Nationalism as an ideology is modern. Throughout history, people have had an attachment to their kin group
and traditions, to territorial authorities and to their homeland, but
nationalism did not become a widely-recognized concept until the 18th
century. There are three paradigms for understanding the origins and basis of nationalism. Primordialism (perennialism) proposes that there have always been nations and that nationalism is a natural phenomenon. Ethnosymbolism
explains nationalism as a dynamic, evolutionary phenomenon and stresses
the importance of symbols, myths and traditions in the development of
nations and nationalism. Modernism proposes that nationalism is a recent social phenomenon that needs the socio-economic structures of modern society to exist.
There are various definitions of a "nation", however, which leads to different strands of nationalism. It can be a belief that citizenship in a state should be limited to one ethnic, cultural, religious or identity group; or that multinationality in a state should mean the right to express and exercise national identity even by minorities. The adoption of national identity in terms of historical development has often been a response by influential groups unsatisfied with traditional identities due to mismatch between their defined social order and the experience of that social order by its members, resulting in an anomie that nationalists seek to resolve. This anomie results in a society reinterpreting identity, retaining elements deemed acceptable and removing elements deemed unacceptable, to create a unified community. This development may be the result of internal structural issues or the result of resentment by an existing group or groups towards other communities, especially foreign powers that are (or are deemed to be) controlling them. National symbols and flags, national anthems, national languages, national myths and other symbols of national identity are highly important in nationalism.
In practice, nationalism can be seen as positive or negative depending on context and individual outlook. Nationalism has been an important driver in independence movements, such as the Greek Revolution, the Irish Revolution, and the Zionist movement that created modern Israel. Conversely, radical nationalism combined with racial hatred was also a key factor in the Holocaust perpetrated by Nazi Germany. More recently, nationalism was an important driver of the controversial annexation of Crimea by Russia.
There are various definitions of a "nation", however, which leads to different strands of nationalism. It can be a belief that citizenship in a state should be limited to one ethnic, cultural, religious or identity group; or that multinationality in a state should mean the right to express and exercise national identity even by minorities. The adoption of national identity in terms of historical development has often been a response by influential groups unsatisfied with traditional identities due to mismatch between their defined social order and the experience of that social order by its members, resulting in an anomie that nationalists seek to resolve. This anomie results in a society reinterpreting identity, retaining elements deemed acceptable and removing elements deemed unacceptable, to create a unified community. This development may be the result of internal structural issues or the result of resentment by an existing group or groups towards other communities, especially foreign powers that are (or are deemed to be) controlling them. National symbols and flags, national anthems, national languages, national myths and other symbols of national identity are highly important in nationalism.
In practice, nationalism can be seen as positive or negative depending on context and individual outlook. Nationalism has been an important driver in independence movements, such as the Greek Revolution, the Irish Revolution, and the Zionist movement that created modern Israel. Conversely, radical nationalism combined with racial hatred was also a key factor in the Holocaust perpetrated by Nazi Germany. More recently, nationalism was an important driver of the controversial annexation of Crimea by Russia.
Terminology
Title page from the second edition (Amsterdam 1631) of De jure belli ac pacis
The terminological use of 'nations', 'sovereignty' and associated concepts was significantly refined with the writing by Hugo Grotius of De Jure Belli ac Pacis in the early 17th century. Living in the times of the Eighty Years' War between Spain and the Netherlands and the Thirty Years' War
between Catholic and Protestant European nations (Catholic France being
in the otherwise Protestant camp), it is not surprising that Grotius
was deeply concerned with matters of conflicts between nations in the
context of oppositions stemming from religious differences. The word nation
was also usefully applied before 1800 in Europe to refer to the
inhabitants of a country as well as to collective identities that could
include shared history, law, language, political rights, religion and
traditions, in a sense more akin to the modern conception.
Nationalism as derived from the noun designating 'nations'
is a newer word; in English the term dates from 1844, although the
concept is older. It became important in the 19th century.
The term increasingly became negative in its connotations after 1914.
Glenda Sluga notes that "The twentieth century, a time of profound
disillusionment with nationalism, was also the great age of globalism."
History
A postcard from 1916 showing national personifications of some of the Allies of World War I, each holding a national flag
Nationalism has been a recurring facet of civilizations since
ancient times, though the modern sense of national political autonomy
and self-determination was formalized in the late 18th century. Examples of nationalist movements can be found throughout history, from the Jewish revolts of the 1st and 2nd centuries, to the re-emergence of Persian culture during the Sasanid period of Persia, to the re-emergence of Latin culture in the Western Roman Empire during the 4th and 5th centuries, as well as many others. In modern times, examples can be seen in the emergence of German nationalism as a reaction against Napoleonic control of Germany as the Confederation of the Rhine around 1805–14. Linda Colley in Britons, Forging the Nation 1707–1837
(Yale University Press, 1992) explores how the role of nationalism
emerged about 1700 and developed in Britain reaching full form in the
1830s. Typically historians of nationalism in Europe begin with the French Revolution (1789), not only for its impact on French nationalism but even more for its impact on Germans and Italians and on European intellectuals.
The template of nationalism, as a method for mobilising public opinion
around a new state based on popular sovereignty, went back further than
1789: philosophers such as Rousseau and Voltaire,
whose ideas influenced the French Revolution, had themselves been
influenced or encouraged by the example of earlier constitutionalist
liberation movements, notably the Corsican Republic (1755–68) and American Revolution (1765-83).
Due to the Industrial Revolution, there was an emergence of an integrated, nation-encompassing economy and a national public sphere,
where the British people began to identify with the country at large,
rather than the smaller units of their province, town or family. The
early emergence of a popular patriotic nationalism took place in the
mid-18th century, and was actively promoted by the British government
and by the writers and intellectuals of the time. National symbols, anthems, myths, flags and narratives were assiduously constructed by nationalists and widely adopted. The Union Jack was adopted in 1801 as the national one. Thomas Arne composed the patriotic song "Rule, Britannia!" in 1740, and the cartoonist John Arbuthnot invented the character of John Bull as the personification of the English national spirit in 1712.
The political convulsions of the late 18th century associated with the American and French revolutions massively augmented the widespread appeal of patriotic nationalism.
The Prussian scholar Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) originated the term in 1772 in his "Treatise on the Origin of Language" stressing the role of a common language.
He attached exceptional importance to the concepts of nationality and
of patriotism – "he that has lost his patriotic spirit has lost
himself and the whole world about himself", whilst teaching that "in a
certain sense every human perfection is national".
19th century
The political development of nationalism and the push for popular sovereignty
culminated with the ethnic/national revolutions of Europe. During the
19th century nationalism became one of the most significant political
and social forces in history; it is typically listed among the top
causes of World War I.
Napoleon's conquests of the German and Italian states around
1800–06 played a major role in stimulating nationalism and the demands
for national unity.
France
A painting by Alphonse-Marie-Adolphe de Neuville from 1887 depicting French students being taught about the lost provinces of Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Germany in 1871.
Nationalism in France gained early expressions in France's revolutionary
government. In 1793, that government declared a mass conscription (levée en masse) with a call to service:
Henceforth, until the enemies have been driven from the territory of the Republic, all the French are in permanent requisition for army service. The young men shall go to battle; the married men shall forge arms in the hospitals; the children shall turn old linen to lint; the old men shall repair to the public places, to stimulate the courage of the warriors and preach the unity of the Republic and the hatred of kings.
This
nationalism gained pace after the French Revolution came to a close.
Defeat in war, with a loss in territory, was a powerful force in
nationalism. In France, revenge and return of Alsace-Lorraine
was a powerful motivating force for a quarter century after their
defeat by Germany in 1871. However, after 1895 French nationalists
focused on Dreyfus and internal subversion, and the Alsace issue petered
out.
