia clerics. Muhammad Munir was paid a stipend and backed up by
Javahir Ali. Javahir Ali sent soldiers to support the Twelver scholars
against the physicians. The Twelver Shia Usuli ulama were also supported
by Javahir Ali when they implemented Friday prayers 7 years after the
riots. Javahir paid 20 people to make people attend the 5 mandatory
prayers and Friday prayer during the winter and rainy season. Bahu Begum was of Persian Iranian descent. Members of the East India Company
tortured her eunuchs, Bahar Ali and Jawahir Ali after they arrested
Bahu Begum in 1781 in order to force them to hand their treasure over,
something which Edmund Burke denounced at the impeachment of Warren Hastings.
Jawahir Ali Khan ordered 2 fellow eunuchs belonging to Bahu
Begum, Sa'adat and Basharat to assist the Qadi (Qazi) at Ali Beg Khan
mosque.
Due to cold weather, the eunuch minister Darab Ali Khan tried to stop
Bahu Begam from reciting Fatiha at Imam Husain's tazia during Muharram
but she went regardless and got a fever and cold.
Bahu Begum only allowed Jawahir to enter when she was on her
Sedan Chair speaking before British East India Company representative
Mr. Lumsden in Lucknow. Darab Ali Khan came from the Salone district,
Rusulabad. Jawahir was interred in an imambarah made out of wood after he died in 1799 in Faizabad. Bahu Begum had another favourite eunuch, Tehsin Ali Khan who died on 27 August 1818. He constructed a mosque and owned a Serai. Bahu Begum's name was Amanat-uz Zahra and her eunuch Jawahar Ali Khan built an Imambara in Faizabad. Bahu Begam was the younger sister of Mirza Muhammad
Sleeman reported that the Nawab of Lucknow "lives, exclusively, in the society of fiddlers, eunuchs and women"
The Nawab Vajid Ali shah ordered his eunuchs to look for the mark of
the sampan (snake mark) on his concubines and temporary wives in his
harem, which was regarded as bad luck in September 1850. 8 of them had
the mark. After initially calling for a divorce and asking his Twelver
Shia chief mujtahid Sayyid Muhammad Nasirabadi to do it, he was advised
to seek advice from Hindu Brahmins who instead advised him to burn the
sampan marks off them and 2 of them had them burned off instead of
divorcing the Nawab.
As there is a full account given of Jawahir 'Ali Ķbán in
connection with Faizábád, there is no need to speak of him here. Having
filled the office of the Nazárat on earth for thirty-four years after
the death of Nusrat 'Ali ķhán, he was summoned in 1214 A.H. [1799 A.D.),
to superintend the huris of Firdaus, and hastened. to Paradise. Then
the lucrative appointments which he had vacated were conferred on
Muhammad Dáráb. Ali Ķbán. Although Jawahir . 'Ali Khán had thrice the
dignity and opulence of his father,* for his authority extended from the
mountain of Butwal on the north to the banks of the Ganges on the
south, and he had more than 10,000 horse and foot, and had personal
property greater than all the other eunuchs of Faizábád had been able to
collect in their whole lives, yet he was never known to utter an
arrogant or haughty word, and never assumed any manner or a form of
speech which savoured of pride or arrogance. As he had evinced from his
early boyhood a taste for literature, he was constantly engaged in
reading, and when any literary discussion took place, he used to leave
the most urgent business to go and share its advantages. In his early
years he was fond of Arabic, and becoming proficient in etymology,
syntax, and logic, he entered on the study of Şadra; but owing to his
tours and journeys, which he had to make to Lucknow each year and
sometimes to the mountain of Butwal, he was unable to make further
progress.
He was an able expositor of the ambiguities of Persian poetry.
Enigmas and riddles were solved in gatherings around him. Above all, he
was especially fond of historical works. He read from beginning to end
the Sháhnáma, Hamla-i-Haidarí, the Masnavís of Jalálu'ddín Rúmi,
Ma'ariju'nnabuwat, Rauzatu'ssafa, Habibu'ssiyar, Shahjabánnáma,
Akbarnáma, Taimúrnáma, Táriķh Farishta, and every other book on which he
could lay his hands. The duty of reading these aloud to him was imposed
on me. He used to listen to them from sunset until midnight. I heard
many narratives and tales while thus privileged with the enjoyment of
his society. He always sought the company of scholars, poets, and men of
science. He is dead and gone.
* The relation of an old eunuch to a younger one as guru and
chelá (priest and novice) is often referred to in this work. When a
eunuch adopted another they were spoken of as father and son. This is
the relation here alluded to, Jawábir 'Ali being looked on as the
adopted son of Nusrat 'Ali, whom he succeeded.Muhammad Faiz Bakhsh,
"Memoirs of Delhi and Faizábád: Being a Translation of the Táríḳh
Farahbaḳhsh of Muhammad Faiz Baḳhsh from the Original Persian, Volume
1", pages iv-v.
