From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Anarchism is a political philosophy and movement that is sceptical of authority and rejects all involuntary, coercive forms of hierarchy. Anarchism calls for the abolition of the state, which it holds to be undesirable, unnecessary, and harmful. As a historically left-wing movement, placed on the farthest left of the political spectrum, it is usually described alongside libertarian Marxism as the libertarian wing (libertarian socialism) of the socialist movement, and has a strong historical association with anti-capitalism and socialism.
The history of anarchism goes back to prehistory, when humans lived in anarchic societies long before the establishment of formal states, realms, or empires. With the rise of organised hierarchical bodies, scepticism
toward authority also rose, but it was not until the 19th century that a
self-conscious political movement emerged. During the latter half of
the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century, the anarchist
movement flourished in most parts of the world and had a significant
role in workers' struggles for emancipation. Various anarchist schools of thought formed during this period. Anarchists have taken part in several revolutions, most notably in the Spanish Civil War, whose end marked the end of the classical era of anarchism. In the last decades of the 20th and into the 21st century, the anarchist movement has been resurgent once more.
Anarchism employs a diversity of tactics
in order to meet its ideal ends which can be broadly separated into
revolutionary and evolutionary tactics; there is significant overlap
between the two, which are merely descriptive. Revolutionary tactics aim
to bring down authority and state, having taken a violent turn in the
past, while evolutionary tactics aim to prefigure what an anarchist
society would be like. Anarchist thought, criticism, and praxis
have played a part in diverse areas of human society. Anarchism has
been both defended and criticised; criticism of anarchism include claims
that it is internally inconsistent, violent, or utopian.
Etymology, terminology, and definition
Wilhelm Weitling is an example of a writer who added to anarchist theory without using the exact term.
The etymological origin of anarchism is from the Ancient Greek anarkhia, meaning "without a ruler", composed of the prefix an- ("without") and the word arkhos ("leader" or "ruler"). The suffix -ism denotes the ideological current that favours anarchy. Anarchism appears in English from 1642 as anarchisme and anarchy from 1539; early English usages emphasised a sense of disorder. Various factions within the French Revolution labelled their opponents as anarchists, although few such accused shared many views with later anarchists. Many revolutionaries of the 19th century such as William Godwin (1756–1836) and Wilhelm Weitling (1808–1871) would contribute to the anarchist doctrines of the next generation but did not use anarchist or anarchism in describing themselves or their beliefs.
The first political philosopher to call himself an anarchist (French: anarchiste) was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865), marking the formal birth of anarchism in the mid-19th century. Since the 1890s and beginning in France, libertarianism has often been used as a synonym for anarchism and its use as a synonym is still common outside the United States. Some usages of libertarianism refers to individualistic free-market philosophy only, and free-market anarchism in particular is termed libertarian anarchism.
While the term libertarian has been largely synonymous with anarchism, its meaning has more recently diluted with wider adoption from ideologically disparate groups, including both the New Left and libertarian Marxists, who do not associate themselves with authoritarian socialists or a vanguard party, and extreme cultural liberals, who are primarily concerned with civil liberties. Additionally, some anarchists use libertarian socialist to avoid anarchism's negative connotations and emphasise its connections with socialism. Anarchism is broadly used to describe the anti-authoritarian wing of the socialist movement. Anarchism is contrasted to socialist forms which are state-oriented or from above. Scholars of anarchism generally highlight anarchism's socialist credentials and criticise attempts at creating dichotomies between the two. Some scholars describe anarchism as having many influences from liberalism, and being both liberals and socialists but more so, while most scholars reject anarcho-capitalism as a misunderstanding of anarchist principles.
While opposition to the state is central to anarchist thought, defining anarchism
is not an easy task for scholars, as there is a lot of discussion among
scholars and anarchists on the matter, and various currents perceive
anarchism slightly differently.
Major definitional elements include the will for a non-coercive
society, the rejection of the state apparatus, the belief that human
nature allows humans to exist in or progress toward such a non-coercive
society, and a suggestion on how to act to pursue the ideal of anarchy.
History
Pre-modern era
During the prehistoric era of mankind, an established authority did
not exist. It was after the creation of towns and cities that
institutions of authority were established and anarchistic ideas
espoused as a reaction. The most notable precursors to anarchism in the ancient world were in China and Greece. In China, philosophical anarchism (the discussion on the legitimacy of the state) was delineated by Taoist philosophers Zhuang Zhou and Laozi. Alongside Stoicism, Taoism has been said to have had "significant anticipations" of anarchism.
