From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Marxism is a theory and method of working class self-emancipation. As a theory, it relies on a method of
socioeconomic analysis that views
class relations and
social conflict using a
materialist interpretation of historical development and takes a
dialectical view of social transformation. It originates from the works of 19th-century German philosophers
Karl Marx and
Friedrich Engels.
Marxism uses a methodology, now known as
historical materialism, to analyze and critique the development of class society and especially of
capitalism as well as the role of
class struggles in systemic economic, social, and political change.
According to Marxist theory, in
capitalist societies, class conflict arises due to contradictions between the material interests of the oppressed and exploited
proletariat—a class of wage labourers employed to produce goods and services—and the
bourgeoisie—the
ruling class that owns the
means of production and extracts its wealth through appropriation of the
surplus product produced by the proletariat in the form of
profit.
This class struggle that is commonly expressed as the revolt of a society's
productive forces against its
relations of production, results in a period of short-term crises as the bourgeoisie struggle to manage the intensifying
alienation of labor experienced by the proletariat, albeit with varying degrees of
class consciousness.
In periods of deep crisis, the resistance of the oppressed can culminate in a
proletarian revolution which, if victorious, leads to the establishment of
socialism—a socioeconomic system based on
social ownership of the means of production,
distribution based on one's contribution and
production organized directly for use. As the productive forces continued to advance, Marx hypothesized that socialism would ultimately be transformed into a
communist society: a classless, stateless, humane society based on
common ownership and the underlying principle: "
From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs".
Marxism has developed into many different branches and schools of
thought, with the result that there is now no single definitive Marxist
theory. Different Marxian schools place a greater emphasis on certain aspects of
classical Marxism
while rejecting or modifying other aspects. Many schools of thought
have sought to combine Marxian concepts and non-Marxian concepts, which
has then led to contradicting conclusions. However, lately there is movement toward the recognition that
historical materialism and
dialectical materialism remains the fundamental aspect of all
Marxist schools of thought.
Marxism has had a profound impact on global academia and has influenced many fields such as
archaeology,
anthropology,
media studies,
political science,
theater,
history,
sociology,
art history and theory,
cultural studies,
education,
economics,
ethics,
criminology,
geography,
literary criticism,
aesthetics,
film theory,
critical psychology and
philosophy.
Etymology
The term "Marxism" was popularized by
Karl Kautsky, who considered himself an "orthodox" Marxist during the dispute between the orthodox and revisionist followers of Marx. Kautsky's revisionist rival
Eduard Bernstein also later adopted use of the term. Engels did not support the use of the term "Marxism" to describe either Marx's or his views.
Engels claimed that the term was being abusively used as a rhetorical
qualifier by those attempting to cast themselves as "real" followers of
Marx while casting others in different terms, such as "Lassallians". In 1882, Engels claimed that Marx had criticized self-proclaimed "Marxist"
Paul Lafargue, by saying that if Lafargue's views were considered "Marxist", then "one thing is certain and that is that I am not a Marxist".
Overview
Marxism analyzes the material conditions and the economic activities required to fulfill human material needs to explain
social phenomena within any given society.
It assumes that the form of economic organization, or
mode of production,
influences all other social phenomena—including wider social relations,
political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems, aesthetics,
and ideologies. The economic system and these social relations form a
base and superstructure.
As
forces of production, i.e.
technology, improve, existing forms of organizing production become obsolete and hinder further progress. As
Karl Marx
observed: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive
forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of
production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with
the property relations within the framework of which they have operated
hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these
relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social
revolution".
These inefficiencies manifest themselves as social contradictions in
society which are, in turn, fought out at the level of the
class struggle.
Marxian economics
and its proponents view capitalism as economically unsustainable and
incapable of improving the living standards of the population due to its
need to compensate for
falling rates of profit by cutting employee's wages, social benefits and pursuing military aggression. The
socialist system would succeed capitalism as humanity's mode of production through workers'
revolution. According to Marxian
crisis theory,
socialism is not an inevitability, but an economic necessity.
In a socialist society,
private property—in
the form of the means of production—would be replaced by co-operative
ownership. A socialist economy would not base production on the creation
of private profits, but on the criteria of satisfying human needs—that
is,
production would be carried out directly for use. As
Friedrich Engels
said: "Then the capitalist mode of appropriation in which the product
enslaves first the producer, and then appropriator, is replaced by the
mode of appropriation of the product that is based upon the nature of
the modern means of production; upon the one hand, direct social
appropriation, as means to the maintenance and extension of production
on the other, direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence
and of enjoyment".