Yusuf Ali Khan and Ambar Ali Khan were 2 other eunuch boys who were raised with Jawahir Ali Khan.
Ambar Ali Khan was taken prisoner in the same battle as Jawahir Ali
Khan when the Twelver Shia Commissioner Muhammad Ali Khan defeated the
Hindu Rajputs of Khairabad (Sitapur) and castrated the Hindu boys.
Jawahir Ali Khan used white clothing for Mewatis, black clothing for
irregulars and livery in mango green for household troops (Sahib Khanis)
when he ordered his servants and soldiers to parade in Lucknow while he
was administrator.
Jawahir Ali patronized intellectuals and culture as well as engaging in
horsemanship and archery practice every day. He did not wear ornate,
expensive or elaborate clothing and did not do extravagant grooming,
since as a high ranking eunuch (khwajasarai) his mistress did not need
to flaunt her wealth through him.
Jawahir Ali Khan cone had 1,000 servants shout "Din, Din" while raising
banners and wearing white robes after taking off their black robes. One
of his officials was Akhund Ahmad. Jawahir Ali had a dispute with his
mistress Bahu Begum when he was blocking a road once and she sent a
eunuch to tell him to stop it.
Hijra, a Hindi term traditionally translated into English as "eunuch", actually refers to what modern Westerners would call transvestites or transgender women (although some of them reportedly identify as belonging to a third gender). The history of this third sex is mentioned in the ancient Kama Sutra, which refers to people of a "third sex" (tritiya-prakriti). Some of them undergo ritual castration, but the majority do not.
They usually dress in saris or shalwar kameez
(traditional garbs worn by women in South Asia) and wear heavy make-up.
They typically live on the margins of society and face discrimination.Hijra tend to have few options for earning a wage, with many turning to
sex work and others performing ritualistic songs and dances.
They are integral to several Hindu ceremonies, such as dance programs
at marriage ceremonies. They may also earn a living by going uninvited
to large ceremonies such as weddings, births, new shop openings and
other major family events, and singing until they are paid or given
gifts to go away.
The ceremony is supposed to bring good luck and fertility, while the
curse of an unappeased hijra is feared by many. Hijra often engage in
prostitution and begging to earn money, with begging typically
accompanied by singing and dancing. Some Indian provincial officials
have used the assistance of hijras to collect taxes in the same
fashion—they knock on the doors of shopkeepers, while dancing and
singing, embarrassing them into paying.
Recently, hijras have started to found organizations to improve their
social condition and fight discrimination, such as the Shemale
Foundation Pakistan.
Ancient Greece, Rome, and Byzantium
The
practice was also well established in other Mediterranean areas among
the Greeks and Romans, although a role as court functionary does not
arise until Byzantine times. The Galli or Priests of Cybele were eunuchs.
In the late period of the Roman Empire, after the adoption of the oriental royal court model by the Emperors Diocletian (r. 284–305) and Constantine
(r. 306–337), emperors were surrounded by eunuchs for such functions as
bathing, haircutting, dressing, and bureaucratic functions, in effect
acting as a shield between the emperor and his administrators from
physical contact, thus enjoying great influence in the imperial court
(see Eusebius and Eutropius). Julian
(r. 361–363) released the eunuchs from their service because he felt
they were overpaid, and he subsequently realized how much they had
contributed to palace operations.
The Roman poet Martial
rails against a woman who has sex with partially castrated eunuchs
(those whose testicles were removed or rendered inactive only) in the
bitter epigram (VI, 67): "Do you ask, Panychus, why your Caelia only
consorts with eunuchs? Caelia wants the flowers of marriage – not the
fruits." It is up for debate whether this passage is representative of any sort of widely practiced behavior, however.
At the Byzantine imperial
court, there were a great number of eunuchs employed in domestic and
administrative functions, actually organized as a separate hierarchy,
following a parallel career of their own. Archieunuchs—each in charge of
a group of eunuchs—were among the principal officers in Constantinople, under the emperors. Under Justinian in the 6th century, the eunuch Narses functioned as a successful general in a number of campaigns.
Advantages of eunuchs were that they prevented offices from
becoming hereditary, allowing appointments to be made on merit; they
were more dedicated to their jobs, not being distracted by family
obligations; and they were ineligible for the throne, and for that
reason thought by emperors to be safe. Those who had been deprived not only of their testicles but also their penises were known in Greek as carzimasia, and were highly prized.
By the last centuries of the Empire, the number of roles reserved
for eunuchs had reduced, and their use may have been all but over.
Following the Byzantine tradition, eunuchs had important tasks at the court of the NormanKingdom of Sicily during the middle 12th century. One of them, Philip of Mahdia, has been admiratus admiratorum, and another one, Ahmed es-Sikeli, was prime minister.
Religious castration
Castration
as part of religious practice, and eunuchs occupying religious roles,
have been established prior to classical antiquity. Archaeological finds
at Çatalhöyük in Anatolia indicate worship of a 'Magna Mater' figure, a forerunner of the goddess Cybele found in later Anatolia and other parts of the near East. Later Roman followers of Cybele were called Galli, who practiced ritual self-castration, known as sanguinaria. Eunuch priests also figured prominently in the Atargatis cult in Syria during the first centuries AD.
