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Monday, June 8, 2026

Kin selection

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The co-operative behaviour of social insects like the honey bee can be explained by kin selection.

Kin selection is a process whereby natural selection favours a trait due to its positive effects on the reproductive success of an organism's relatives, even when at a cost to the organism's own survival and reproduction. Kin selection can lead to the evolution of altruistic behaviour. It is related to inclusive fitness, which combines the number of offspring produced with the number an individual can ensure the production of by supporting others (weighted by the relatedness between individuals). A broader definition of kin selection includes selection acting on interactions between individuals who share a gene of interest even if the gene is not shared due to common ancestry.

Charles Darwin discussed the concept of kin selection in his 1859 book, On the Origin of Species, where he reflected on the puzzle of sterile social insects, such as honey bees, which leave reproduction to their mothers, arguing that a selection benefit to related organisms (the same "stock") would allow the evolution of a trait that confers the benefit but destroys an individual at the same time. J.B.S. Haldane in 1955 briefly alluded to the principle in limited circumstances (Haldane famously joked that he would willingly die for two brothers or eight cousins), and R.A. Fisher mentioned a similar principle even more briefly in 1930. However, it was not until 1964 that W.D. Hamilton generalised the concept and developed it mathematically (resulting in Hamilton's rule) that it began to be widely accepted. The mathematical treatment was made more elegant in 1970 due to advances made by George R. Price. The term "kin selection" was first used by John Maynard Smith in 1964.

According to Hamilton's rule, kin selection causes genes to increase in frequency when the genetic relatedness of a recipient to an actor multiplied by the benefit to the recipient is greater than the reproductive cost to the actor. Hamilton proposed two mechanisms for kin selection. First, kin recognition allows individuals to be able to identify their relatives. Second, in viscous populations, populations in which the movement of organisms from their place of birth is relatively slow, local interactions tend to be among relatives by default. The viscous population mechanism makes kin selection and social cooperation possible in the absence of kin recognition. In this case, nurture kinship, the interaction between related individuals, simply as a result of living in each other's proximity, is sufficient for kin selection, given reasonable assumptions about population dispersal rates. Kin selection is not the same thing as group selection, where natural selection is believed to act on the group as a whole.

In humans, altruism is both more likely and on a larger scale with kin than with unrelated individuals; for example, humans give presents according to how closely related they are to the recipient. In other species, vervet monkeys use allomothering, where related females such as older sisters or grandmothers often care for young, according to their relatedness. The social shrimp Synalpheus regalis protects juveniles within highly related colonies.

Historical overview

Charles Darwin wrote that selection could be applied to the family as well as to the individual.

Charles Darwin was the first to discuss the concept of kin selection (without using that term). In On the Origin of Species, he wrote about the conundrum represented by altruistic sterile social insects that:

This difficulty, though appearing insuperable, is lessened, or, as I believe, disappears, when it is remembered that selection may be applied to the family, as well as to the individual, and may thus gain the desired end. Breeders of cattle wish the flesh and fat to be well marbled together. An animal thus characterised has been slaughtered, but the breeder has gone with confidence to the same stock and has succeeded.

— Darwin

In this passage "the family" and "stock" stand for a kin group. These passages and others by Darwin about kin selection are highlighted in D.J. Futuyma's textbook of reference Evolutionary Biology and in E. O. Wilson's Sociobiology.

Kin selection was briefly referred to by R.A. Fisher in 1930 and J.B.S. Haldane in 1932 and 1955. J.B.S. Haldane grasped the basic quantities in kin selection, famously writing "I would lay down my life for two brothers or eight cousins". Haldane's remark alluded to the fact that if an individual loses its life to save two siblings, four nephews, or eight cousins, it is a "fair deal" in evolutionary terms, as siblings are on average 50% identical by descent, nephews 25%, and cousins 12.5% (in a diploid population that is randomly mating and previously outbred). But Haldane also joked that he would truly die only to save more than a single identical twin of his or more than two full siblings. In 1955 he clarified:

Let us suppose that you carry a rare gene that affects your behaviour so that you jump into a flooded river and save a child, but you have one chance in ten of being drowned, while I do not possess the gene, and stand on the bank and watch the child drown. If the child's your own child or your brother or sister, there is an even chance that this child will also have this gene, so five genes will be saved in children for one lost in an adult. If you save a grandchild or a nephew, the advantage is only two and a half to one. If you only save a first cousin, the effect is very slight. If you try to save your first cousin once removed the population is more likely to lose this valuable gene than to gain it. … It is clear that genes making for conduct of this kind would only have a chance of spreading in rather small populations when most of the children were fairly near relatives of the man who risked his life.

W. D. Hamilton, in 1963 and especially in 1964 generalised the concept and developed it mathematically, showing that it holds for genes even when they are not rare, deriving Hamilton's rule and defining a new quantity known as an individual's inclusive fitness. He is widely credited as the founder of the field of social evolution. A more elegant mathematical treatment was made possible by George Price in 1970.

The evolutionary biologist John Maynard Smith used the term "kin selection" in 1964.

John Maynard Smith may have coined the actual term "kin selection" in 1964:

These processes I will call kin selection and group selection respectively. Kin selection has been discussed by Haldane and by Hamilton. … By kin selection I mean the evolution of characteristics which favour the survival of close relatives of the affected individual, by processes which do not require any discontinuities in the population breeding structure.