Anarchic attitudes were also articulated by tragedians and philosophers in Greece. Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate the conflict between rules set by the state and personal autonomy. Socrates questioned Athenian authorities constantly and insisted on the right of individual freedom of conscience. Cynics dismissed human law (nomos) and associated authorities while trying to live according to nature (physis). Stoics were supportive of a society based on unofficial and friendly relations among its citizens without the presence of a state.
During the Middle Ages, there was no anarchistic activity except some ascetic religious movements in the Muslim world or in Christian Europe. This kind of tradition later gave birth to religious anarchism. In the Sasanian Empire, Mazdak called for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, only to be soon executed by Emperor Kavad I.
In Basra,
religious sects preached against the state. In Europe, various sects
developed anti-state and libertarian tendencies. Libertarian ideas
further emerged during the Renaissance with the spread of humanism, rationalism, and reasoning through Europe. Novelists fictionalised ideal societies that were based on voluntarism rather than coercion. The Age of Enlightenment further pushed towards anarchism with the optimism for social progress.
Modern era
During the French Revolution, partisan groups such as the Enragés and the sans-culottes saw a turning point in the fermentation of anti-state and federalist sentiments. The first anarchist currents developed throughout the 18th century as William Godwin espoused philosophical anarchism in England, morally delegitimising the state, Max Stirner's thinking paved the way to individualism and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's theory of mutualism found fertile soil in France. By the late 1870s, various anarchist schools of thought had become well-defined and a wave of then unprecedented globalisation occurred from 1880 to 1914. This era of classical anarchism lasted until the end of the Spanish Civil War and is considered the golden age of anarchism.
Mikhail Bakunin opposed the Marxist aim of
dictatorship of the proletariat and allied himself with the federalists in the First International before his expulsion by the Marxists.
Drawing from mutualism, Mikhail Bakunin founded collectivist anarchism and entered the International Workingmen's Association,
a class worker union later known as the First International that formed
in 1864 to unite diverse revolutionary currents. The International
became a significant political force, with Karl Marx being a leading figure and a member of its General Council. Bakunin's faction (the Jura Federation) and Proudhon's followers (the mutualists) opposed state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings. After bitter disputes, the Bakuninists were expelled from the International by the Marxists at the 1872 Hague Congress. Anarchists were treated similarly in the Second International, being ultimately expelled in 1896.
Bakunin famously predicted that if revolutionaries gained power by
Marx's terms, they would end up the new tyrants of workers. In response
to their expulsion from the First International, anarchists formed the St. Imier International. Under the influence of Peter Kropotkin, a Russian philosopher and scientist, anarcho-communism overlapped with collectivism. Anarcho-communists, who drew inspiration from the 1871 Paris Commune, advocated for free federation and for the distribution of goods according to one's needs.
At the turn of the century, anarchism had spread all over the world. It was a notable feature of the international syndicalism movement. In China, small groups of students imported the humanistic pro-science version of anarcho-communism. Tokyo was a hotspot for rebellious youth from countries of the far east, travelling to the Japanese capital to study. In Latin America, Argentina was a stronghold for anarcho-syndicalism, where it became the most prominent left-wing ideology. During this time, a minority of anarchists adopted tactics of revolutionary political violence. This strategy became known as propaganda of the deed. The dismemberment of the French socialist movement into many groups and the execution and exile of many Communards to penal colonies following the suppression of the Paris Commune favoured individualist political expression and acts.
Even though many anarchists distanced themselves from these terrorist
acts, infamy came upon the movement and attempts were made to exclude
them from American immigration, including the Immigration Act of 1903, also called the Anarchist Exclusion Act. Illegalism was another strategy which some anarchists adopted during this period.
Despite concerns, anarchists enthusiastically participated in the Russian Revolution in opposition to the White movement; however, they met harsh suppression after the Bolshevik government was stabilised. Several anarchists from Petrograd and Moscow fled to Ukraine, notably leading to the Kronstadt rebellion and Nestor Makhno's struggle in the Free Territory. With the anarchists being crushed in Russia, two new antithetical currents emerged, namely platformism and synthesis anarchism.