The practice of religious castration continued into the Christian
era, with members of the early church practicing celibacy (including
castration) for religious purposes, although the extent and even the existence of this practice among Christians is subject to debate. The early theologian Origen found evidence of the practice in Matthew 19:10–12:
"His disciples said to him, 'If such is the case of a man with his
wife, it is better not to marry.' But he said to them, 'Not everyone can
accept this teaching, but only those to whom it is given. For there are
eunuchs who have been so from birth, and there are eunuchs who have
been made eunuchs by others, and there are eunuchs who have made
themselves eunuchs for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. Let anyone
accept this who can.'" (NRSV)
Tertullian, a 2nd-century Church Father, described Jesus himself and Paul of Tarsus as spadones, which is translated as "eunuchs" in some contexts. Quoting from the cited book: "Tertullian takes 'spado' to mean virgin". The meaning of spado
in late antiquity can be interpreted as a metaphor for celibacy.
Tertullian even goes so far with the metaphor as to say St. Paul had
been "castrated". Tertullian also ridiculed his theological opponent Marcion of Sinope as a eunuch who advocated for sexual abstinence.
Eunuch priests have served various goddesses from India for many
centuries. Similar phenomena are exemplified by some modern Indian
communities of the hijra, which are associated with a deity and with certain rituals and festivals – notably the devotees of Yellammadevi, or jogappas, who are not castrated, and the Ali of southern India, of whom at least some are.
The 18th-century Russian Skoptzy (скопцы) sect was an example of a castration cult, where its members regarded castration as a way of renouncing the sins of the flesh. Several members of the 20th-century Heaven's Gate cult were found to have been castrated, apparently voluntarily and for the same reasons.
In the Christian Bible
[6]
Wherefore they are no more twain, but one flesh. What therefore God
hath joined together, let not man put asunder. [7] They say unto him,
Why did Moses then command to give a writing of divorcement, and to put
her away? [8] He saith unto them, Moses because of the hardness of your
hearts suffered you to put away your wives: but from the beginning it
was not so. [9] And I say unto you, Whosoever shall put away his wife,
except [it be] for fornication, and shall marry another, committeth
adultery: and whoso marrieth her which is put away doth commit adultery.
[10] His disciples say unto him, If the case of the man be so with
[his] wife, it is not good to marry. [11] But he said unto them, All
[men] cannot receive this saying, save [they] to whom it is given. [12]
For there are some eunuchs, which were so born from [their] mother's
womb: and there are some eunuchs, which were made eunuchs of men: and
there be eunuchs, which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of
heaven's sake. He that is able to receive [it], let him receive [it].
— Matthew 19:6–12 KJV
The reference to "eunuchs" in Matthew 19:12 has yielded various interpretations.
One of the earliest converts to Christianity was an Ethiopian eunuch who was a high court official of Candace, the Queen of Ethiopia, but was already a eunuch at the time of conversion (Acts 8:27–39).
In Judaism
Eunuchs are mentioned many times in the Bible, such as in the Book of Isaiah (56:4) using the word סריס (saris). Although the Ancient Hebrews did not practice castration, eunuchs were common in other cultures featured in the Bible, such as ancient Egypt, Babylonia, the Persian Empire, and ancient Rome. In the Book of Esther, servants of the harem of Ahasuerus, such as Hegai and Shashgaz, as well as other servants such as Hatach, Harbonah, Bigthan, and Teresh, are referred to as sarisim. Being exposed to the consorts of the king, they would likely have been castrated.
The Hebrew word saris (סריס) derives from ša-rēši, the Akkadian word for eunuch, and thus has been generally understood by scholars as referring to eunuchs. However, its technical meaning is a male who has not shown signs of typical sexual maturity by the age of 20. Per the Talmud, only one known as a saris adam – a castrated male; one made sterile intentionally or via accidental injury – might be considered a eunuch (a saris ḥama is one who is congenitally sterile, and is not considered a eunuch). For a further discussion of ambiguous gender in Jewish culture, see: Gender and Jewish Studies.
Eunuchs castrated before puberty
were also valued and trained in several cultures for their exceptional
voices, which retained a childlike and other-worldly flexibility and
treble pitch (a high-pitched voice). Such eunuchs were known as castrati.
As women were sometimes forbidden to sing in Church, their place
was taken by castrati. Castrati became very popular in 18th century opera seria. The practice, known as castratism, remained popular until the 18th century and was known into the 19th century. The last famous Italian castrato, Giovanni Battista Velluti, died in 1861. The sole existing sound recording of a castrato singer documents the voice of Alessandro Moreschi, the last eunuch in the Sistine Chapel Choir, who died in 1922.
This Italian practice of castrating young males to maintain their soprano voices was ended by Pope Leo XIII (1878).
.png)