The French reaction was a famous case of Revanchism ("revenge")
which demands the return of lost territory that "belongs" to the
national homeland. Revanchism draws its strength from patriotic and
retributionist thought and it is often motivated by economic or
geo-political factors. Extreme revanchist ideologues often represent a
hawkish stance, suggesting that their desired objectives can be achieved
through the positive outcome of another war. It is linked with
irredentism, the conception that a part of the cultural and ethnic
nation remains "unredeemed" outside the borders of its appropriate
nation state. Revanchist politics often rely on the identification of a
nation with a nation state, often mobilizing deep-rooted sentiments of
ethnic nationalism, claiming territories outside the state where members
of the ethnic group live, while using heavy-handed nationalism to
mobilize support for these aims. Revanchist justifications are often
presented as based on ancient or even autochthonous occupation of a
territory since "time immemorial", an assertion that is usually
inextricably involved in revanchism and irredentism, justifying them in
the eyes of their proponents.
The Dreyfus Affair
in France 1894–1906 made the battle against treason and disloyalty a
central theme for conservative Catholic French nationalists. Dreyfus, a
Jew, was an outsider, that is in the views of intense nationalists, not a
true Frenchman, not one to be trusted, not one to be given the benefit
of the doubt. True loyalty to the nation, from the conservative
viewpoint, was threatened by liberal and republican principles of
liberty and equality that were leading the country to disaster.
Russia
The Millennium of Russia monument built in 1862 to celebrate one-thousand years of Russian history.
Before 1815, the sense of Russian nationalism was weak – what there was focused on loyal obedience to the tsar.
The Russian motto "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality" was coined by Count Sergey Uvarov and adopted by Emperor Nicholas I as official ideology. Three components of Uvarov's triad were:
- Orthodoxy—Orthodox Christianity and protection of the Russian Orthodox Church.
- Autocracy—unconditional loyalty to the House of Romanov in return for paternalist protection for all social estates.
- Nationality (Narodnost, has been also translated as national spirit)—recognition of the state-founding role on Russian nationality.
By the 1860s, as a result of the educational indoctrination, and
conservative resistance to ideas and ideologies from Western Europe, a
pan-Slavic had emerged that produce both a sense of Russian nationalism,
and a nationalistic mission to support and protect pan-Slavism. This Slavophile
movement became popular in 19th-century Russia. Slavophiles opposed
influences of Western Europe in Russia and were determined to protect
Russian culture and traditions. Aleksey Khomyakov, Ivan Kireyevsky, and Konstantin Aksakov are credited with co-founding the movement.
Latin America
An upsurge in nationalism in Latin America in 1810s and 1820s sparked revolutions that cost Spain nearly all its colonies there.
Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal
Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies so nationalism flourished
and trade with Spain was suspended. The colonies set up temporary
governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. The
division exploded between Spaniards who were born in Spain (called
"peninsulares") versus those of Spanish descent born in New Spain
(called "criollos" in Spanish or "creoles" in English). The two groups
wrestled for power, with the criollos leading the call for independence.
Spain tried to use its armies to fight back but had no help from
European powers. Indeed, Britain and the United States worked against Spain, enforcing the Monroe Doctrine. Spain lost all of its American colonies, except Cuba and Puerto Rico, in a complex series of revolts from 1808 to 1826.
Germany
Revolutionaries in Vienna with German tricolor flags, May 1848
In the German states west of Prussia, Napoleon abolished many of the old or medieval relics, such as dissolving the Holy Roman Empire in 1806. He imposed rational legal systems and demonstrated how dramatic changes were possible. His organization of the Confederation of the Rhine in 1806 promoted a feeling of nationalism.
Nationalists sought to encompass masculinity in their quest for strength and unity. It was Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck
who achieved German unification through a series of highly successful
short wars against Denmark, Austria and France which thrilled the
pan-German nationalists in the smaller German states. They fought in his
wars and eagerly joined the new German Empire, which Bismarck ran as a
force for balance and peace in Europe after 1871.
In the 19th century German nationalism was promoted by
Hegelian-oriented academic historians who saw Prussia as the true
carrier of the German spirit, and the power of the state as the ultimate
goal of nationalism. The three main historians were Johann Gustav Droysen (1808–1884), Heinrich von Sybel (1817–1895) and Heinrich von Treitschke
(1834–1896). Droysen moved from liberalism to an intense nationalism
that celebrated Prussian Protestantism, efficiency, progress, and
reform, in striking contrast to Austrian Catholicism, impotency and
backwardness. He idealized the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia. His
large-scale History of Prussian Politics (14 vol 1855–1886) was
foundational for nationalistic students and scholars. Von Sybel founded
and edited the leading academic history journal, Historische Zeitschrift
and as the director of the Prussian state archives published massive
compilations that were devoured by scholars of nationalism.
The most influential of the German nationalist historians, was
Treitschke who had an enormous influence on elite students at Heidelberg
and Berlin universities.
Treitschke vehemently attacked parliamentarianism, socialism, pacifism,
the English, the French, the Jews, and the internationalists. The core
of his message was the need for a strong, unified state—a unified
Germany under Prussian supervision. "It is the highest duty of the State
to increase its power," he stated. Although he was a descendant of a
Czech family he considered himself not Slavic but German: "I am 1000
times more the patriot than a professor."
Portrait of Adolf Hitler.
German nationalism, expressed through the ideology of Nazism,
however, may also be understood as trans-national in nature. This aspect
was primarily advocated by Adolf Hitler which later became the Fuhrer
of the Nazi Party. The National Socialist German Workers' Party or
Na-Si, pronounced as Nazi in English, were devoted to what they
identified as an Aryan race, residing in Austria, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and parts of Czechoslovakia and Latvia.
Meanwhile, the Nazis rejected many of the well-established citizens within those same countries, such as the Romani
(Gypsies) and of course Jews, whom they did not identify as Aryan.
Meanwhile, a key Nazi doctrine was "Living Space" (for Aryans only) or "Lebensraum," which was a vast undertaking to transplant Aryans throughout Poland, much of Eastern Europe and the Baltic nations, and all of Western Russia and Ukraine.
Lebensraum was thus a vast project for advancing the Aryan race far
outside of any particular nation or national borders. The Nazi's goals
were racist focused on advancing the Aryan race as they perceived it, eugenics
modification of the human race, and the eradication of human beings
that they deemed inferior. But their goals were trans-national and
intended to spread across as much of the world as they could achieve.
Although Nazism glorified German history, it also embraced the supposed
virtues and achievements of the Aryan race in other countries, including India.
The Nazis' Aryanism longed for now-extinct species of superior bulls
once used as livestock by Aryans and other features of Aryan history
that never resided within the borders of Germany as a nation.
Italy
People cheering as Giuseppe Garibaldi enters Naples in 1860
Italian nationalism emerged in the 19th century and was the driving force for Italian unification or the Risorgimento
(meaning the "Resurgence" or "Revival"). It was the political and
intellectual movement that consolidated the different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861. The memory of the Risorgimento is central to Italian nationalism but it was based in the liberal middle classes and ultimately proved weak. Two major groups remained opposed,
those from the South or "Mezzogiorno" (formerly known as the Kingdom of the two Sicilies)
and the devout Catholics. The new government treated the newly-annexed
South as a conquered province with ridicule for its "backward" and
poverty-stricken society, its poor grasp of standard Italian (as Italo-Dalmatian dialects of Neapolitan and Sicilian
were prevalent in the common use) and its traditions. The liberals had
always been strong opponents of the pope and the very well organized
Catholic Church. The pope had been in political control of central Italy;
he lost that in 1860 and Rome as well in 1870. He had long been the
leader of opposition to modern liberalism and refused to accept the
terms offered by the new Italian government. He called himself a
"prisoner" in the Vatican and forbade Catholics to vote or engage in politics. The Catholic alienation lasted until 1929. The liberal government under the Sicilian Francesco Crispi
sought to enlarge his political base by emulating Otto von Bismarck and
firing up Italian nationalism with a hyper-aggressive foreign policy.