Historical materialism
The discovery of the
materialist conception of history, or rather, the consistent
continuation and extension of materialism into the domain of social
phenomenon, removed two chief defects of earlier historical theories. In
the first place, they at best examined only the ideological motives of
the historical activity of human beings, without grasping the objective
laws governing the development of the system of social relations ... in
the second place, the earlier theories did not cover the activities of
the masses of the population, whereas historical materialism made it possible for the first time to study with the accuracy of the natural sciences the social conditions of the life of the masses and the changes in these conditions.
— Russian Marxist theoretician and revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, 1913
Society does not consist of
individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations
within which these individuals stand.
The materialist theory of history
analyses the underlying causes of societal development and change from
the perspective of the collective ways that humans make their living.
All constituent features of a society (social classes, political
pyramid, ideologies) are assumed to stem from economic activity, an idea
often portrayed with the metaphor of the
base and superstructure.
The base and superstructure metaphor describes the totality of
social relations by which humans produce and re-produce their social
existence. According to Marx: "The sum total of the forces of production
accessible to men determines the condition of society" and forms a
society's economic base. The base includes the material forces of
production, that is the labour and material means of production and
relations of production, i.e., the social and political arrangements
that regulate production and distribution. From this base rises a
superstructure of legal and political "forms of social consciousness" of
political and legal institutions that derive from the economic base
that conditions the superstructure and a society's dominant ideology.
Conflicts between the development of material productive forces and the
relations of production provokes social revolutions and thus the
resultant changes to the economic base will lead to the transformation
of the superstructure.
This relationship is reflexive, as at first the base gives rise to the
superstructure and remains the foundation of a form of social
organization, hence that formed social organization can act again upon
both parts of the base and superstructure so that the relationship is
not static but a
dialectic,
expressed and driven by conflicts and contradictions. As Engels
clarified: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history
of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and
serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on uninterrupted,
now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a
revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin
of the contending classes".
Marx considered class conflicts as the driving force of human
history since these recurring conflicts have manifested themselves as
distinct transitional stages of development in Western Europe.
Accordingly, Marx designated human history as encompassing four stages
of development in relations of production:
- Primitive communism: as in co-operative tribal societies.
- Slave society: a development of tribal to city-state; aristocracy is born.
- Feudalism: aristocrats are the ruling class; merchants evolve into capitalists.
- Capitalism: capitalists are the ruling class, who create and employ the proletariat.
Criticism of capitalism
According to the Marxist theoretician and
revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, "the principal content of Marxism" was "Marx's economic doctrine".
Marx believed that the capitalist bourgeois and their economists were
promoting what he saw as the lie that "the interests of the capitalist
and of the worker are ... one and the same", therefore he believed that
they did this by purporting the concept that "the fastest possible
growth of productive
capital" was best not only for the wealthy capitalists but also for the workers because it provided them with employment.
Exploitation is a matter of
surplus labour—the
amount of labour one performs beyond what one receives in goods.
Exploitation has been a socioeconomic feature of every class society and
is one of the principal features distinguishing the social classes. The
power of one social class to control the
means of production enables its exploitation of the other classes.
In capitalism, the
labour theory of value is the operative concern; the
value of a
commodity equals the socially necessary labour time required to produce it. Under that condition,
surplus value
(the difference between the value produced and the value received by a
labourer) is synonymous with the term "surplus labour", thus capitalist
exploitation is realised as deriving surplus value from the worker.
In pre-capitalist economies, exploitation of the worker was
achieved via physical coercion. In the capitalist mode of production,
that result is more subtly achieved and because workers do not own the
means of production, they must voluntarily enter into an exploitive work
relationship with a capitalist in order to earn the necessities of
life. The worker's entry into such employment is voluntary in that they
choose which capitalist to work for. However, the worker must work or
starve, thus exploitation is inevitable and the "voluntary" nature of a
worker participating in a capitalist society is illusory.
Alienation is the estrangement of people from their humanity (
German: Gattungswesen,
"species-essence", "species-being"), which is a systematic result of
capitalism. Under capitalism, the fruits of production belong to the
employers, who expropriate the surplus created by others and so generate
alienated labourers.