The former sought to create a coherent group that would push for
revolution while the latter were against anything that would resemble a
political party. Seeing the victories of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War, many workers and activists turned to communist parties
which grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements.
In France and the United States, members of major syndicalist movements
such as the General Confederation of Labour and the Industrial Workers of the World left their organisations and joined the Communist International.
In the Spanish Civil War of 1936, anarchists and syndicalists (CNT and FAI) once again allied themselves with various currents of leftists. A long tradition of Spanish anarchism
led to anarchists playing a pivotal role in the war. In response to the
army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers,
supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large
areas of rural Spain, where they collectivised the land. The Soviet Union
provided some limited assistance at the beginning of the war, but the
result was a bitter fight among communists and anarchists at a series of
events named May Days as Joseph Stalin tried to seise control of the Republicans.
Post-war era
Rojava's support efforts for workers to form cooperatives is exemplified in this sewing cooperative.
At the end of World War II, the anarchist movement was severely weakened. The 1960s witnessed a revival of anarchism, likely caused by a perceived failure of Marxism–Leninism and tensions built by the Cold War. During this time, anarchism found a presence in other movements critical towards both capitalism and the state such as the anti-nuclear, environmental, and peace movements, the counterculture of the 1960s, and the New Left. It also saw a transition from its previous revolutionary nature to provocative anti-capitalist reformism. Anarchism became associated with punk subculture as exemplified by bands such as Crass and the Sex Pistols. The established feminist tendencies of anarcha-feminism returned with vigour during the second wave of feminism. Black anarchism began to take form at this time and influenced anarchism's move from a Eurocentric demographic. This coincided with its failure to gain traction in Northern Europe and its unprecedented height in Latin America.
Around the turn of the 21st century, anarchism grew in popularity and influence within anti-capitalist, anti-war and anti-globalisation movements. Anarchists became known for their involvement in protests against the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Group of Eight and the World Economic Forum. During the protests, ad hoc leaderless anonymous cadres known as black blocs engaged in rioting, property destruction and violent confrontations with the police. Other organisational tactics pioneered in this time include affinity groups, security culture
and the use of decentralised technologies such as the Internet. A
significant event of this period was the confrontations at the 1999 Seattle WTO conference. Anarchist ideas have been influential in the development of the Zapatistas in Mexico and the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, more commonly known as Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria.
Thought
Anarchist schools of thought have been generally grouped into two main historical traditions, social anarchism and individualist anarchism, owing to their different origins, values and evolution. The individualist current emphasises negative liberty in opposing restraints upon the free individual, while the social current emphasises positive liberty in aiming to achieve the free potential of society through equality and social ownership.
In a chronological sense, anarchism can be segmented by the classical
currents of the late 19th century and the post-classical currents (anarcha-feminism, green anarchism, and post-anarchism) developed thereafter.
Beyond the specific factions of anarchist movements which constitute political anarchism lies philosophical anarchism which holds that the state lacks moral legitimacy, without necessarily accepting the imperative of revolution to eliminate it. A component especially of individualist anarchism, philosophical anarchism may tolerate the existence of a minimal state but claims that citizens have no moral obligation to obey government when it conflicts with individual autonomy. Anarchism pays significant attention to moral arguments since ethics have a central role in anarchist philosophy. Anarchism's emphasis on anti-capitalism, egalitarianism, and for the extension of community and individuality sets it apart from anarcho-capitalism and other types of economic libertarianism.
Anarchism is usually placed on the far-left of the political spectrum. Much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, libertarian, and radical interpretations of left-wing and socialist politics such as collectivism, communism, individualism, mutualism, and syndicalism, among other libertarian socialist economic theories. As anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. One reaction against sectarianism within the anarchist milieu was anarchism without adjectives, a call for toleration and unity among anarchists first adopted by Fernando Tarrida del Mármol in 1889 in response to the bitter debates of anarchist theory at the time. Belief in political nihilism has been espoused by anarchists.
Despite separation, the various anarchist schools of thought are not
seen as distinct entities but rather as tendencies that intermingle and
are connected through a set of uniform principles such as individual and
local autonomy, mutual aid, network organisation, communal democracy,
justified authority and decentralisation.
Classical
Pierre-Joseph
Proudhon is the primary proponent of mutualism and influenced many
future individualist anarchist and social anarchist thinkers.