It crashed and his cause was set back. Historian R.J.B. Bosworth says of
his nationalistic foreign policy that:
(Crispi) pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled until the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friends with this suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies. His policies were ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colonial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted when on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian forces at Adowa ... in what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern army. Crispi, whose private life (he was perhaps a trigamist) and personal finances...were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.
— R.J.B. Bosworth, Italy and the Wider World: 1860–1960, 2013, Routledge, p.29, ISBN 978-1-134-78088-4
Meanwhile, a third major group emerged that was hostile to
nationalism as radical socialist elements became a force in the
industrial North,
and they too rejected liberalism. Italy joined the Allies in the First
World War after getting promises of territory, but its war effort was a
fiasco that discredited liberalism and paved the way for Benito Mussolini
and a political doctrine of his own creation, fascism. Mussolini's
20-year dictatorship involved a highly aggressive nationalism that led
to a series of wars, an alliance with Hitler's Germany, and humiliation
and hardship in the Second World War. After 1945, the Catholics returned
to government and tensions eased somewhat, but the former two Sicilies
remained poor and ridiculed. The working class now voted for the
Communist Party, and it looked to Moscow rather than Rome for
inspiration, and was kept out of the national government even as it
controlled industrial cities across the North. In the 21st century, the
Communists have become marginal but political tensions remained high as
shown by Bossi's Padanism in the 80s (whose party
has come to partially embrace a moderate version of Italian nationalism
over the years) and other separatist movements spread across the
country.
Beginning in 1821, the Greek War of Independence began as a rebellion by Greek revolutionaries against the ruling Ottoman Empire.
Greece
The Greek drive for independence from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s
and 1830s inspired supporters across Christian Europe, especially in
Britain. France, Russia and Britain critically intervened to ensure the
success of this nationalist endeavour.
Serbia
For centuries the Orthodox Christian Serbs were ruled by the Muslim Ottoman Empire. The success of the Serbian Revolution against Ottoman rule in 1817 marked the birth of the Principality of Serbia. It achieved de facto independence in 1867 and finally gained international recognition in 1878. Serbia had sought to liberate and unite with Bosnia and Herzegovina to the west and Old Serbia (Kosovo and Vardar Macedonia) to the south. Nationalist circles in both Serbia and Croatia (in the Habsburg Empire) began to advocate for a greater South Slavic union in the 1860s, claiming Bosnia as their common land based on shared language and tradition. In 1914, Serb revolutionaries in Bosnia assassinated Archduke Ferdinand. Austria-Hungary, with German backing, tried to crush Serbia in 1914, thus igniting the First World War in which Austria-Hungary dissolved into nation states.
In 1918, the region of Banat, Bačka and Baranja proclaimed its secession from Austria-Hungary to unite with Serbia; the Kingdom of Serbia joined the union with State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs on 1 December 1918, and the country was named Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. It was renamed Yugoslavia, and a Yugoslav identity was promoted, which ultimately failed. After the Second World War, Yugoslav Communists established a new socialist republic of Yugoslavia. That state broke up in the 1990s.
Poland
The cause of Polish nationalism was repeatedly frustrated before 1918. In the 1790s, Austria, Prussia, and Russia
invaded, annexed, and subsequently partitioned Poland. Napoleon set up the Duchy of Warsaw, a new Polish state that ignited a spirit of nationalism. Russia took it over in 1815 as Congress Poland with the tsar proclaimed as "King of Poland". Large-scale nationalist revolts erupted in 1830 and 1863–64 but were harshly crushed by Russia, which tried to make the Polish language, culture and religion
more like Russia's. The collapse of the Russian Empire in the First
World War enabled the major powers to re-establish an independent
Poland, which survived until 1939. Meanwhile, Poles in areas controlled
by Germany moved into heavy industry but their religion came under
attack by Bismarck in the Kulturkampf of the 1870s. The Poles joined German Catholics in a well-organized new Centre Party, and defeated Bismarck politically. He responded by stopping the harassment and cooperating with the Centre Party.
In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Polish nationalist leaders endorsed the Piast Concept.
It held there was a Polish utopia during the Piast Dynasty a thousand
years before, and modern Polish nationalists should restore its central
values of Poland for the Poles. Jan Poplawski had developed the "Piast
Concept" in the 1890s, and it formed the centerpiece of Polish
nationalist ideology, especially as presented by the National Democracy Party, known as the "Endecja," which was led by Roman Dmowski. In contrast with the Jagiellon concept, there was no concept for a multi-ethnic Poland.
General Simón Bolívar, (1783–1830), a leader of independence in Latin America.
The Piast concept stood in opposition to the "Jagiellon Concept,"
which allowed for multi-ethnicism and Polish rule over numerous minority
groups such as those in the Kresy. The Jagiellon Concept was the official policy of the government in the 1920s and 1930s. Soviet dictator Josef Stalin at Tehran in 1943 rejected the Jagiellon Concept because it involved Polish rule over Ukrainians and Belarusians. He instead endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west.
After 1945 the Soviet-back puppet communist regime wholeheartedly
adopted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to
be the "true inheritors of Polish nationalism". After all the killings,
including Nazi German occupation, terror in Poland and population
transfers during and after the war, the nation was officially declared
as 99% ethnically Polish.
Jewish Nationalism
Jewish nationalism arose in the latter half of the 19th century and it was largely correlated with the Zionist movement. This term originated from the word Zion, which was one of the Torah's names for the city of Jerusalem. The end goal of the nationalists and Zionists was to establish a sovereign Jewish state in the land of Palestine.
A tumultuous history of living in oppressive, foreign, and uncertain
circumstances led the supporters of the movement to draft a declaration
of independence, claiming Israel as a birthplace. The first and second
destructions of the temple and ancient Torah prophecies largely shaped
the incentives of the Jewish nationalists. Many prominent theories in
Jewish theology and eschatology were formed by supporters and opponents
of the movement in this era.
It was the French Revolution
of 1789, which sparked new waves of thinking across Europe regarding
governance and sovereignty. A shift from the traditional hierarchy-based
system towards political individualism and citizen-states posed a
dilemma for the Jews. Citizenship was now essential, when it came to
ensuring basic legal and residential rights. This resulted in more and
more Jews choosing to identify with certain nationalities in order to
maintain these rights. Logic said that a nation-based system of states
would require the Jews themselves to claim their own right to be
considered a nation due to a distinguishable language and history.
Historian David Engel has explained that Zionism was more about fear
that a majority of worldwide Jews would end up dispersed and
unprotected, rather than fulfilling old prophecies and traditions of
historical texts.
20th century
China
The awakening of nationalism across Asia helped shape the history of the continent. The key episode was the decisive defeat of Russia
by Japan in 1905, demonstrating the military superiority of
non-Europeans in a modern war. The defeat which quickly led to
manifestations of a new interest in nationalism in China, as well as
Turkey, and Persia. In China Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) launched his new party the Kuomintang (National People's Party) in defiance of the decrepit Empire, which was run by outsiders. Kuomintang recruits pledged:
...from this moment I will destroy the old and build the new, and fight for the self-determination of the people, and will apply all my strength to the support of the Chinese Republic and the realization of democracy through the Three Principles, ... for the progress of good government, the happiness and perpetual peace of the people, and for the strengthening of the foundations of the state in the name of peace throughout the world.