In Marx's view, alienation is an objective characterization of the
worker's situation in capitalism—his or her self-awareness of this
condition is not prerequisite.
Social classes
- Proletariat: "[...] the class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live." The capitalist mode of production establishes the conditions enabling the bourgeoisie to exploit the proletariat because the workers' labour generates a surplus value greater than the workers' wages.
- Bourgeoisie:
those who "own the means of production" and buy labour power from the
proletariat, thus exploiting the proletariat. They subdivide as
bourgeoisie and the petite bourgeoisie.
- Petite bourgeoisie
are those who work and can afford to buy little labour power i.e. small
business owners, peasant landlords, trade workers and the like. Marxism
predicts that the continual reinvention of the means of production
eventually would destroy the petite bourgeoisie, degrading them from the
middle class to the proletariat.
- Lumpenproletariat: the outcasts of society such as the criminals, vagabonds, beggars, or prostitutes without any political or class consciousness.
Having no interest in international or national economics affairs, Marx
claimed that this specific sub-division of the proletariat would play
no part in the eventual social revolution.
- Landlords: a historically important social class who retain some wealth and power.
- Peasantry and farmers:
a scattered class incapable of organizing and effecting socio-economic
change, most of whom would enter the proletariat while some would become
landlords.
Class consciousness
denotes the awareness—of itself and the social world—that a social
class possesses and its capacity to rationally act in their best
interests, hence class consciousness is required before they can effect a
successful revolution and thus the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
Without defining
ideology,
Marx used the term to describe the production of images of social
reality. According to Engels, "ideology is a process accomplished by the
so-called thinker consciously, it is true, but with a
false consciousness.
The real motive forces impelling him remain unknown to him; otherwise
it simply would not be an ideological process. Hence he imagines false
or seeming motive forces".
Because the ruling class controls the society's means of production,
the superstructure of society (the ruling social ideas), are determined
by the best interests of the ruling class. In
The German Ideology,
he says "[t]he ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling
ideas, i.e., the class which is the ruling material force of society,
is, at the same time, its ruling intellectual force."
The term "
political economy"
initially referred to the study of the material conditions of economic
production in the capitalist system. In Marxism, political economy is
the study of the means of production, specifically of capital and how
that manifests as economic activity.
Marxism taught me what
society was. I was like a blindfolded man in a forest, who doesn't even
know where north or south is. If you don't eventually come to truly
understand the history of the class struggle, or at least have a clear
idea that society is divided between the rich and the poor, and that
some people subjugate and exploit other people, you're lost in a forest,
not knowing anything.
— Cuban revolutionary and Marxist–Leninist politician Fidel Castro on discovering Marxism, 2009
This new way of thinking was invented because socialists believed
that common ownership of the "means of production" (that is the
industries, the land, the wealth of nature, the trade apparatus, the
wealth of the society, etc.) will abolish the exploitative working
conditions experienced under capitalism. Through working class
revolution, the state (which Marxists see as a weapon for the
subjugation of one class by another) is seized and used to suppress the
hitherto ruling class of capitalists and by implementing a
commonly-owned, democratically controlled workplace create the society
of communism, which Marxists see as true democracy. An economy based on
co-operation on human need and social betterment, rather than
competition for profit of many independently acting profit seekers,
would also be the end of class society, which Marx saw as the
fundamental division of all hitherto existing history.
Marx saw work, the effort by humans to transform the environment for their needs, as a fundamental feature of human kind.
Capitalism,
in which the product of the worker's labor is taken from them and sold
at market rather than being part of the worker's life, is therefore
alienating to the worker. Additionally, the worker is compelled by
various means (some nicer than others) to work harder, faster and for
longer hours. While this is happening, the employer is constantly trying
to save on labor costs: pay the workers less, figure out how to use
cheaper equipment, etc. This allows the employer to extract the largest
mount of work (and therefore potential wealth) from their workers. The
fundamental nature of capitalist society is no different from that of
slave society: one small group of society exploiting the larger group.
Revolution, socialism and communism
Leftist protester wielding a red flag with a raised fist, both are symbols of revolutionary socialism.