Kin selection causes changes in gene frequency across generations, driven by interactions between related individuals. This dynamic forms the conceptual basis of the theory of sociobiology. Some cases of evolution by natural selection can only be understood by considering how biological relatives influence each other's fitness. Under natural selection, a gene encoding a trait that enhances the fitness of each individual carrying it should increase in frequency within the population; and conversely, a gene that lowers the individual fitness of its carriers should be eliminated. However, a hypothetical gene that prompts behaviour which enhances the fitness of relatives but lowers that of the individual displaying the behaviour, may nonetheless increase in frequency, because relatives often carry the same gene. According to this principle, the enhanced fitness of relatives can at times more than compensate for the fitness loss incurred by the individuals displaying the behaviour, making kin selection possible. This is a special case of a more general model, "inclusive fitness". This analysis has been challenged, Wilson writing that "the foundations of the general theory of inclusive fitness based on the theory of kin selection have crumbled" and that he now relies instead on the theory of eusociality and "gene-culture co-evolution" for the underlying mechanics of sociobiology. Inclusive fitness theory is still generally accepted however, as demonstrated by the publication of a rebuttal to Wilson's claims in Nature from over a hundred researchers.

Kin selection is contrasted with group selection, according to which a genetic trait can become prevalent within a group because it benefits the group as a whole, regardless of any benefit to individual organisms. All known forms of group selection conform to the principle that an individual behaviour can be evolutionarily successful only if the genes responsible for this behaviour conform to Hamilton's Rule, and hence, on balance and in the aggregate, benefit from the behaviour.

Hamilton's rule

Formally, genes for a particular behavior should increase in frequency when

where

r = the genetic relatedness of the recipient to the actor, often defined as the probability that a gene picked randomly from each at the same locus is identical by descent.
B = the additional reproductive benefit gained by the recipient of the altruistic act,
C = the reproductive cost to the individual performing the act.

This inequality is known as Hamilton's rule after W. D. Hamilton who in 1964 published the first formal quantitative treatment of kin selection.

The relatedness parameter (r) in Hamilton's rule was introduced in 1922 by Sewall Wright as a coefficient of relationship that gives the probability that at a random locus, the alleles there will be identical by descent. Modern formulations of the rule use Alan Grafen's definition of relatedness based on the theory of linear regression.

A 2014 review of many lines of evidence for Hamilton's rule found that its predictions were confirmed in a wide variety of social behaviours across a broad phylogenetic range of birds, mammals and insects, in each case comparing social and non-social taxa. Among the experimental findings, a 2010 study used a wild population of red squirrels in Yukon, Canada. Surrogate mothers adopted related orphaned squirrel pups but not unrelated orphans. The cost of adoption was calculated by measuring a decrease in the survival probability of the entire litter after increasing the litter by one pup, while benefit was measured as the increased chance of survival of the orphan. The degree of relatedness of the orphan and surrogate mother for adoption to occur depended on the number of pups the surrogate mother already had in her nest, as this affected the cost of adoption. Females always adopted orphans when rB was greater than C, but never adopted when rB was less than C, supporting Hamilton's rule.

Mechanisms

Altruism occurs where the instigating individual suffers a fitness loss while the receiving individual experiences a fitness gain. The sacrifice of one individual to help another is an example.

Hamilton outlined two ways in which kin selection altruism could be favoured:

The selective advantage which makes behaviour conditional in the right sense on the discrimination of factors which correlate with the relationship of the individual concerned is therefore obvious. It may be, for instance, that in respect of a certain social action performed towards neighbours indiscriminately, an individual is only just breaking even in terms of inclusive fitness. If he could learn to recognise those of his neighbours who really were close relatives and could devote his beneficial actions to them alone an advantage to inclusive fitness would at once appear. Thus a mutation causing such discriminatory behaviour itself benefits inclusive fitness and would be selected. In fact, the individual may not need to perform any discrimination so sophisticated as we suggest here; a difference in the generosity of his behaviour according to whether the situations evoking it were encountered near to, or far from, his own home might occasion an advantage of a similar kind.

Kin recognition and the green beard effect

Kin recognition theory predicts a selective advantage for the bearers of a trait (like the fictitious 'green beard') behave altruistically towards others with the same trait.

First, if individuals have the capacity to recognise kin and to discriminate (positively) on the basis of kinship, then the average relatedness of the recipients of altruism could be high enough for kin selection. Because of the facultative nature of this mechanism, kin recognition and discrimination were expected to be unimportant except among 'higher' forms of life. However, as molecular recognition mechanisms have been shown to operate in organisms such as slime moulds kin recognition has much wider importance than previously recognised. Kin recognition may be selected for inbreeding avoidance, and little evidence indicates that 'innate' kin recognition plays a role in mediating altruism. A thought experiment on the kin recognition/discrimination distinction is the hypothetical 'green beard', where a gene for social behaviour is imagined also to cause a distinctive phenotype that can be recognised by other carriers of the gene. Due to conflicting genetic similarity in the rest of the genome, there should be selection pressure for green-beard altruistic sacrifices to be suppressed, making common ancestry the most likely form of inclusive fitness. This suppression is overcome if new phenotypes -other beard colours- are formed through mutation or introduced into the population from time to time. This proposed mechanism goes by the name of 'beard chromodynamics'.

Viscous populations

Secondly, indiscriminate altruism may be favoured in "viscous" populations, those with low rates or short ranges of dispersal. Here, social partners are typically related, and so altruism can be selective advantageous without the need for kin recognition and kin discrimination faculties—spatial proximity, together with limited dispersal, ensures that social interactions are more often with related individuals. This suggests a rather general explanation for altruism. Directional selection always favours those with higher rates of fecundity within a certain population. Social individuals can often enhance the survival of their own kin by participating in and following the rules of their own group.

Hamilton later modified his thinking to suggest that an innate ability to recognise actual genetic relatedness was unlikely to be the dominant mediating mechanism for kin altruism:

But once again, we do not expect anything describable as an innate kin recognition adaptation, used for social behaviour other than mating, for the reasons already given in the hypothetical case of the trees.