The Kuomintang largely ran China until the Communists took over in
1949. but the latter had also been strongly influence by Sun's
nationalism as well as by the May Fourth Movement
in 1919. It was a nationwide protest movement about the domestic
backwardness of China and has often been depicted as the intellectual
foundation for Chinese Communism. The New Culture Movement stimulated by the May Fourth Movement waxed strong throughout the 1920s and 1930s. According to historian Patricia Ebrey:
Nationalism, patriotism, progress, science, democracy, and freedom were the goals; imperialism, feudalism, warlordism, autocracy, patriarchy, and blind adherence to tradition were the enemies. Intellectuals struggled with how to be strong and modern and yet Chinese, how to preserve China as a political entity in the world of competing nations.
Africa
Kenneth Kaunda, an anti-colonial political leader from Zambia, pictured at a nationalist rally in colonial Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) in 1960
In the 1880s the European powers divided up almost all of Africa
(only Ethiopia and Liberia were independent). They ruled until after
World War II when forces of nationalism grew much stronger. In the
1950s and 1960s the colonial holdings became independent states. The
process was usually peaceful but there were several long bitter bloody
civil wars, as in Algeria, Kenya
and elsewhere.
Across Africa nationalism drew upon the organizational skills that
natives learned in the British and French and other armies in the world
wars. It led to organizations that were not controlled by or endorsed by
either the colonial powers not the traditional local power structures
that were collaborating with the colonial powers. Nationalistic
organizations began to challenge both the traditional and the new
colonial structures and finally displaced them. Leaders of nationalist
movements took control when the European authorities exited; many ruled
for decades or until they died off. These structures included political,
educational, religious, and other social organizations. In recent
decades, many African countries have undergone the triumph and defeat of
nationalistic fervor, changing in the process the loci of the
centralizing state power and patrimonial state.
South Africa,
a British colony, was exceptional in that it became virtually
independent by 1931. From 1948 to 1994, it was controlled by white Afrikaner nationalists focused on racial segregation and white minority rule known officially as apartheid. The black nationalist movement fought them until success was achieved by the African National Congress in 1994 and Nelson Mandela was elected President.
Middle East
Arab nationalism,
a movement toward liberating and empowering the Arab peoples of the
Middle East, emerged during the latter 19th century, inspired by other
independence movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. As the Ottoman Empire
declined and the Middle East was carved up by the Great Powers of
Europe, Arabs sought to establish their own independent nations ruled by
Arabs rather than foreigners. Syria was established in 1920; Transjordan (later Jordan) gradually gained independence between 1921 and 1946; Saudi Arabia was established in 1932; and Egypt achieved gradually gained independence between 1922 and 1952. The Arab League was established in 1945 to promote Arab interests and cooperation between the new Arab states.
Parallel to these efforts was the Zionist movement which emerged among European Jews in the 19th century. Beginning in 1882 Jews, predominantly from Europe, began emigrating to Ottoman Palestine with the goal of establishing a new Jewish homeland. The effort culminated in the declaration of the State of Israel
in 1948. As this move conflicted with the belief among Arab
nationalists that Palestine was part of the Arab nation, the neighboring
Arab nations launched an invasion
to claim the region. The invasion was only partly successful and led to
decades of clashes between the Arab and Jewish nationalist ideologies.
Post-Communism
There was a rise in extreme nationalism after the Revolutions of 1989 triggered the collapse of communism
in the 1990s. When communism fell, it left many people with no
identity. The people under communist rule had to integrate, and they
found themselves free to choose. Given free choice, long dormant
conflicts rose up and created sources of serious conflict. When communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the rise in extreme nationalism.
In his 1992 article Jihad vs. McWorld, Benjamin Barber
proposed that the fall of communism will cause large numbers of people
to search for unity and that small scale wars will become common; groups
will attempt to redraw boundaries, identities, cultures and ideologies. Communism's fall also allowed for an "us vs. them" mentality to sprout up.
Governments become vehicles for social interests and the country will
attempt to form national policies based on the majority, for example
culture, religion or ethnicity.
Some newly sprouted democracies have large differences in policies on
matters that ranged from immigration and human rights to trade and
commerce.
Academic Steven Berg felt that at the root of nationalist conflicts is the demand for autonomy and a separate existence.
This nationalism can give rise to strong emotions that may lead to a
group fighting to survive, especially as after the fall of communism,
political boundaries did not match ethnic boundaries.
Serious conflicts often arose and escalated very easily as individuals
and groups acted upon their beliefs, causing death and destruction.
When this would happen, those states who were unable to contain the
conflict ran the risk of slowing their democratization progress.
Yugoslavia was established after WWI and was a merger of three
separate ethnic groups; Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The national census
numbers for a ten-year span 1971–1981 measured an increase from 1.3 to
5.4% in their population that ethnically identified as Yugoslav.
This meant that the country, almost as a whole, was divided by
distinctive religious, ethnic or national loyalties after nearly 50
years.
Within Yugoslavia, separating Croatia and Slovenia from the rest
of Yugoslavia is an invisible line of previous conquests of the region.
Croatia and Slovenia to the northwest were conquered by Catholics or
Protestants, and benefited from European history; the Renaissance,
French Revolution, Industrial Revolution and are more inclined towards
democracy.
The remaining Yugoslavian territory was conquered by the Ottoman or
Tsarists empires; are Orthodox or Muslims, are less economically
advanced and are less inclined toward democracy.
In the 1970s the leadership of the separate territories within
Yugoslavia protected only territorial interests at the expense of other
territories. In Croatia, there was almost a split within the territory
between Serbs and Croats so any political decision would kindle unrest,
and tensions could cross the territories adjacent; Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
Within Bosnia there was no group who had a majority; Muslim, Serb,
Croat, and Yugoslav were all there so the leadership could not advance
here either. Political organizations were not able to deal successfully
with such diverse nationalism. Within the territories the leadership
could not compromise. To do so would create a winner in one ethnic group
and a loser in another, raising the possibility of a serious conflict.
This strengthened the political stance promoting ethnic identities.
This caused intense and divided political leadership within Yugoslavia.
Changes in national boundaries in post-Soviet states after the collapse of communism followed by a resurgence of nationalism.
In the 1980s Yugoslavia began to break into fragments.
The economic conditions within Yugoslavia were deteriorating. Conflict
in the disputed territories was stimulated by the rise in mass
nationalism and inter-ethnic hostilities.
The per-capita income of people in the northwest territory,
encompassing Croatia and Slovenia, in contrast to the southern territory
were several times higher. This combined with escalating violence from
ethnic Albanians and Serbs within Kosovo intensified economic
conditions.
This violence greatly contributed to the rise of extreme nationalism of
Serbs in Serbia and within Yugoslavia. The ongoing conflict in Kosovo
was propagandized by Communist Serbian Slobodan Milosevic to further
increase Serb nationalism. As mentioned, this nationalism did give rise
to powerful emotions which grew the force of Serbian nationalism through
highly nationalist demonstrations in Vojvodina, Serbia, Montenegro, and
Kosovo. Serbian nationalism was so high, Slobodan Milosevic was able to
oust leaders in Vojvodina and Montenegro, further repressed Albanians
within Kosovo and eventually controlled four of the eight
regions/territories. Slovenia, one of the four regions not under Communist control, favoring a democratic state.
Within Slovenia, fear was mounting because Milosevic was using
the militia to suppress a in Kosovo, what would he do to Slovenia.