According to
orthodox Marxist theory, the overthrow of capitalism by a
socialist revolution
in contemporary society is inevitable. While the inevitability of an
eventual socialist revolution is a controversial debate among many
different Marxist schools of thought, all Marxists believe socialism is a
necessity, if not inevitable. Marxists believe that a socialist society
is far better for the majority of the populace than its capitalist
counterpart. Prior to the
Russian revolution
of 1917, Lenin wrote: "The socialization of production is bound to lead
to the conversion of the means of production into the property of
society ... This conversion will directly result in an immense increase
in productivity of labour, a reduction of working hours, and the
replacement of the remnants, the ruins of small-scale, primitive,
disunited production by collective and improved labour".
The failure of the 1905 revolution and the failure of socialist
movements to resist the outbreak of World War One led to renewed
theoretical effort and valuable contributions from Lenin and
Rosa Luxemburg towards an appreciation of Marx's
crisis theory and efforts to formulate a theory of imperialism.
Classical Marxism
"Classical Marxism" denotes the collection of socio-eco-political
theories expounded by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. "Marxism", as
Ernest Mandel
remarked, "is always open, always critical, always self-critical". As
such, classical Marxism distinguishes between "Marxism" as broadly
perceived and "what Marx believed", thus in 1883 Marx wrote to the
French labour leader
Jules Guesde and to Marx's son-in-law
Paul Lafargue—both
of whom claimed to represent Marxist principles—accusing them of
"revolutionary phrase-mongering" and of denying the value of reformist
struggle.
From Marx's letter derives the paraphrase:
"If that is Marxism, then I am not a Marxist".
American Marxist scholar
Hal Draper responded to this comment by saying:
"There are few thinkers in modern history whose thought has been so badly misrepresented, by Marxists and anti-Marxists alike".
On the other hand, the book
Communism: The Great Misunderstanding
argues that the source of such misrepresentations lies in ignoring the
philosophy of Marxism, which is dialectical materialism. In large, this
was due to the fact that
The German Ideology, in which Marx and Engels developed this philosophy, did not find a publisher for almost one hundred years.
Academic Marxism
One of the 20th century's most prominent Marxist academics, the Australian archaeologist V. Gordon Childe
Marxism has been adopted by a large number of academics and other scholars working in various disciplines.
The
theoretical development of
Marxist archaeology
was first developed in the Soviet Union in 1929, when a young
archaeologist named Vladislav I. Ravdonikas (1894–1976) published a
report entitled "For a Soviet history of material culture". Within this
work, the very discipline of archaeology as it then stood was criticised
as being inherently bourgeois, therefore anti-socialist and so, as a
part of the academic reforms instituted in the Soviet Union under the
administration of Premier
Joseph Stalin, a great emphasis was placed on the adoption of Marxist archaeology throughout the country.
These theoretical developments were subsequently adopted by
archaeologists working in capitalist states outside of the Leninist
bloc, most notably by the Australian academic
V. Gordon Childe (1892–1957), who used Marxist theory in his understandings of the development of human society.
Marxist historiography is a school of
historiography influenced by Marxism. The chief tenets of Marxist historiography are the centrality of
social class and
economic constraints in determining historical outcomes. Marxist historiography has made contributions to the history of the
working class, oppressed nationalities, and the
methodology of
history from below.
Friedrich Engels' most important historical contribution was
Der deutsche Bauernkrieg (
The German Peasants' War), which analysed social warfare in early Protestant Germany in terms of emerging capitalist classes.
The German Peasants' War indicate the Marxist interest in
history from below and class analysis, and attempts a dialectical analysis. Engels' short treatise
The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 (1870s) was salient in creating the
socialist impetus in British politics. Marx's most important works on social and political history include
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon,
The Communist Manifesto,
The German Ideology, and those chapters of
Das Kapital dealing with the historical emergence of
capitalists and
proletarians from
pre-industrial English society. Marxist historiography suffered in the
Soviet Union, as the government requested overdetermined historical writing. Notable histories include the
Short Course History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik), published in the 1930s to justify the nature of Bolshevik party life under
Joseph Stalin. A circle of historians inside the
Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) formed in 1946. While some members of the group (most notably
Christopher Hill and
E. P. Thompson) left the CPGB after the
1956 Hungarian Revolution, the common points of British Marxist historiography continued in their works. Thompson's
The Making of the English Working Class is one of the works commonly associated with this group.