Hamilton's later clarifications often go unnoticed. Stuart West and colleagues have countered the long-standing assumption that kin selection requires innate powers of kin recognition. Another doubtful assumption is that social cooperation must be based on limited dispersal and shared developmental context. Such ideas have obscured the progress made in applying kin selection to species including humans, on the basis of cue-based mediation of social bonding and social behaviours.

Special cases

Eusociality

Ants are eusocial insects; the queen (large, centre) is reproductive, while the workers (small) and soldiers (medium size, with large jaws) are generally not.

Eusociality (true sociality) occurs in social systems with three characteristics: an overlap in generations between parents and their offspring, cooperative brood care, and specialised castes of non-reproductive individuals. The social insects provide good examples of organisms with what appear to be kin selected traits. The workers of some species are sterile, a trait that would not occur if individual selection was the only process at work. The relatedness coefficient r is abnormally high between the worker sisters in a colony of Hymenoptera due to haplodiploidy. Hamilton's rule is presumed to be satisfied because the benefits in fitness for the workers are believed to exceed the costs in terms of lost reproductive opportunity, though this has never been demonstrated empirically. Competing hypotheses have been offered to explain the evolution of social behaviour in such organisms.

The eusocial shrimp Synalpheus regalis protects juveniles in the colony. By defending the young, the large defender shrimp can increase its inclusive fitness. Allozyme data demonstrated high relatedness within colonies, averaging 0.50. This means that colonies represent close kin groups, supporting the hypothesis of kin selection.

Allomothering

Vervet monkeys behave in ways that imply kin selection.

Vervet monkeys utilise allomothering, parenting by group members other than the actual mother or father, where the allomother is typically an older female sibling or a grandmother. Individuals act aggressively toward other individuals that were aggressive toward their relatives. The behaviour implies kin selection between siblings, between mothers and offspring, and between grandparents and grandchildren.

In humans

Whether or not Hamilton's rule always applies, relatedness is often important for human altruism, in that humans are inclined to behave more altruistically toward kin than toward unrelated individuals. Many people choose to live near relatives, exchange sizeable gifts with relatives, and favour relatives in wills in proportion to their relatedness.

Experimental studies, interviews, and surveys

Interviews of several hundred women in Los Angeles showed that while non-kin friends were willing to help one another, their assistance was far more likely to be reciprocal. The largest amounts of non-reciprocal help, however, were reportedly provided by kin. Additionally, more closely related kin were considered more likely sources of assistance than distant kin. Similarly, several surveys of American college students found that individuals were more likely to incur the cost of assisting kin when a high probability that relatedness and benefit would be greater than cost existed. Participants' feelings of helpfulness were stronger toward family members than non-kin. Additionally, participants were found to be most willing to help those individuals most closely related to them. Interpersonal relationships between kin in general were more supportive and less Machiavellian than those between non-kin.

In one experiment, the longer participants (from both the UK and the South African Zulus) held a painful skiing position, the more money or food was presented to a given relative. Participants repeated the experiment for individuals of different relatedness (parents and siblings at r=.5, grandparents, nieces, and nephews at r=.25, etc.). The results showed that participants held the position for longer intervals the greater the degree of relatedness between themselves and those receiving the reward.

Observational studies

A study of food-sharing practices on the West Caroline islets of Ifaluk determined that food-sharing was more common among people from the same islet, possibly because the degree of relatedness between inhabitants of the same islet would be higher than relatedness between inhabitants of different islets. When food was shared between islets, the distance the sharer was required to travel correlated with the relatedness of the recipient—a greater distance meant that the recipient needed to be a closer relative. The relatedness of the individual and the potential inclusive fitness benefit needed to outweigh the energy cost of transporting the food over distance.

Humans may use the inheritance of material goods and wealth to maximise their inclusive fitness. By providing close kin with inherited wealth, an individual may improve his or her kin's reproductive opportunities and thus increase his or her own inclusive fitness even after death. A study of a thousand wills found that the beneficiaries who received the most inheritance were generally those most closely related to the will's writer. Distant kin received proportionally less inheritance, with the least amount of inheritance going to non-kin.

A study of childcare practices among Canadian women found that respondents with children provide childcare reciprocally with non-kin. The cost of caring for non-kin was balanced by the benefit a woman received—having her own offspring cared for in return. However, respondents without children were significantly more likely to offer childcare to kin. For individuals without their own offspring, the inclusive fitness benefits of providing care to closely related children might outweigh the time and energy costs of childcare.[45]

Family investment in offspring among black South African households also appears consistent with an inclusive fitness model. A higher degree of relatedness between children and their caregivers was correlated with a higher degree of investment in the children, with more food, health care, and clothing. Relatedness was also associated with the regularity of a child's visits to local medical practitioners and with the highest grade the child had completed in school, and negatively associated with children being behind in school for their age.

Observation of the Dolgan hunter-gatherers of northern Russia suggested that there are larger and more frequent asymmetrical transfers of food to kin. Kin are more likely to be welcomed to non-reciprocal meals, while non-kin are discouraged from attending. Finally, when reciprocal food-sharing occurs between families, these families are often closely related, and the primary beneficiaries are the offspring.

Violence in families is more likely when step-parents are present, and that "genetic relationship is associated with a softening of conflict, and people's evident valuations of themselves and of others are systematically related to the parties' reproductive values". Numerous studies suggest how inclusive fitness may work amongst different peoples, such as the Ye'kwana of southern Venezuela, the Gypsies of Hungary, and the doomed Donner Party of the United States.

Human social patterns

Families are important in human behaviour, but kin selection may be based on closeness and other cues.