Half of Yugoslavia wanted to be democratic, the other wanted a new
nationalist authoritarian regime. In fall of 1989 tensions came to a
head and Slovenia asserted its political and economic independence from
Yugoslavia and seceded. In January 1990, there was a total break with
Serbia at the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, an institution
conceived by Milosevic to strengthen unity and became the backdrop for
the fall of communism within Yugoslavia.
In August 1990, a warning to the region was issued when
ethnically divided groups attempted to alter the government structure.
The republic borders established by the Communist regime in the postwar
period were extremely vulnerable to challenges from ethnic
communities.Ethnic communities arose because they did not share the
identity with everyone within the new post-Communist borders.
This threatened the new governments. The same disputes were erupting
that were in place prior to Milosevic and were compounded by actions
from his regime.
Also within the territory the Croats and the Serbs were in direct
competition for control of government. Elections were held and
increased potential conflicts between Serb and Croat nationalism. Serbia
wanted to be separate and decide its own future based on its own ethnic
composition. But this would then give Kosovo encouragement to become
independent from Serbia. Albanians in Kosovo were already independent
from Kosovo. Serbia didn't want to let Kosovo become independent.
Muslims nationalists wanted their own territory but it would require a
redrawing of the map, and would threaten neighboring territories. When
communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the
rise in extreme nationalism.
Nationalism again gave rise to powerful emotions which evoked in
some extreme cases, a willingness to die for what you believe in, a
fight for the survival of the group.
The end of communism began a long period of conflict and war for the
region. In the six years following the collapse 200,000-500-000 people
died in the Bosnian war. Bosnian Muslims suffered at the hands of the Serbs and Croats.
The war garnered assistance from groups; Muslim, Orthodox and Western
Christian as well as state actors who supplied all sides; Saudi Arabia
and Iran supported Bosnia, Russia supported Serbia, Central European and
Western countries including the U.S. supported Croatia, and the Pope
supported Slovenia and Croatia.
21st century
Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, Law and Justice (PiS) leader Jarosław Kaczyński and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, 6 April 2018
Arab nationalism
began to decline in the 21st century leading to localized nationalism,
culminating in a series of revolts against authoritarian regimes between
2010 and 2012, known as the Arab Spring.
Following these revolts, which mostly failed to improve conditions in
the affected nations, Arab nationalism and even most local nationalistic
movements declined dramatically. A consequence of the Arab Spring as well as the 2003 invasion of Iraq were the civil wars in Iraq and Syria, which eventually joined to form a single conflict. However, a new form of Arab nationalism has developed in the wake of the Arab Winter, embodied by Egyptian President Abdel Fatteh el-Sisi, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman and UAE leader Mohammed bin Zayed.
The rise of globalism in the late 20th century led to a rise in nationalism and populism in Europe and North America. This trend was further fueled by increased terrorism in the West (the September 11 attacks in the U.S. being a prime example), increasing unrest and civil wars in the Middle East, and waves of Muslim refugees flooding into Europe (as of 2016 the refugee crisis appears to have peaked). Nationalist groups like Germany's Pegida, France's National Front, and the UK Independence Party gained prominence in their respective nations advocating restrictions on immigration to protect the local populations.
In Russia, exploitation of nationalist sentiments allowed Vladimir Putin to consolidate power. This nationalist sentiment was used in Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and other actions in Ukraine.
Nationalist movements gradually began to rise in Central Europe as
well, particularly Poland, under the influence of the ruling party, Law and Justice (led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski). In Hungary, the anti-immigration rhetoric and stance against foreign influence is a powerful national glue promoted the ruling Fidesz party (led by Viktor Orbán). Nationalist parties have also joined governing coalitions in Bulgaria, Slovakia and Latvia.
In India, Hindu nationalism has gained ground due to the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's closely affiliated Bharatiya Janata Party, emphasizing Hinduism as a guiding principle of the country as opposed to the secular stance taken by India's founders.
A referendum on Scottish independence from the United Kingdom was held on 18 September 2014. The proposal was defeated, with 55.3% voting against independence. In a 2016 referendum, the British populace voted to withdraw the United Kingdom from the European Union (the so-called Brexit). The result had been largely unexpected and was seen as a victory of populism.
As the promise of continued EU membership was a core feature of the
pro-unionist campaign during the Scottish referendum, the months since
the EU Referendum vote have seen renewed calls for a second referendum on Scottish independence.
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Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, sometimes called a "Tropical Trump"
The 2016 U.S. presidential campaign saw the unprecedented rise of Donald Trump,
a businessman with no political experience who ran on a
populist/nationalist platform and struggled to gain endorsements from
mainstream political figures, even within his own party. Trump's slogans
"Make America Great Again" and "America First"
exemplified his campaign's repudiation of globalism and its staunchly
nationalistic outlook. His unexpected victory in the election was seen
as part of the same trend that had brought about the Brexit vote.
On October 22, 2018, two weeks before the mid-term elections President
Trump openly proclaimed that he was a nationalist to a cheering crowd at
a rally in Texas in support of re-electing Sen. Ted Cruz who was once
an adversary. On October 29, 2018 he equated nationalism to patriotism, saying "I'm proud of this country and I call that 'nationalism.'"
In Japan, nationalist influences in the government developed over
the course of the early 21 century, thanks in large part to the Nippon Kaigi
organization. The new movement has advocated re-establishing Japan as a
military power and revising historical narratives to support the notion
of a moral and strong Japan.
In 2016, Rodrigo Duterte became president of the Philippines
running a distinctly nationalist campaign. Contrary to the policies of
his recent predecessors, he distanced the country from the Philippines'
former ruler, the United States, and sought closer ties with China (as
well as Russia).
During 2017, Turkish nationalism propelled President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to gain unprecedented power in a national referendum.
Reactions from world leaders were mixed, with Western European leaders
generally expressing concern while the leaders of many of the more
authoritarian regimes, as well as President Donald Trump, offered their
congratulations.
Political science
Many
political scientists have theorized about the foundations of the modern
nation-state and the concept of sovereignty. The concept of nationalism
in political science draws from these theoretical foundations.
Philosophers like Machiavelli, Locke, Hobbes, and Rousseau conceptualized the state as the result of a "social contract" between rulers and individuals. Weber
provides the most commonly used definition of the state, "that human
community which successfully lays claim to the monopoly of legitimate
physical violence within a certain territory". According to Benedict Anderson, nations are "Imagined Communities", or socially constructed institutions.
Many scholars have noted the relationship between state-building,
war, and nationalism. Many scholars believe that the development of
nationalism in Europe (and subsequently the modern nation-state) was due
to the threat of war. "External threats have such a powerful effect on
nationalism because people realize in a profound manner that they are
under threat because of who they are as a nation; they are forced to
recognize that it is only as a nation that they can successfully defeat
the threat". With increased external threats, the state's extractive capacities increase. Jeffrey Herbst
argues that the lack of external threats to countries in Sub-Saharan
Africa, post-independence, is linked to weak state nationalism and state
capacity . Barry Posen
argues that nationalism increases the intensity of war, and that states
deliberately promote nationalism with the aim of improving their
military capabilities.
Sociology
The
sociological or modernist interpretation of nationalism and
nation-building argues that nationalism arises and flourishes in modern
societies that have an industrial economy capable of
self-sustainability, a central supreme authority capable of maintaining
authority and unity, and a centralized language understood by a
community of people.
Modernist theorists note that this is only possible in modern
societies, while traditional societies typically lack the prerequisites
for nationalism. They lack a modern self-sustainable economy, have
divided authorities, and use multiple languages resulting in many groups
being unable to communicate with each other.
Prominent theorists who developed the modernist interpretation of nations and nationalism include: Carlton J. H. Hayes, Henry Maine, Ferdinand Tönnies, Rabindranath Tagore, Émile Durkheim, Max Weber, Arnold Joseph Toynbee and Talcott Parsons.