Inceptive currents among classical anarchist currents were mutualism and individualism. They were followed by the major currents of social anarchism (collectivist, communist and syndicalist). They differ on organisational and economic aspects of their ideal society.
Mutualism is an 18th-century economic theory that was developed into anarchist theory by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Its aims include reciprocity, free association, voluntary contract, federation and monetary reform of both credit and currency that would be regulated by a bank of the people.
Mutualism has been retrospectively characterised as ideologically
situated between individualist and collectivist forms of anarchism. In What Is Property? (1840), Proudhon first characterised his goal as a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and property." Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary socialist form of anarchism commonly associated with Mikhail Bakunin. Collectivist anarchists advocate collective ownership of the means of production which is theorised to be achieved through violent revolution
and that workers be paid according to time worked, rather than goods
being distributed according to need as in communism. Collectivist
anarchism arose alongside Marxism but rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat despite the stated Marxist goal of a collectivist stateless society.
Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism that advocates a communist society with common ownership of the means of production, direct democracy and a horizontal network of voluntary associations, workers' councils and worker cooperatives, with production and consumption based on the guiding principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need." Anarcho-communism developed from radical socialist currents after the French Revolution but was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International. It was later expanded upon in the theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin, whose specific style would go onto become the dominating view of anarchists by the late 19th century. Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism that views labour syndicates
as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing
capitalism and the state with a new society democratically self-managed
by workers. The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are direct action, workers' solidarity and workers' self-management.
Individualist anarchism is a set of several traditions of thought within the anarchist movement that emphasise the individual and their will over any kinds of external determinants. Early influences on individualist forms of anarchism include William Godwin, Max Stirner, and Henry David Thoreau. Through many countries, individualist anarchism attracted a small yet diverse following of Bohemian artists and intellectuals as well as young anarchist outlaws in what became known as illegalism and individual reclamation.
Post-classical and contemporary
Anarchist principles undergird contemporary radical social movements
of the left. Interest in the anarchist movement developed alongside
momentum in the anti-globalisation movement, whose leading activist networks were anarchist in orientation. As the movement shaped 21st century radicalism, wider embrace of anarchist principles signaled a revival of interest. Anarchism has continued to generate many philosophies and movements, at times eclectic, drawing upon various sources and syncretic, combining disparate concepts to create new philosophical approaches. The anti-capitalist tradition of classical anarchism has remained prominent within contemporary currents.
Contemporary news coverage which emphasizes black bloc
demonstrations has reinforced anarchism's historical association with
chaos and violence. Its publicity has also led more scholars in fields
such as anthropology and history to engage with the anarchist movement, although contemporary anarchism favours actions over academic theory.
Various anarchist groups, tendencies, and schools of thought exist
today, making it difficult to describe the contemporary anarchist
movement.
While theorists and activists have established "relatively stable
constellations of anarchist principles", there is no consensus on which
principles are core and commentators describe multiple anarchisms, rather than a singular anarchism,
in which common principles are shared between schools of anarchism
while each group prioritizes those principles differently. Gender
equality can be a common principle, although it ranks as a higher
priority to anarcha-feminists than anarcho-communists.
Anarchists are generally committed against coercive authority in
all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government
(e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.),
economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism,
slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman
Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and
imperialism." Anarchist schools disagree on the methods by which these forms should be opposed. The principle of equal liberty
is closer to anarchist political ethics in that it transcends both the
liberal and socialist traditions. This entails that liberty and equality
cannot be implemented within the state, resulting in the questioning of
all forms of domination and hierarchy.
Tactics
Anarchists' tactics take various forms but in general serve two major goals, namely to first oppose the Establishment and secondly to promote anarchist ethics and reflect an anarchist vision of society, illustrating the unity of means and ends.
A broad categorisation can be made between aims to destroy oppressive
states and institutions by revolutionary means on one hand and aims to
change society through evolutionary means on the other. Evolutionary tactics embrace nonviolence, reject violence and take a gradual approach to anarchist aims, although there is significant overlap between the two.
Anarchist tactics have shifted during the course of the last
century. Anarchists during the early 20th century focused more on
strikes and militancy while contemporary anarchists use a broader array
of approaches.