Evolutionary psychologists, following early human sociobiologists' interpretation of kin selection theory initially attempted to explain human altruistic behaviour through kin selection by stating that "behaviors that help a genetic relative are favored by natural selection." However, many evolutionary psychologists recognise that this common shorthand formulation is inaccurate:

Many misunderstandings persist. In many cases, they result from conflating "coefficient of relatedness" and "proportion of shared genes", which is a short step from the intuitively appealing—but incorrect—interpretation that "animals tend to be altruistic toward those with whom they share a lot of genes." These misunderstandings don't just crop up occasionally; they are repeated in many writings, including undergraduate psychology textbooks—most of them in the field of social psychology, within sections describing evolutionary approaches to altruism.

As with the earlier sociobiological forays into the cross-cultural data, typical approaches are not able to find explanatory fit with the findings of ethnographers insofar that human kinship patterns are not necessarily built upon blood-ties. However, as Hamilton's later refinements of his theory make clear, it does not simply predict that genetically related individuals will inevitably recognise and engage in positive social behaviours with genetic relatives: rather, indirect context-based mechanisms may have evolved, which in historical environments have met the inclusive fitness criterion. Consideration of the demographics of the typical evolutionary environment of any species is crucial to understanding the evolution of social behaviours. As Hamilton himself put it, "Altruistic or selfish acts are only possible when a suitable social object is available. In this sense behaviours are conditional from the start".

Under this perspective, and noting the necessity of a reliable context of interaction being available, the data on how altruism is mediated in social mammals is readily made sense of. In social mammals, primates and humans, altruistic acts that meet the kin selection criterion are typically mediated by circumstantial cues such as shared developmental environment, familiarity and social bonding. That is, it is the context that mediates the development of the bonding process and the expression of the altruistic behaviours, not genetic relatedness as such. This interpretation is compatible with the cross-cultural ethnographic data and has been called nurture kinship.

In plants

Observations

Though originally thought unique to the animal kingdom, evidence of kin selection has been identified in the plant kingdom.

Competition for resources between developing zygotes in plant ovaries increases when seeds had been pollinated with male gametes from different plants. How developing zygotes differentiate between full siblings and half-siblings in the ovary is undetermined, but genetic interactions are thought to play a role. Nonetheless, competition between zygotes in the ovary is detrimental to the reproductive success of the (female) plant, and fewer zygotes mature into seeds. As such, the reproductive traits and behaviors of plants suggests the evolution of behaviors and characteristics that increase the genetic relatedness of fertilized eggs in the plant ovary, thereby fostering kin selection and cooperation among the seeds as they develop. These traits differ among plant species. Some species have evolved to have fewer ovules per ovary, commonly one ovule per ovary, thereby decreasing the chance of developing multiple, differently fathered seeds within the same ovary. Multi-ovulated plants have developed mechanisms that increase the chances of all ovules within the ovary being fathered by the same parent. Such mechanisms include dispersal of pollen in aggregated packets and closure of the stigmatic lobes after pollen is introduced. The aggregated pollen packet releases pollen gametes in the ovary, thereby increasing likelihood that all ovules are fertilized by pollen from the same parent. Likewise, the closure of the ovary pore prevents entry of new pollen. Other multi-ovulated plants have evolved mechanisms that mimic the evolutionary adaption of single-ovulated ovaries; the ovules are fertilized by pollen from different individuals, but the mother ovary then selectively aborts fertilized ovules, either at the zygotic or embryonic stage.

Morning glory plants grow smaller roots when next to kin than to non-kin plants.

After seeds are dispersed, kin recognition and cooperation affects root formation in developing plants. Studies have found that the total root mass developed by Ipomoea hederacea (morning glory shrubs) grown next to kin is significantly smaller than those grown next to non-kin; shrubs grown next to kin thus allocate less energy and resources to growing the larger root systems needed for competitive growth. When seedlings were grown in individual pots placed next to kin or non-kin relatives, no difference in root growth was observed. This indicates that kin recognition occurs via signals received by the roots. Further, groups of I. hederacea plants are more varied in height when grown with kin than when grown with non-kin. The evolutionary benefit provided by this was further investigated by researchers at the Université de Montpellier. They found that the alternating heights seen in kin-grouped crops allowed for optimal light availability to all plants in the group; shorter plants next to taller plants had access to more light than those surrounded by plants of similar height.

The above examples illustrate the effect of kin selection in the equitable allocation of light, nutrients, and water. The evolutionary emergence of single-ovulated ovaries in plants has eliminated the need for a developing seed to compete for nutrients, thus increasing its chance of survival and germination. Likewise, the fathering of all ovules in multi-ovulated ovaries by one father, decreases the likelihood of competition between developing seeds, thereby also increasing the seeds' chances of survival and germination. The decreased root growth in plants grown with kin increases the amount of energy available for reproduction; plants grown with kin produced more seeds than those grown with non-kin. Similarly, the increase in light made available by alternating heights in groups of related plants is associated with higher fecundity.

Kin selection has also been observed in plant responses to herbivory. In an experiment done by Richard Karban et al., leaves of potted Artemisia tridentata (sagebrushes) were clipped with scissors to simulate herbivory. The gaseous volatiles emitted by the clipped leaves were captured in a plastic bag. When these volatiles were transferred to leaves of a closely related sagebrush, the recipient experienced lower levels of herbivory than those that had been exposed to volatiles released by non-kin plants. Sagebrushes do not uniformly emit the same volatiles in response to herbivory: the chemical ratios and composition of emitted volatiles vary from one sagebrush to another. Closely related sagebrushes emit similar volatiles, and the similarities decrease as relatedness decreases. This suggests that the composition of volatile gasses plays a role in kin selection among plants. Volatiles from a distantly related plant are less likely to induce a protective response against herbivory in a neighboring plant, than volatiles from a closely related plant. This fosters kin selection, as the volatiles emitted by a plant will activate the herbivorous defense response in related plants only, thus increasing their chance of survival and reproduction.