Henry Maine in his analysis of the historical changes and
development of human societies noted the key distinction between
traditional societies defined as "status" societies based on family
association and functionally diffuse roles for individuals; and modern
societies defined as "contract" societies where social relations are
determined by rational contracts pursued by individuals to advance their
interests. Maine saw the development of societies as moving away from
traditional status societies to modern contract societies.
Ferdinand Tönnies in his book Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) defined a Gemeinschaft (community) as being based on emotional attachments as attributed with traditional societies, while defining a Gesellschaft
(society) as an impersonal society that is modern. While he recognized
the advantages of modern societies he also criticized them for their
cold and impersonal nature that caused alienation while praising the intimacy of traditional communities.
Émile Durkheim expanded upon Tönnies' recognition of alienation,
and defined the differences between traditional and modern societies as
being between societies based upon "mechanical solidarity" versus
societies based on "organic solidarity".
Durkheim identified mechanical solidarity as involving custom, habit,
and repression that was necessary to maintain shared views. Durkheim
identified organic solidarity-based societies as modern societies where
there exists a division of labour based on social differentiation that
causes alienation. Durkheim claimed that social integration in
traditional society required authoritarian culture involving acceptance
of a social order. Durkheim claimed that modern society bases
integration on the mutual benefits of the division of labour, but noted
that the impersonal character of modern urban life caused alienation and
feelings of anomie.
Max Weber claimed the change that developed modern society and
nations is the result of the rise of a charismatic leader to power in a
society who creates a new tradition or a rational-legal system that
establishes the supreme authority of the state. Weber's conception of
charismatic authority has been noted as the basis of many nationalist
governments.
Primordialist evolutionary interpretation
Another
approach emerging from biology and psychology looks at long-term
evolutionary forces that might lead to nationalism. The primordialist
perspective is based upon evolutionary theory.
This approach has been popular with the general public but is
typically rejected by experts. Laland and Brown report that "the vast
majority of professional academics in the social sciences not only ...
ignore evolutionary methods but in many cases [are] extremely hostile to
the arguments" that draw vast generalizations from rather limited
evidence.
The evolutionary theory of nationalism perceives nationalism to
be the result of the evolution of human beings into identifying with
groups, such as ethnic groups, or other groups that form the foundation
of a nation. Roger Masters in The Nature of Politics
describes the primordial explanation of the origin of ethnic and
national groups as recognizing group attachments that are thought to be
unique, emotional, intense, and durable because they are based upon kinship and promoted along lines of common ancestry.
The primordialist evolutionary views of nationalism often reference the evolutionary theories of Charles Darwin as well as Social Darwinist views of the late nineteenth century. Thinkers like Herbert Spencer and Walter Bagehot
reinterpreted Darwin's theory of natural selection "often in ways
inconsistent with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution" by making
unsupported claims of biological difference among groups, ethnicities,
races, and nations.
Modern evolutionary sciences have distanced themselves from such views,
but notions of long-term evolutionary change remain foundational to the
work of evolutionary psychologists like John Tooby and Leda Cosmides.
Approached through the primordialist perspective, the example of
seeing the mobilization of a foreign military force on the nation's
borders may provoke members of a national group to unify and mobilize
themselves in response.
There are proximate environments where individuals identify
nonimmediate real or imagined situations in combination with immediate
situations that make individuals confront a common situation of both
subjective and objective components that affect their decisions. As such proximate environments cause people to make decisions based on existing situations and anticipated situations.
Nationalist and liberal pressure led to the European revolutions of 1848
Critics argue that primordial models relying on evolutionary
psychology are based not on historical evidence but on assumptions of
unobserved changes over thousands of years and assume stable genetic
composition of the population living in a specific area, and are
incapable of handling the contingencies that characterize every known
historical process. Robert Hislope argues:
...the articulation of cultural evolutionary theory represents theoretical progress over sociobiology, but its explanatory payoff remains limited due to the role of contingency in human affairs and the significance of non-evolutionary, proximate causal factors. While evolutionary theory undoubtedly elucidates the development of all organic life, it would seem to operate best at macro-levels of analysis, "distal" points of explanation, and from the perspective of the long-term. Hence, it is bound to display shortcomings at micro-level events that are highly contingent in nature.
English Historian G. P. Gooch
in 1920 argued that "While patriotism is as old as human association
and has gradually widened its sphere from the clan and the tribe to the
city and the state, nationalism as an operative principle and an
articulate creed only made its appearance among the more complicated
intellectual processes of the modern world.
Marxist interpretations
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels declared in the Communist Manifesto that "the working men have no country".
Vladimir Lenin supported the concept of self-determination.
Joseph Stalin's Marxism and the National Question (1913) declares that "a nation is not a racial or tribal, but a historically constituted community of people;" "a nation is not a casual or ephemeral conglomeration, but a stable community of people"; "a nation is formed only as a result of lengthy and systematic intercourse,
as a result of people living together generation after generation";
and, in its entirety: "a nation is a historically constituted, stable
community of people, formed on the basis of a common language,
territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a
common culture."
However, with Stalin at the helm in 1929 it was under attack. He criticized Nikolai Bukharin's position that the proletariat was hostile to the inclinations of the state, arguing that since the state (the Soviet Union) was in transition from capitalism to socialism the relationship between the state and the proletariat was harmonious. By 1936, Stalin argued that the state would still exist if the Soviet Union reached the communist mode of production if the socialist world was encircled by capitalist forces.
Varieties
Historians, sociologists, and anthropologists have debated different types of nationalism since at least the 1930s.
Generally, the most common way of classifying nationalism has been to
describe movements as having either "civic" or "ethnic" nationalist
characteristics. This distinction was popularized in the 1950s by Hans Kohn
who described "civic" nationalism as "Western" and more democratic
while depicting "ethnic" nationalism as "Eastern" and undemocratic.
Since the 1980s, however, scholars of nationalism have pointed out
numerous flaws in this rigid division and proposed more specific
classifications and numerous varieties.
Civic nationalism and liberal nationalism
Civic
nationalism defines the nation as an association of people who identify
themselves as belonging to the nation, who have equal and shared
political rights, and allegiance to similar political procedures.
According to the principles of civic nationalism, the nation is not
based on common ethnic ancestry, but is a political entity whose core
identity is not ethnicity. This civic concept of nationalism is
exemplified by Ernest Renan in his lecture in 1882 "What is a Nation?", where he defined the nation as a "daily referendum" (frequently translated "daily plebiscite") dependent on the will of its people to continue living together.
Civic nationalism is normally associated with liberal nationalism,
although the two are distinct, and did not always coincide. On the one
hand, until the late 19th and early 20th century adherents to
anti-Enlightenment movements such as French Legitimism or Spanish Carlism
often rejected the liberal, national unitary state, yet identified
themselves not with an ethnic nation but with a non-national dynasty and
regional feudal privileges. Xenophobic movements in long-established
Western European states indeed often took a 'civic national' form,
rejecting a given group's ability to assimilate with the nation due to
its belonging to a cross-border community (Irish Catholics in Britain,
Ashkenazic Jews in France). On the other hand, while subnational
separatist movements were commonly associated with ethnic nationalism,
this was not always so, and such nationalists as the Corsican Republic, United Irishmen, Breton Federalist League or Catalan Republican Party could combine a rejection of the unitary civic-national state with a belief in liberal universalism.
Liberal nationalism is kind of non-xenophobic nationalism that is claimed to be compatible with liberal values of freedom, tolerance, equality, and individual rights. Ernest Renan and John Stuart Mill
are often thought to be early liberal nationalists. Liberal
nationalists often defend the value of national identity by saying that
individuals need a national identity to lead meaningful, autonomous
lives, and that liberal democratic polities need national identity to function properly.
Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is usually contrasted with ethnic nationalism.
Civic nationalism is correlated with long-established states whose
dynastic rulers had gradually acquired multiple distinct territories,
with little change to boundaries, but which contained historical
populations of multiple linguistic and/or confessional backgrounds.
Since individuals resident within different parts of the state territory
might have little obvious common ground, civic nationalism developed as
a way for rulers to both explain a contemporary reason for such
heterogeneity and to provide a common purpose (Ernest Renan's classic description in What is a Nation?
(1882) as a voluntary partnership for a common endeavour). Renan
argued that factors such as ethnicity, language, religion, economics,
geography, ruling dynasty and historic military deeds were important but
not sufficient. Needed was a spiritual soul that allowed as a "daily
referendum" among the people. Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy
in
multiethnic countries such as the United States and France, as well as
in constitutional monarchies such as Great Britain, Belgium and Spain.
German philosopher Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach does not think
liberalism and nationalism are compatible, but she points out there are
many liberals who think they are. She states:
Justifications of nationalism seem to be making a headway in political philosophy. Its proponents contend that liberalism and nationalism are not necessarily mutually exclusive and that they can in fact be made compatible. Liberal nationalists urge one to consider nationalism not as the pathology of modernity but as an answer to its malaise. For them, nationalism is more than an infantile disease, more than "the measles of mankind" as Einstein once proclaimed it to be. They argue that nationalism is a legitimate way of understanding one's role and place in life. They strive for a normative justification of nationalism which lies within liberal limits. The main claim which seems to be involved here is that as long as a nationalism abhors violence and propagates liberal rights and equal citizenship for all citizens of its state, its philosophical credentials can be considered to be sound.
Ukrainian nationalists carry portraits of Stepan Bandera and flags of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army
Ethnic nationalism
Ethnic nationalism, also known as ethno-nationalism, is a form of nationalism wherein the "nation" is defined in terms of ethnicity. The central theme of ethnic nationalists is that "nations are defined by a shared heritage, which usually includes a common language, a common faith, and a common ethnic ancestry". It also includes ideas of a culture
shared between members of the group, and with their ancestors. However,
it is different from a purely cultural definition of "the nation,"
which allows people to become members of a nation by cultural assimilation; and from a purely linguistic definition, according to which "the nation" consists of all speakers of a specific language.
Whereas nationalism in and of itself does not imply a belief in
the superiority of one ethnicity or country over others, some
nationalists support ethnocentric supremacy or protectionism.
The humiliation of being a second-class citizen led regional
minorities in multiethnic states, such as Great Britain, Spain, France,
Germany, Russia and the Ottoman Empire, to define nationalism in terms
of loyalty to their minority culture, especially language and religion.
Forced assimilation was anathema.
For the politically dominant cultural group, assimilation was
necessary to minimize disloyalty and treason and therefore became a
major component of nationalism. A second factor for the politically
dominant group was competition with neighboring states—nationalism
involved a rivalry, especially in terms of military prowess and economic
strength.
Economic nationalism
Economic nationalism, or economic patriotism, refers to an ideology that favors state interventionism in the economy, with policies that emphasize domestic control of the economy, labor, and capital formation, even if this requires the imposition of tariffs and other restrictions on the movement of labor, goods and capital.
Religious nationalism
Religious nationalism is the relationship of nationalism to a
particular religious belief, dogma, or affiliation where a shared
religion can be seen to contribute to a sense of national unity, a
common bond among the citizens of the nation. Saudi Arabian, Iranian, Egyptian, Iraqi, and the Pakistani-Islamic nationalism (Two-Nation Theory), are some examples.
Left-wing nationalism
A political mural in Caracas featuring an anti-American and anti-imperialist message.
Left-wing nationalism (occasionally known as socialist nationalism, not to be confused with national socialism) refers to any political movement that combines left-wing politics with nationalism.
Many nationalist movements are dedicated to national liberation, in the view that their nations are being persecuted by other nations and thus need to exercise self-determination by liberating themselves from the accused persecutors. Anti-revisionist Marxist–Leninism is closely tied with this ideology, and practical examples include Stalin's early work Marxism and the National Question and his socialism in one country
edict, which declares that nationalism can be used in an
internationalist context, fighting for national liberation without
racial or religious divisions.
Other examples of left-wing nationalism include Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement that launched the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Cornwall's Mebyon Kernow, Ireland's Sinn Féin, Wales's Plaid Cymru, the Awami League in Bangladesh, the African National Congress in South Africa and numerous movements in Eastern Europe.
Territorial nationalism
Some
nationalists exclude certain groups. Some nationalists, defining the
national community in ethnic, linguistic, cultural, historic, or
religious terms (or a combination of these), may then seek to deem
certain minorities as not truly being a part of the 'national community'
as they define it. Sometimes a mythic homeland is more important for
the national identity than the actual territory occupied by the nation.
Nationalist slogan "Brazil, love it or leave it", used during the Brazilian military dictatorship
Territorial nationalists assume that all inhabitants of a particular
nation owe allegiance to their country of birth or adoption .
A sacred quality is sought in the nation and in the popular memories it
evokes. Citizenship is idealized by territorial nationalists. A
criterion of a territorial nationalism is the establishment of a mass,
public culture based on common values, codes and traditions of the
population.
Integral nationalism, irredentism, and pan-nationalism
There are different types of nationalism including Risorgimento nationalism and Integral nationalism. Whereas risorgimento nationalism applies to a nation seeking to establish a liberal state (for example the Risorgimento in Italy and similar movements in Greece, Germany, Poland during the 19th century or the civic American nationalism), integral nationalism results after a nation has achieved independence and has established a state. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, according to Alter and Brown, were examples of integral nationalism.
Some of the qualities that characterize integral nationalism are anti-individualism, statism,
radical extremism, and aggressive-expansionist militarism. The term
Integral Nationalism often overlaps with fascism, although many natural
points of disagreement exist. Integral nationalism arises in countries
where a strong military ethos has become entrenched through the
independence struggle, when, once independence is achieved, it is
believed that a strong military is required to ensure the security and
viability of the new state. Also, the success of such a liberation
struggle results in feelings of national superiority that may lead to
extreme nationalism.
Pan-nationalism is unique in that it covers a large area span. Pan-nationalism focuses more on "clusters" of ethnic groups. Pan-Slavism is one example of Pan-nationalism. The goal is to unite all Slavic people into one country. They did succeed by uniting several south Slavic people into Yugoslavia in 1918.
Anti-colonial nationalism
Crowd demonstrates against Britain in Cairo on 23 October 1951 as tension continued to mount in the dispute between Egypt and Britain over control of the Suez Canal and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
This form of nationalism came about during the decolonization
of the post war periods. It was a reaction mainly in Africa and Asia
against being subdued by foreign powers. It also appeared in the
non-Russian territories of the Tsarist empire and later, the USSR, where
Ukrainianists and Islamic Marxists condemned Russian Bolshevik rule in
their territories as a renewed Russian imperialism. This form of
nationalism took many guises, including the peaceful passive resistance
movement led by Mahatma Gandhi in the Indian subcontinent.
Benedict Anderson argued that anti-colonial nationalism is
grounded in the experience of literate and bilingual indigenous
intellectuals fluent in the language of the imperial power, schooled in
its "national" history, and staffing the colonial administrative cadres
up to but not including its highest levels. Post-colonial national
governments have been essentially indigenous forms of the previous
imperial administration.
Racial nationalism
Racial nationalism is an ideology that advocates a racial definition
of national identity. Racial nationalism seeks to preserve a given race
through policies such as banning race mixing and the immigration of other races. Specific examples are black nationalism and white nationalism.