Eric Hobsbawm's
Bandits is another example of this group's work.
C. L. R. James was also a great pioneer of the 'history from below' approach. Living in Britain when he wrote his most notable work
The Black Jacobins (1938), he was an
anti-Stalinist Marxist and so outside of the CPGB. In India, B. N. Datta and
D. D. Kosambi are considered the founding fathers of Marxist historiography. Today, the senior-most scholars of Marxist historiography are
R. S. Sharma,
Irfan Habib,
Romila Thapar,
D. N. Jha and
K. N. Panikkar, most of whom are now over 75 years old.
Marxist literary criticism is a loose term describing
literary criticism
based on socialist and dialectic theories. Marxist criticism views
literary works as reflections of the social institutions from which they
originate. According to Marxists, even literature itself is a social
institution and has a specific ideological function, based on the
background and ideology of the author. Notable marxist literary critics
include
Mikhail Bakhtin,
Walter Benjamin,
Terry Eagleton and
Fredric Jameson.
Marxist aesthetics is a theory of
aesthetics based on, or derived from, the theories of
Karl Marx. It involves a
dialectical and
materialist, or
dialectical materialist,
approach to the application of Marxism to the cultural sphere,
specifically areas related to taste such as art, beauty, etc. Marxists
believe that economic and social conditions, and especially the class
relations that derive from them, affect every aspect of an individual's
life, from religious beliefs to legal systems to cultural frameworks.
Some notable Marxist aestheticians include
Anatoly Lunacharsky,
Mikhail Lifshitz,
William Morris,
Theodor W. Adorno,
Bertolt Brecht,
Herbert Marcuse,
Walter Benjamin,
Antonio Gramsci,
Georg Lukács,
Louis Althusser,
Jacques Rancière,
Maurice Merleau-Ponty and
Raymond Williams.
According to a 2007 survey of American professors by
Neil Gross
and Solon Simmons, 17.6% of social science professors and 5.0% of
humanities professors identify as Marxists, while between 0 and 2% of
professors in all other disciplines identify as Marxists.
History
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
Karl Marx (5 May 1818 – 14 March 1883) was a
German philosopher, political economist and socialist revolutionary who addressed the matters of
alienation and
exploitation of the working class, the
capitalist mode of production
and historical materialism. He is famous for analysing history in terms
of class struggle, summarised in the initial line introducing
The Communist Manifesto (1848): "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles".
Friedrich Engels (28 November 1820 – 5 August 1895) was a German
political philosopher
who together with Marx co-developed communist theory. Marx and Engels
first met in September 1844. Discovering that they had similar views of
philosophy and socialism, they collaborated and wrote works such as
Die heilige Familie (
The Holy Family). After Marx was deported from France in January 1845, they moved to Belgium, which then permitted greater
freedom of expression than other European countries. In January 1846, they returned to Brussels to establish the Communist Correspondence Committee.
In 1847, they began writing
The Communist Manifesto (1848), based on Engels'
The Principles of Communism. Six weeks later, they published the 12,000-word pamphlet in February 1848. In March, Belgium expelled them and they moved to
Cologne, where they published the
Neue Rheinische Zeitung, a politically
radical
newspaper. By 1849, they had to leave Cologne for London. The Prussian
authorities pressured the British government to expel Marx and Engels,
but Prime Minister
Lord John Russell refused.
Late 20th century
In 1959, the
Cuban Revolution led to the victory of
Fidel Castro and his
July 26 Movement. Although the revolution was not explicitly
socialist, upon victory Castro ascended to the position of Prime Minister and adopted the
Leninist model of socialist development, forging an alliance with the Soviet Union. One of the leaders of the revolution, the Argentine Marxist revolutionary
Che Guevara (1928–1967), subsequently went on to aid revolutionary socialist movements in
Congo-Kinshasa and Bolivia, eventually being killed by the Bolivian government, possibly on the orders of the
Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA), though the CIA agent sent to search for Guevara, Felix
Rodriguez, expressed a desire to keep him alive as a possible bargaining
tool with the Cuban government. He would posthumously go on to become
an internationally recognised icon.
In the People's Republic of China, the
Maoist government undertook the
Cultural Revolution from 1966 through to 1976 to ameliorate capitalist elements of Chinese society and achieve socialism. However, upon
Mao Zedong's death, his rivals seized political power and under the Premiership of
Deng Xiaoping (1978–1992), many of Mao's Cultural Revolution era policies were revised or abandoned and much of the state sector privatised.