Kin selection may play a role in plant-pollinator interactions, especially because pollinator attraction is influenced not only by floral displays, but by the spatial arrangement of plants in a group, which is referred to as the "magnet effect". For example, in an experiment performed on Moricandia moricandioides, Torices et al. demonstrated that focal plants in the presence of kin show increased advertising effort (defined as total petal mass of plants in a group divided by the plant biomass) compared to those in the presence of non-kin, and that this effect is greater in larger groups. M. moricandioides is a good model organism for the study of plant-pollinator interactions because it relies on pollinators for reproduction, as it is self-incompatible. The study design for this experiment included planting establishing pots of M. moricandioides with zero, three or six neighbors (either unrelated or half-sib progeny of the same mother) and advertising effort was calculated after 26 days of flowering. The exact mechanism of kin recognition in M. moricandioides is unknown, but possible mechanisms include above-ground communication with volatile compounds, or below-ground communication with root exudates.

Mechanisms in plants

The ability to differentiate between kin and non-kin is not necessary for kin selection in many animals. However, because plants do not reliably germinate in close proximity to kin, it is thought that, within the plant kingdom, kin recognition is especially important for kin selection there, but the mechanism remains unknown.

One proposed mechanism for kin recognition involves communication through roots, with secretion and reception of root exudates. This would require exudates to be actively secreted by roots of one plant, and detected by roots of neighboring plants. The root exudate allantoin produced by rice plants, Oryza sativa, has been documented to be in greater production when growing next to cultivars that are largely unrelated.  High production levels of Allantoin correlated to up regulation of auxin and auxin transporters, resulting in increased lateral root development and directional growth of their roots towards non kin, maximizing competition. This is mainly not observed in Oryza Sativa when surrounded by kin, invoking altruistic behaviors to promote inclusive fitness. However the root receptors responsible for recognition of kin exudates, and the pathway induced by receptor activation, remain unknown. The mycorrhiza associated with roots might facilitate reception of exudates, but again the mechanism is unknown.

Another possibility is communication through green leaf volatiles. Karban et al. studied kin recognition in sagebrushes, Artemisia tridentata. The volatile-donating sagebrushes were kept in individual pots, separate from the plants that received the volatiles, finding that plants responded to herbivore damage to a neighbour's leaves. This suggests that root signalling is not necessary to induce a protective response against herbivory in neighbouring kin plants. Karban et al. suggest that plants may be able to differentiate between kin and non-kin based on the composition of volatiles. Because only the recipient sagebrush's leaves were exposed the volatiles presumably activated a receptor protein in the plant's leaves. The identity of this receptor, and the signalling pathway triggered by its activation, both remain to be discovered.

Objections

The theory of kin selection has been criticised by W. J. Alonso (in 1998) and by Alonso and C. Schuck-Paim (in 2002). They argue that the behaviours which kin selection attempts to explain are not altruistic (in pure Darwinian terms) because: (1) they may directly favour the performer as an individual aiming to maximise its progeny (so the behaviours can be explained as ordinary individual selection); (2) these behaviours benefit the group (so they can be explained as group selection); or (3) they are by-products of a developmental system of many "individuals" performing different tasks (like a colony of bees, or the cells of multicellular organisms, which are the focus of selection). They also argue that the genes involved in sex ratio conflicts could be treated as "parasites" of (already established) social colonies, not as their "promoters", and, therefore the sex ratio in colonies would be irrelevant to the transition to eusociality. Those ideas were mostly ignored until they were put forward again in a series of controversial papers by E. O. Wilson, Bert Hölldobler, Martin Nowak and Corina Tarnita. Nowak, Tarnita and Wilson argued that

Inclusive fitness theory is not a simplification over the standard approach. It is an alternative accounting method, but one that works only in a very limited domain. Whenever inclusive fitness does work, the results are identical to those of the standard approach. Inclusive fitness theory is an unnecessary detour, which does not provide additional insight or information.

— Nowak, Tarnita, and Wilson

They, like Alonso and Schuck-Paim, argue for a multi-level selection model instead. This aroused a strong response, including a rebuttal published in Nature from over a hundred researchers.

Collective memory

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Collective memory is the shared pool of memories, knowledge and information of a social group that is significantly associated with the group's identity. The English phrase "collective memory" and the equivalent French phrase mémoire collective appeared in the second half of the nineteenth century. The philosopher and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs analyzed and advanced the concept of the collective memory in the book Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire (1925).

Collective memory can be constructed, shared, and passed on by large and small social groups. Examples of these groups can include nations, generations, communities, among others.

Collective memory has been a topic of interest and research across a number of disciplines, including psychology, sociology, history, philosophy, and anthropology.

Conceptualization of collective memory

Attributes of collective memory

Collective memory has been conceptualized in several ways and proposed to have certain attributes. For instance, collective memory can refer to a shared body of knowledge (e.g., memory of a nation's past leaders or presidents); the image, narrative, values and ideas of a social group; or the continuous process by which collective memories of events change.

History versus collective memory

The difference between history and collective memory is best understood when comparing the aims and characteristics of each. A goal of history broadly is to provide a comprehensive, accurate, and unbiased portrayal of past events. This often includes the representation and comparison of multiple perspectives and the integration of these perspectives and details to provide a complete and accurate account. In contrast, collective memory focuses on a single perspective, for instance, the perspective of one social group, nation, or community. Consequently, collective memory represents past events as associated with the values, narratives and biases specific to that group. Some scholars have examined how dominant interpretive paradigms influence debates over contested wartime histories, including analyses by Marshall Wordsworth and others.