Sports nationalism
Sport spectacles like football's World Cup command worldwide
audiences as nations battle for supremacy and the fans invest intense
support for their national team. Increasingly people have tied their
loyalties and even their cultural identity to national teams.
The globalization of audiences through television and other media has
generated revenues from advertisers and subscribers in the billions of
dollars, as the FIFA Scandals of 2015 revealed.
Jeff Kingston looks at football, the Commonwealth Games, baseball,
cricket, and the Olympics and finds that, "The capacity of sports to
ignite and amplify nationalist passions and prejudices is as
extraordinary as is their power to console, unify, uplift and generate
goodwill." The phenomenon is evident across most of the world. The British Empire strongly emphasized sports among its soldiers and agents across the world, and often the locals joined in enthusiastically.
It established a high prestige competition in 1930, named the British
Empire Games from 1930–50, the British Empire and Commonwealth Games
from 1954–66, British Commonwealth Games from 1970–74 and since then the
Commonwealth Games.
The French Empire was not far behind the British in the use of
sports to strengthen colonial solidarity with France. Colonial officials
promoted and subsidized gymnastics, table games, and dance and helped
football spread to French colonies.
Gendered and muscular nationalism
Feminist
critique interprets nationalism as a mechanism through which sexual
control and repression are justified and legitimised, often by a
dominant masculine power. The gendering of nationalism through socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity
not only shapes what masculine and feminine participation in the
building of that nation will look like, but also how the nation will be
imagined by nationalists. A nation having its own identity is viewed as necessary, and often inevitable, and these identities are gendered.
The physical land itself is often gendered as female (i.e.
"Motherland"), with a body in constant danger of violation by foreign
males, while national pride and protectiveness of "her" borders is
gendered as masculine.
World War II United States Patriotic Army Recruiting Poster
History, political ideologies, and religions place most nations along a continuum of muscular nationalism.
Muscular nationalism conceptualises a nation's identity as being
derived from muscular or masculine attributes that are unique to a
particular country.
If definitions of nationalism and gender are understood as socially and
culturally constructed, the two may be constructed in conjunction by
invoking an "us" versus "them" dichotomy for the purpose of the exclusion of the so-called "other," who is used to reinforce the unifying ties of the nation.
The empowerment of one gender, nation or sexuality tends to occur at
the expense and disempowerment of another; in this way, nationalism can
be used as an instrument to perpetuate heteronormative structures of power.
The gendered manner in which dominant nationalism has been imagined in
most states in the world has had important implications on not only
individual's lived experience, but on international relations. Colonialism is heavily connected to muscular nationalism, from research linking British hegemonic masculinity and empire-building, to intersectional oppression being justified by colonialist images of “others”, a practice integral in the formation of Western identity. This “othering” may come in the form of orientalism, whereby the East is feminized and sexualized by the West. The imagined feminine East, or “other,” exists in contrast to the masculine West.
The status of conquered nations can become a causality dilemma:
the nation was “conquered because they were effeminate and seen as
effeminate because they were conquered.”
In defeat they are considered militaristically unskilled, not
aggressive, and thus not muscular. In order for a nation to be
considered “proper”, it must possess the male-gendered characteristics
of virility, as opposed to the stereotypically female characteristics of
subservience and dependency. Muscular nationalism is often inseparable from the concept of a warrior, which shares ideological
commonalities across many nations; they are defined by the masculine
notions of aggression, willingness to engage in war, decisiveness, and
muscular strength, as opposed to the feminine notions of peacefulness,
weakness, non-violence, and compassion.
This masculinized image of a warrior has been theorised to be “the
culmination of a series of gendered historical and social processes"
played out in a national and international context. Ideas of cultural dualism—of a martial man and chaste woman—which are implicit in muscular nationalism, underline the raced, classed, gendered, and heteronormative nature of dominant national identity.
Nations and gender systems are mutually supportive constructions: the nation fulfils the masculine ideals of comradeship and brotherhood. Masculinity has been cited as a notable factor in producing political militancy. A common feature of national crisis is a drastic shift in the socially acceptable ways of being a man, which then helps to shape the gendered perception of the nation as a whole.
Criticisms
Critics of nationalism have argued that it is often unclear what
constitutes a "nation", or whether a nation is a legitimate unit of
political rule. Nationalists hold that the boundaries of a nation and a
state should coincide with one another, thus nationalism tends to oppose
multiculturalism.
It can also lead to conflict when more than one national group finds
itself claiming rights to a particular territory or seeking to take
control of the state.
Philosopher A.C. Grayling
describes nations as artificial constructs, "their boundaries drawn in
the blood of past wars". He argues that "there is no country on earth
which is not home to more than one different but usually coexisting
culture. Cultural heritage is not the same thing as national identity".
Nationalism is inherently divisive because it highlights
perceived differences between people, emphasizing an individual's
identification with their own nation. The idea is also potentially
oppressive because it submerges individual identity within a national
whole, and gives elites or political leaders potential opportunities to
manipulate or control the masses.
Much of the early opposition to nationalism was related to its
geopolitical ideal of a separate state for every nation. The classic
nationalist movements of the 19th century rejected the very existence of
the multi-ethnic empires in Europe. Even in that early stage, however,
there was an ideological critique of nationalism. That has developed
into several forms of Internationalism and anti-nationalism. The Islamic revival of the 20th century also produced an Islamist critique of the nation-state.
At the end of the 19th century, Marxists and other socialists and communists (such as Rosa Luxemburg) produced political analysis that were critical of the nationalist movements then active in central and eastern Europe, although a variety of other contemporary socialists and communists, from Vladimir Lenin (a communist) to Józef Piłsudski (a socialist), were more sympathetic to national self-determination.
In his classic essay on the topic George Orwell
distinguishes nationalism from patriotism, which he defines as devotion
to a particular place. Nationalism, more abstractly, is "power-hunger
tempered by self-deception."
For Orwell, the nationalist is more likely than not dominated by irrational negative impulses:
There are, for example, Trotskyists who have become simply enemies of the U.S.S.R. without developing a corresponding loyalty to any other unit. When one grasps the implications of this, the nature of what I mean by nationalism becomes a good deal clearer. A nationalist is one who thinks solely, or mainly, in terms of competitive prestige. He may be a positive or a negative nationalist—that is, he may use his mental energy either in boosting or in denigrating—but at any rate his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations. He sees history, especially contemporary history, as the endless rise and decline of great power units and every event that happens seems to him a demonstration that his own side is on the upgrade and some hated rival is on the downgrade. But finally, it is important not to confuse nationalism with mere worship of success. The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him.
In the liberal political tradition
there was mostly a negative attitude toward nationalism as a dangerous
force and a cause of conflict and war between nation-states. The
historian Lord Acton
put the case against "nationalism as insanity" in 1862. He argued that
nationalism suppresses minorities, it places country above moral
principles and especially it creates a dangerous individual attachment
to the state. However Acton opposed democracy and was trying to defend
the pope from Italian nationalism. Since the late 20th century liberals have been increasingly divided, with some philosophers such as Michael Walzer, Isaiah Berlin, Charles Taylor and David Miller emphasizing that a liberal society needed to be based in a stable nation state.
The pacifist critique of nationalism also concentrates on the violence of nationalist movements, the associated militarism, and on conflicts between nations inspired by jingoism or chauvinism.
National symbols and patriotic assertiveness are in some countries
discredited by their historical link with past wars, especially in
Germany. British pacifist Bertrand Russell criticizes nationalism for diminishing the individual's capacity to judge his or her fatherland's foreign policy. Albert Einstein stated that "Nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind".