The late 1980s and early 1990s saw the collapse of most of those socialist states that had professed a
Marxist–Leninist ideology. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the emergence of the
New Right and
neoliberal capitalism as the dominant ideological trends in western politics—championed by U.S. President
Ronald Reagan and U.K. Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher—led
the west to take a more aggressive stand against the Soviet Union and
its Leninist allies. Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union the reformist
Mikhael Gorbachev became Premier in March 1985 and sought to abandon Leninist models of development towards
social democracy. Ultimately, Gorbachev's reforms, coupled with rising levels of popular
ethnic nationalism in the Soviet Union, led to the
state's dissolution
in late 1991 into a series of constituent nations, all of which
abandoned Marxist–Leninist models for socialism, with most converting to
capitalist economies.
21st century
At the turn of the 21st century, China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea and
Vietnam remained the only officially Marxist–Leninist states remaining,
although a Maoist government led by
Prachanda was elected into power in Nepal in 2008 following a long guerrilla struggle.
The early 21st century also saw the election of socialist
governments in several Latin American nations, in what has come to be
known as the "
pink tide". Dominated by the Venezuelan government of
Hugo Chávez, this trend also saw the election of
Evo Morales in Bolivia,
Rafael Correa in Ecuador and
Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. Forging political and economic alliances through international organisations like the
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas,
these socialist governments allied themselves with Marxist–Leninist
Cuba and although none of them espoused a Leninist path directly, most
admitted to being significantly influenced by Marxist theory.
For Italian Marxist Gianni Vattimo in his 2011 book
Hermeneutic Communism,
"this new weak communism differs substantially from its previous Soviet
(and current Chinese) realization, because the South American countries
follow democratic electoral procedures and also manage to decentralize
the state bureaucratic system through the
Bolivarian missions.
In sum, if weakened communism is felt as a specter in the West, it is
not only because of media distortions but also for the alternative it
represents through the same democratic procedures that the West
constantly professes to cherish but is hesitant to apply".
Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping has announced a deepening commitment of the
Communist Party of China
to the ideas of Marx. At an event celebrating the 200th anniversary of
Marx's birth, Xi said “We must win the advantages, win the initiative,
and win the future. We must continuously improve the ability to use
Marxism to analyse and solve practical problems...” also adding
“powerful ideological weapon for us to understand the world, grasp the
law, seek the truth, and change the world,”. Xi has further stressed the
importance of examining and continuing the tradition of the
CPC and embrace its revolutionary past.
Criticism
Criticisms of Marxism have come from various political ideologies and
academic disciplines. These include general criticisms about lack of
internal consistency, criticisms related to historical materialism, that
it is a type of historical determinism, the necessity of suppression of
individual rights, issues with the implementation of communism and
economic issues such as the distortion or absence of price signals and
reduced incentives. In addition, empirical and epistemological problems
are frequently identified.
Some Marxists have criticised the academic
institutionalisation of Marxism for being too shallow and detached from political action. For instance, Zimbabwean
Trotskyist Alex Callinicos, himself a professional academic, stated: "Its practitioners remind one of
Narcissus,
who in the Greek legend fell in love with his own reflection ...
Sometimes it is necessary to devote time to clarifying and developing
the concepts that we use, but indeed for Western Marxists this has
become an end in itself. The result is a body of writings
incomprehensible to all but a tiny minority of highly qualified
scholars".
Additionally, there are intellectual critiques of Marxism that
contest certain assumptions prevalent in Marx's thought and Marxism
after him, without exactly rejecting Marxist politics.
Other contemporary supporters of Marxism argue that many aspects of
Marxist thought are viable, but that the corpus is incomplete or
outdated in regards to certain aspects of economic, political or
social theory. They may therefore combine some Marxist concepts with the ideas of other theorists such as
Max Weber—the
Frankfurt School is one example.
General criticisms
Philosopher and historian of ideas
Leszek Kołakowski
pointed out that "Marx's theory is incomplete or ambiguous in many
places, and could be 'applied' in many contradictory ways without
manifestly infringing its principles". Specifically, he considers "the
laws of dialectics" as fundamentally erroneous, stating that some are
"truisms with no specific Marxist content", others "philosophical dogmas
that cannot be proved by scientific means" and some just "nonsense". He
believes that some Marxist laws can be interpreted differently, but
that these interpretations still in general fall into one of the two
categories of error.