Studies have found that people from different nations can have major differences in their recollections of the past. In one study where American and Russian students were instructed to recall significant events from World War II and these lists of events were compared, the majority of events recalled by the American and Russian students were not shared. Differences in the events recalled and emotional views towards the Civil War, World War II and the Iraq War have also been found in a study comparing collective memory between generations of Americans.

Perspectives on collective memory

The concept of collective memory, initially developed by Halbwachs, has been explored and expanded from various angles – a few of these are introduced below.

James E. Young has introduced the notion of 'collected memory' (opposed to collective memory), marking memory's inherently fragmented, collected and individual character, while Jan Assmann develops the notion of 'communicative memory', a variety of collective memory based on everyday communication. This form of memory resembles the exchanges in oral cultures or the memories collected (and made collective) through oral tradition. As another subform of collective memories, Assmann mentions forms detached from the everyday; they can be particular materialized and fixed points as, e.g. texts and monuments.

The theory of collective memory was also discussed by former Hiroshima resident and atomic-bomb survivor, Kiyoshi Tanimoto, in a tour of the United States as an attempt to rally support and funding for the reconstruction of his Memorial Methodist Church in Hiroshima. He theorized that the use of the atomic bomb had forever added to the world's collective memory and would serve in the future as a warning against such devices. See John Hersey's 1946 book Hiroshima.

Historian Guy Beiner (1968- ), an authority on memory and the history of Ireland, has criticized the unreflective use of the adjective "collective" in many studies of memory:

The problem is with crude concepts of collectivity, which assume a homogeneity that is rarely, if ever, present, and maintain that, since memory is constructed, it is entirely subject to the manipulations of those invested in its maintenance, denying that there can be limits to the malleability of memory or to the extent to which artificial constructions of memory can be inculcated. In practice, the construction of a completely collective memory is at best an aspiration of politicians, which is never entirely fulfilled and is always subject to contestations.

In its place, Beiner has promoted the term "social memory" and has also demonstrated its limitations by developing a related concept of "social forgetting".

Historian David Rieff takes issue with the term "collective memory", distinguishing between memories of people who were actually alive during the events in question, and people who only know about them from culture or media. Rieff writes in opposition to George Santayana's aphorism "those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it", pointing out that strong cultural emphasis on certain historical events (often wrongs against the group) can prevent resolution of armed conflicts, especially when the conflict has been previously fought to a draw. The sociologist David Leupold draws attention to the problem of structural nationalism inherent in the notion of collective memory, arguing in favor of "emancipating the notion of collective memory from being subjected to the national collective" by employing a multi-collective perspective that highlights the mutual interaction of other memory collectives that form around generational belonging, family, locality or socio-political world-views.

Pierre Lévy argues that the phenomenon of human collective intelligence undergoes a profound shift with the arrival of the internet paradigm, as it allows the vast majority of humanity to access and modify a common shared online collective memory.

Collective memory and psychological research

Though traditionally a topic studied in the humanities, collective memory has become an area of interest in psychology. Common approaches taken in psychology to study collective memory have included investigating the cognitive mechanisms involved in the formation and transmission of collective memory; and comparing the social representations of history between social groups.

Social representations of history

Research on collective memory has compared how different social groups form their own representations of history and how such collective memories can impact ideals, values, behaviors and vice versa. Research has proposed that groups form social representations of history in order to develop their own social identity, as well as to evaluate the past, often in order to prevent past patterns of conflict and error from being repeated. Research has also compared differences in recollections of historical events, such as the examples given earlier when comparing history and collective memory.

Differences in collective memories between social groups, such as nations or states, have been attributed to collective narcissism and egocentric/ethnocentric bias. In one related study where participants from 35 countries were questioned about their country's contribution to world history and provided a percentage estimation from 0% to 100%, evidence for collective narcissism was found as many countries gave responses exaggerating their country's contribution. In another study where Americans from 50 states were asked similar questions regarding their state's contribution to the history of the United States, patterns of overestimation and collective narcissism were also found.

Cognitive mechanisms underlying collaborative recall

Certain cognitive mechanisms involved during group recall and the interactions between these mechanisms have been suggested to contribute to the formation of collective memory. Below are some mechanisms involved during when groups of individuals recall collaboratively.

Collaborative inhibition and retrieval disruption

When groups collaborate to recall information, they experience collaborative inhibition, a decrease in performance compared to the pooled memory recall of an equal number of individuals. Weldon and Bellinger (1997) and Basden, Basden, Bryner, and Thomas (1997) provided evidence that retrieval interference underlies collaborative inhibition, as hearing other members' thoughts and discussion about the topic at hand interferes with one's own organization of thoughts and impairs memory.

The main theoretical account for collaborative inhibition is retrieval disruption. During the encoding of information, individuals form their own idiosyncratic organization of the information. This organization is later used when trying to recall the information. In a group setting as members exchange information, the information recalled by group members disrupts the idiosyncratic organization one had developed. As each member's organization is disrupted, this results in the less information recalled by the group compared to the pooled recall of participants who had individually recalled (an equal number of participants as in the group).

Despite the problem of collaborative inhibition, working in groups may benefit an individual's memory in the long run, as group discussion exposes one to many different ideas over time. Working alone initially prior to collaboration seems to be the optimal way to increase memory.

Early speculations about collaborative inhibition have included explanations, such as diminished personal accountability, social loafing and the diffusion of responsibility, however retrieval disruption remains the leading explanation. Studies have found that collective inhibition to sources other than social loafing, as offering a monetary incentive have been evidenced to fail to produce an increase in memory for groups. Further evidence from this study suggest something other than social loafing is at work, as reducing evaluation apprehension – the focus on one's performance amongst other people – assisted in individuals' memories but did not produce a gain in memory for groups. Personal accountability – drawing attention to one's own performance and contribution in a group – also did not reduce collaborative inhibition. Therefore, group members' motivation to overcome the interference of group recall cannot be achieved by several motivational factors.