Classical era tactics
During the classical era, anarchists had a militant tendency. Not
only did they confront state armed forces, as in Spain and Ukraine, but
some of them also employed terrorism as propaganda of the deed. Assassination attempts were carried out against heads of state, some of which were successful. Anarchists also took part in revolutions. Many anarchists, especially the Galleanists, believed that these attempts would be the impetus for a revolution against capitalism and the state.
Many of these attacks were done by individual assailants and the
majority took place in the late 1870s, the early 1880s and the 1890s,
with some still occurring in the early 1900s. Their decrease in prevalence was the result of further judicial power and targeting and cataloging by state institutions.
Anarchist perspectives towards violence have always been perplexing and controversial. On one hand, anarcho-pacifists point out the unity of means and ends. On the other hand, other anarchist groups advocate direct action, a tactic which can include acts of sabotage or even acts of terrorism. This attitude was quite prominent a century ago when seeing the state as a tyrant and some anarchists believing that they had every right to oppose its oppression by any means possible. Emma Goldman and Errico Malatesta, who were proponents of limited use of violence, stated that violence is merely a reaction to state violence as a necessary evil.
Anarchists took an active role in strike actions, although they tended to be antipathetic to formal syndicalism, seeing it as reformist. They saw it as a part of the movement which sought to overthrow the state and capitalism. Anarchists also reinforced their propaganda within the arts, some of whom practiced naturism and nudism. Those anarchists also built communities which were based on friendship and were involved in the news media.
Revolutionary tactics
In the current era, Italian anarchist Alfredo Bonanno, a proponent of insurrectionary anarchism,
has reinstated the debate on violence by rejecting the nonviolence
tactic adopted since the late 19th century by Kropotkin and other
prominent anarchists afterwards. Both Bonanno and the French group The Invisible Committee
advocate for small, informal affiliation groups, where each member is
responsible for their own actions but works together to bring down
oppression utilizing sabotage and other violent means against state,
capitalism, and other enemies. Members of The Invisible Committee were
arrested in 2008 on various charges, terrorism included.
Overall, contemporary anarchists are much less violent and
militant than their ideological ancestors. They mostly engage in
confronting the police during demonstrations and riots, especially in
countries such as Canada, Greece, and Mexico. Militant black bloc protest groups are known for clashing with the police; however, anarchists not only clash with state operators, they also engage in the struggle against fascists and racists, taking anti-fascist action and mobilizing to prevent hate rallies from happening.
Evolutionary tactics
Anarchists commonly employ direct action. This can take the form of disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchy,
or the form of self-managing their lives through the creation of
counter-institutions such as communes and non-hierarchical collectives.
Decision-making is often handled in an anti-authoritarian way, with
everyone having equal say in each decision, an approach known as horizontalism. Contemporary-era anarchists have been engaging with various grassroots
movements that are more or less based on horizontalism, although not
explicitly anarchist, respecting personal autonomy and participating in
mass activism such as strikes and demonstrations. In contrast with the big-A anarchism of the classical era, the newly coined term small-a anarchism signals their tendency not to base their thoughts and actions on classical-era anarchism or to refer to classical anarchists such as Peter Kropotkin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
to justify their opinions. Those anarchists would rather base their
thought and praxis on their own experience which they will later
theorize.
The decision-making process of small anarchist affinity groups plays a significant tactical role.
Anarchists have employed various methods in order to build a rough
consensus among members of their group without the need of a leader or a
leading group. One way is for an individual from the group to play the
role of facilitator to help achieve a consensus without taking part in
the discussion themselves or promoting a specific point. Minorities
usually accept rough consensus, except when they feel the proposal
contradicts anarchist ethics, goals and values. Anarchists usually form
small groups (5–20 individuals) to enhance autonomy and friendships
among their members. These kinds of groups more often than not
interconnect with each other, forming larger networks. Anarchists still
support and participate in strikes, especially wildcat strikes as these are leaderless strikes not organised centrally by a syndicate.
As in the past, newspapers and journals are used, and anarchists have gone online in the World Wide Web
to spread their message. Anarchists have found it easier to create
websites because of distributional and other difficulties, hosting
electronic libraries and other portals.
Anarchists were also involved in developing various software that are
available for free. The way these hacktivists work to develop and
distribute resembles the anarchist ideals, especially when it comes to
preserving users' privacy from state surveillance.
Anarchists organize themselves to squat and reclaim public spaces. During important events such as protests and when spaces are being occupied, they are often called Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ), spaces where art, poetry, and surrealism are blended to display the anarchist ideal.