Okishio's theorem
shows that if capitalists use cost-cutting techniques and real wages do
not increase, the rate of profit must rise, which casts doubt on Marx's
view that the rate of profit would tend to fall.
The allegations of inconsistency have been a large part of Marxian economics and the debates around it since the 1970s.
Andrew Kliman
argues that this undermines Marx's critiques and the correction of the
alleged inconsistencies, because internally inconsistent theories cannot
be right by definition.
Epistemological and empirical critiques
Marx's predictions have been criticized because they have allegedly
failed, with some pointing towards the GDP per capita increasing
generally in capitalist economies compared to less market oriented
economics, the capitalist economies not suffering worsening economic
crises leading to the overthrow of the capitalist system and communist
revolutions not occurring in the most advanced capitalist nations, but
instead in undeveloped regions.
Socialist critiques
Democratic socialists
and social democrats reject the idea that socialism can be accomplished
only through extra-legal class conflict and a proletarian revolution.
The relationship between Marx and other socialist thinkers and
organizations—rooted in Marxism's "scientific" and anti-utopian
socialism, among other factors—has divided Marxists from other
socialists since Marx's life.
Anarchist and libertarian critiques
Anarchism
has had a strained relationship with Marxism since Marx's life.
Anarchists and many non-Marxist libertarian socialists reject the need
for a
transitory state phase, claiming that socialism can only be established through decentralized, non-coercive organization. Anarchist
Mikhail Bakunin criticized Marx for his authoritarian bent. The phrases "barracks socialism" or "
barracks communism" became a shorthand for this critique, evoking the image of citizens' lives being as regimented as the lives of
conscripts in a
barracks.
Noam Chomsky
is critical of Marxism's dogmatic strains and the idea of Marxism
itself, but still appreciates Marx's contributions to political thought.
Unlike some anarchists, Chomsky does not consider Bolshevism "Marxism
in practice", but he does recognize that Marx was a complicated figure
who had conflicting ideas, while he also acknowledges the latent
authoritarianism in Marx he also points to the libertarian strains that
developed into the
council communism of
Rosa Luxemburg and
Anton Pannekoek.
However, his commitment to libertarian socialism has led him to
characterize himself as an anarchist with radical Marxist leanings.
Economic critiques
Other critiques come from an economic standpoint.
Vladimir Karpovich Dmitriev writing in 1898,
Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz writing in 1906–1907 and subsequent critics have alleged that Marx's
value theory and law of the
tendency of the rate of profit to fall
are internally inconsistent. In other words, the critics allege that
Marx drew conclusions that actually do not follow from his theoretical
premises. Once these alleged errors are corrected, his conclusion that
aggregate price and profit are determined by and equal to aggregate
value and surplus value no longer holds true. This result calls into
question his theory that the exploitation of workers is the sole source
of profit.
Both Marxism and socialism have received considerable critical analysis from multiple generations of
Austrian economists in terms of scientific methodology, economic theory and political implications. During the
marginal revolution, subjective value theory was rediscovered by
Carl Menger, a development that fundamentally undermined the British cost theories of value. The restoration of subjectivism and
praxeological methodology previously used by classical economists including
Richard Cantillon,
Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot,
Jean-Baptiste Say and
Frédéric Bastiat led Menger to criticise
historicist methodology in general. Second-generation Austrian economist
Eugen Böhm von Bawerk
used praxeological and subjectivist methodology to attack the law of
value fundamentally. Non-Marxist economists have regarded his criticism
as definitive, with
Gottfried Haberler
arguing that Böhm-Bawerk's critique of Marx's economics was so thorough
and devastating that as of the 1960s no Marxian scholar had
conclusively refuted it. Third-generation Austrian
Ludwig von Mises rekindled debate about the
economic calculation problem
by identifying that without price signals in capital goods, all other
aspects of the market economy are irrational. This led him to declare
that "rational economic activity is impossible in a socialist
commonwealth".
Daron Acemoglu and
James A. Robinson
argue that Marx's economic theory was fundamentally flawed because it
attempted to simplify the economy into a few general laws that ignored
the impact of institutions on the economy.
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