Cross-cueing

Information exchange among group members often helps individuals to remember things that they would not have remembered had they been working alone. In other words, the information provided by person A may 'cue' memories in person B. This results in enhanced recall. During a group recall, an individual might not remember as much as they would on their own, as their memory recall cues may be distorted because of other team members. Nevertheless, this has enhanced benefits, team members can remember something specific to the disruption of the group. Cross-cueing plays a role in formulation of group recall (Barber, 2011).

Collective false memories

In 2010, a study was done to see how individuals remembered a bombing that occurred in the 1980s. The clock was later set at 10.25 to remember the tragic bomb (de Vito et al. 2009). The individuals were asked to remember if the clock at Bologna central station in Italy had remained functioning, everyone said no, in fact it was the opposite (Legge, 2018). There have been many instances in history where people create a false memory. In a 2003 study done in the Claremont Graduate University, results demonstrated that during a stressful event and the actual event are managed by the brain differently. Other instances of false memories may occur when remembering something on an object that is not actually there or mistaking how someone looks in a crime scene (Legge, 2018). It is possible for people to remember the same false memories; some people call it the "Mandela effect". The name "Mandela effect" comes from the name of South African civil rights leader Nelson Mandela whom many people falsely believed was dead. (Legge, 2018). The Pandora Box experiment explains that language complexes the mind more when it comes to false memories. Language plays a role with imaginative experiences, because it makes it hard for humans to gather correct information (Jablonka, 2017).

Error pruning

Compared to recalling individually, group members can provide opportunities for error pruning during recall to detect errors that would otherwise be uncorrected by an individual.

Social contagion errors

Group settings can also provide opportunities for exposure to erroneous information that may be mistaken to be correct or previously studied.

Re-exposure effects

Listening to group members recall the previously encoded information can enhance memory as it provides a second exposure opportunity to the information.

Forgetting

Studies have shown that information forgotten and excluded during group recall can promote the forgetting of related information compared to information unrelated to that which was excluded during group recall. Selective forgetting has been suggested to be a critical mechanism involved in the formation of collective memories and what details are ultimately included and excluded by group members. This mechanism has been studied using the socially-shared retrieval induced forgetting paradigm, a variation of the retrieval induced forgetting method with individuals. The brain has many important brain regions that are directed at memory, the cerebral cortex, the fornix and the structures that they contain. These structures in the brain are required for attaining new information, and if any of these structures are damaged you can get anterograde or retrograde amnesia (Anastasio et al.,p. 26, 2012). Amnesia could be anything that disrupts your memory or affects you psychologically. Over time, memory loss becomes a natural part of amnesia. Sometimes you can get retrograde memory of a recent or past event.

Synchronization of memories from dyads to networks

Bottom-up approaches to the formation of collective memories investigate how cognitive-level phenomena allow for people to synchronize their memories following conversational remembering. Due to the malleability of human memory, talking with one another about the past results in memory changes that increase the similarity between the interactional partners' memories When these dyadic interactions occur in a social network, one can understand how large communities converge on a similar memory of the past. Research on larger interactions show that collective memory in larger social networks can emerge due to cognitive mechanisms involved in small group interactions.

Computational approaches to collective memory analysis

With the ability of online data such as social media and social network data and developments in natural language processing as well as information retrieval it has become possible to study how online users refer to the past and what they focus at. In an early study in 2010 researchers extracted absolute year references from large amounts of news articles collected for queries denoting particular countries. This allowed to portray so-called memory curves that demonstrate which years are particularly strongly remembered in the context of different countries (commonly, exponential shape of memory curves with occasional peaks that relate to commemorating important past events) and how the attention to more distant years declines in news. Based on a topic modelling and analysis they then detected major topics portraying how particular years are remembered. Rather than news, Wikipedia was also the target of analysis. Viewership statistics of Wikipedia articles on aircraft crashes were analyzed to study the relation between recent events and past events, particularly for understanding memory-triggering patterns.

Other studies focused on the analysis of collective memory in social networks such as investigation of over 2 million tweets (both quantitively and qualitatively) that are related to history to uncover their characteristics and ways in which history-related content is disseminated in social networks. Hashtags, as well as tweets, can be classified into the following types:

  • General History hashtags used in general to broadly identify history-related tweets that do not fall into any specific type (e.g., #history, #historyfacts).
  • National or Regional History hashtags which relate to national or regional histories, for example, #ushistory or #canadianhistory including also past names of locations (e.g., #ancientgreece).
  • Facet-focused History hashtags which relate to particular thematic facets of history (e.g.,#sporthistory, #arthistory).
  • General Commemoration hashtags that serve for commemorating or recalling a certain day or period (often somehow related to the day of tweet posting), or unspecified entities, such as #todaywe remember, #otd, #onthisday, #4yearsago and #rememberthem.
  • Historical Events hashtags related to particular events in the past (e.g., #wwi, #sevenyearswar).
  • Historical Entities hashtags denoting references to specific entities such as persons, organizations or objects (e.g., #stalin, #napoleon).

The study of digital memorialization, which encompasses the ways in social and collective memory has shifted after the digital turn, has grown substantially responding to rising proliferation of memorial content not only on the internet, but also the increased use of digital formats and tools in heritage institutions, classrooms, and among individual users worldwide.