As seen by anarchists, squatting is a way to regain urban space from
the capitalist market, serving pragmatical needs and also being an
exemplary direct action. Acquiring space enables anarchists to experiment with their ideas and build social bonds.
Adding up these tactics while having in mind that not all anarchists
share the same attitudes towards them, along with various forms of
protesting at highly symbolic events, make up a carnivalesque atmosphere that is part of contemporary anarchist vividity.
Key issues
As anarchism is a philosophy
that embodies many diverse attitudes, tendencies, and schools of
thought; disagreement over questions of values, ideology, and tactics is
common. Its diversity has led to widely different uses of identical
terms among different anarchist traditions which has created a number of
definitional concerns in anarchist theory. The compatibility of capitalism, nationalism, and religion with anarchism is widely disputed, and anarchism enjoys complex relationships with ideologies such as communism, collectivism, Marxism, and trade unionism. Anarchists may be motivated by humanism, divine authority, enlightened self-interest, veganism, or any number of alternative ethical doctrines. Phenomena such as civilisation, technology (e.g. within anarcho-primitivism), and the democratic process may be sharply criticised within some anarchist tendencies and simultaneously lauded in others.
Gender, sexuality, and free love
Émile Armand
was a French individualist anarchist who propounded the virtues of free
love in the Parisian anarchist milieu of the early 20th century
As gender and sexuality carry along them dynamics of hierarchy,
anarchism is obliged to address, analyse, and oppose the suppression of
one's autonomy because of the dynamics that gender roles traditionally
impose.
Sexuality was not often discussed by classical anarchists but the few
that did felt that an anarchist society would lead to sexuality
naturally developing. Sexual violence was a concern for anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker, who opposed age of consent laws, believing they would benefit predatory men. A historical current that arose and flourished during 1890 and 1920 within anarchism was free love. In contemporary anarchism, this current survives as a tendency to support polyamory and queer anarchism.
Free love advocates were against marriage, which they saw as a way of
men imposing authority over women, largely because marriage law greatly
favoured the power of men. The notion of free love was much broader and
included a critique of the established order that limited women's sexual
freedom and pleasure.
Those free love movements contributed to the establishment of communal
houses, where large groups of travelers, anarchists and other activists
slept in beds together.
Free love had roots both in Europe and the United States; however, some
anarchists struggled with the jealousy that arose from free love.
Anarchist feminists were advocates of free love, against marriage, and
pro-choice (utilising a contemporary term), and had a similar agenda.
Anarchist and non-anarchist feminists differed on suffrage but were supportive of one another.
During the second half of the 20th century, anarchism intermingled with the second wave of feminism,
radicalising some currents of the feminist movement and being
influenced as well. By the latest decades of the 20th century,
anarchists and feminists were advocating for the rights and autonomy of
women, gays, queers and other marginalised groups, with some feminist
thinkers suggesting a fusion of the two currents. With the third wave of feminism, sexual identity and compulsory heterosexuality became a subject of study for anarchists, yielding a post-structuralist critique of sexual normality.
Some anarchists distanced themselves from this line of thinking,
suggesting that it leaned towards an individualism that was dropping the
cause of social liberation.
Anarchism and education
Anarchist vs. statist perspectives on education
Ruth Kinna (2019)
|
Anarchist education
|
State education
|
| Concept |
Education as self-mastery |
Education as service
|
| Management |
Community based |
State run
|
| Methods |
Practice-based learning |
Vocational training
|
| Aims |
Being a critical member of society |
Being a productive member of society
|
The interest of anarchists in education stretches back to the first
emergence of classical anarchism.
Anarchists consider proper education,
one which sets the foundations of the future autonomy of the individual
and the society, to be an act of mutual aid. Anarchist writers such as William Godwin (Political Justice) and Max Stirner ("The False Principle of Our Education") attacked both state education and private education as another means by which the ruling class replicate their privileges.
In 1901, Catalan anarchist and free thinker Francisco Ferrer established the Escuela Moderna in Barcelona as an opposition to the established education system which was dictated largely by the Catholic Church.