The Extended Phenotype

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
The Extended Phenotype
Cover of the first edition

The Extended Phenotype is a 1982 book by the evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins, in which the author introduced a biological concept of the same name. The book's main idea is that phenotype should not be limited to biological processes such as protein biosynthesis or tissue growth, but extended to include all effects that a gene has on its environment, inside or outside the body of the individual organism.

Dawkins considers The Extended Phenotype to be a sequel to The Selfish Gene (1976) aimed at professional biologists, and as his principal contribution to evolutionary theory. In the 1999 reissue and subsequent reprintings an afterword by Daniel Dennett is included.

Summary

Genes as the unit of selection in evolution

The central thesis of The Extended Phenotype, and of its predecessor by the same author, The Selfish Gene, is that individual organisms are not the true units of natural selection. Instead, the gene — or the 'active, germ-line replicator' — is the unit upon which the forces of evolutionary selection and adaptation act. It is genes that succeed or fail in evolution, meaning that they either succeed or fail in replicating themselves across multiple generations.

These replicators are not subject to natural selection directly, but indirectly through their "phenotypical effects". These effects are all the effects that the gene (or replicator) has on the world at large, not just in the body of the organism in which it is contained. In taking as its starting point the gene as the unit of selection, The Extended Phenotype is a direct extension of Dawkins' first book, The Selfish Gene.

Genes synthesise only proteins

A cathedral termite mound – a small animal with a large extended phenotype

Dawkins argues that the only thing that genes control directly is the synthesis of proteins; restricting the idea of the phenotype to apply only to the phenotypic expression of an organism's genes in its own body is an arbitrary limitation that ignores the effect a gene may have on an organism's environment through that organism's behaviour.

Genes may affect more than the organism's body

A beaver dam, an example of an organism altering the environment in which it evolves — the first form of extended phenotype

Dawkins proposes there are three forms of extended phenotype. The first is the capacity of animals to modify their environment using architectural constructions, for which Dawkins provides as examples caddis houses and beaver dams.

The second form is manipulation of other organisms: The morphology of a living organism, and possibly of that organism's behaviour, may influence not just the fitness of the organism itself, but that of other living organisms as well. One example of this is parasite manipulation. This refers to the capacity, found in some parasite-host interactions, for the parasite to modify the behaviour of the host in a way that enhances the parasite's own fitness. One well-known example of this second type of extended phenotype is the suicidal drowning of crickets infected by hairworm, a behaviour that is essential to the parasite's reproductive cycle. Another example is seen in female mosquitoes carrying malaria parasites. The mosquitoes infected with the parasites whose preferred hosts are humans have been shown in a field experiment to be significantly more attracted to human breath and odours than uninfected mosquitoes when the parasites are at a point in their life cycle where they can infect a human target.

A reed warbler raising the young of a common cuckoo

The third form of extended phenotype is action at a distance of the parasite on its host. A common example is the manipulation of host behaviour by cuckoo chicks, which elicit intensive feeding by the host birds. Here the cuckoo does not interact directly with the host (which could be meadow pipits, dunnocks or reed warblers). The relevant adaptation lies in the cuckoo producing eggs and chicks that resemble sufficiently those of the host species so that they are not immediately ejected from the nest. These behavioural modifications are not physically associated with individuals of the host species but influence the expression of its behavioural phenotype.

Dawkins summarizes these ideas in what he terms the Central Theorem of the Extended Phenotype:

Taking these three things together, we arrive at our own 'central theorem' of the extended phenotype: An animal's behaviour tends to maximize the survival of the genes "for" that behaviour, whether or not those genes happen to be in the body of the particular animal performing it.

Gene-centred view of life

In developing this argument, Dawkins aims to strengthen the case for a gene-centric view of the evolution of life forms, to the point where it is recognized that the organism itself needs to be explained. This is the challenge which he takes up in the final chapter entitled "Rediscovering the Organism". The concept of extended phenotype has been generalized in an organism-centered view of evolution with the concept of niche construction, in the case where natural selection pressures can be modified by the organisms during the evolutionary process.

Reception

A technical review of The Extended Phenotype in the Quarterly Review of Biology states that, it is an "interesting and thought provoking book, once one gets to the last five chapters." In the reviewer's opinion, the book poses interesting questions, such as "What is the survival value of packaging life into discrete units called 'organisms' even though the units of selection appear to be individual 'replicators'?" The reviewer states that no "satisfactory answer is given" to this question in the book, though Dawkins suggests that replicators that "interact favorably to create 'vehicles' (organisms) may be at an advantage over those that do not (Chapter 14)." The reviewer takes issue with the first nine chapters as being essentially a defense of Dawkin's first book, The Selfish Gene.

Another review in American Scientist praises the book for convincingly promoting the idea of replication as being central to the evolutionary process. However, in the reviewer's opinion, "its main theme - that the gene is the only unit of selection - results from incorrectly interpreting the constraints on organismal adaptation and from too narrow an interpretation of replication, a process of more general relevance than the author is willing to allow."

Uses and limitations

The concept of extended phenotype has provided a useful frame for subsequent scientific work. For example, research into the relationship between "the bacterial flora of the gut and their mammalian hosts" which "has become a hot topic of late" makes use of this concept.

Subsequent proponents expand the theory and posit that many organisms within an ecosystem can alter the selective pressures on all of them by modifying their environment in various ways. Dawkins himself asserted, "Extended phenotypes are worthy of the name only if they are candidate adaptations for the benefit of alleles responsible for variations in them". As an illustration, one might ask: could an architect's buildings be considered part of his or her extended phenotype, much as a beaver's dam is part of its extended phenotype? Dawkins' answer is No: in humans, an "architect's specific alleles are neither more nor less likely to be selected based on the design of his or her latest building."

Kin selection

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kin_selection   The co-operative beh...