Ferrer's approach was secular, rejecting both state and church
involvement in the educational process whilst giving pupils large
amounts of autonomy in planning their work and attendance. Ferrer aimed
to educate the working class and explicitly sought to foster class consciousness
among students. The school closed after constant harassment by the
state and Ferrer was later arrested. Nonetheless, his ideas formed the
inspiration for a series of modern schools around the world. Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy, who published the essay Education and Culture, also established a similar school with its founding principle being that "for education to be effective it had to be free." In a similar token, A. S. Neill founded what became the Summerhill School in 1921, also declaring being free from coercion.
Anarchist education is based largely on the idea that a child's
right to develop freely and without manipulation ought to be respected
and that rationality would lead children to morally good conclusions;
however, there has been little consensus among anarchist figures as to
what constitutes manipulation. Ferrer believed that moral indoctrination
was necessary and explicitly taught pupils that equality, liberty and
social justice were not possible under capitalism, along with other
critiques of government and nationalism.
Late 20th century and contemporary anarchist writers (Paul Goodman, Herbert Read, and Colin Ward)
intensified and expanded the anarchist critique of state education,
largely focusing on the need for a system that focuses on children's
creativity rather than on their ability to attain a career or
participate in consumerism as part of a consumer society. Contemporary anarchists such as Ward claim that state education serves to perpetuate socioeconomic inequality.
While few anarchist education institutions have survived to the
modern-day, major tenets of anarchist schools, among them respect for
child autonomy and relying on reasoning rather than indoctrination as a
teaching method, have spread among mainstream educational institutions.
Judith Suissa names three schools as explicitly anarchists schools,
namely the Free Skool Santa Cruz in the United States which is part of a
wider American-Canadian network of schools, the Self-Managed Learning
College in Brighton, England, and the Paideia School in Spain.
Anarchism and the state
Objection to the state and its institutions is a sine qua non of anarchism.
Anarchists consider the state as a tool of domination and believe it to
be illegitimate regardless of its political tendencies. Instead of
people being able to control the aspects of their life, major decisions
are taken by a small elite. Authority ultimately rests solely on power,
regardless of whether that power is open or transparent,
as it still has the ability to coerce people. Another anarchist
argument against states is that the people constituting a government,
even the most altruistic among officials, will unavoidably seek to gain
more power, leading to corruption. Anarchists consider the idea that the
state is the collective will of the people to be an unachievable
fiction due to the fact that the ruling class is distinct from the rest of society.
Specific anarchist attitudes towards the state vary. Robert Paul Wolff
believed that the tension between authority and autonomy would mean the
state could never be legitimate. Bakunin saw the state as meaning
"coercion, domination by means of coercion, camouflaged if possible but
unceremonious and overt if need be." A. John Simmons and Leslie Green,
who leaned toward philosophical anarchism, believed that the state
could be legitimate if it is governed by consensus, although they saw
this as highly unlikely. Beliefs on how to abolish the state also differ.
Anarchism and the arts
Les chataigniers a Osny (1888) by anarchist painter Camille Pissarro is a notable example of blending anarchism and the arts.
The connection between anarchism and art was quite profound during
the classical era of anarchism, especially among artistic currents that
were developing during that era such as futurists, surrealists and
others. In literature, anarchism was mostly associated with the New Apocalyptics and the neo-romanticism movement. In music, anarchism has been associated with music scenes such as punk. Anarchists such as Leo Tolstoy and Herbert Read
stated that the border between the artist and the non-artist, what
separates art from a daily act, is a construct produced by the
alienation caused by capitalism and it prevents humans from living a
joyful life.
Other anarchists advocated for or used art as a means to achieve anarchist ends. In his book Breaking the Spell: A History of Anarchist Filmmakers, Videotape Guerrillas, and Digital Ninjas, Chris Robé claims that "anarchist-inflected practices have increasingly structured movement-based video activism." Throughout the 20th century, many prominent anarchists (Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Gustav Landauer and Camillo Berneri) and publications such as Anarchy wrote about matters pertaining to the arts.
Three overlapping properties made art useful to anarchists. It
could depict a critique of existing society and hierarchies, serve as a
prefigurative tool to reflect the anarchist ideal society and even turn
into a means of direct action such as in protests. As it appeals to both
emotion and reason, art could appeal to the whole human and have a
powerful effect. The 19th-century neo-impressionist movement had an ecological aesthetic and offered an example of an anarchist perception of the road towards socialism. In Les chataigniers a Osny by anarchist painter Camille Pissarro, the blending of aesthetic and social harmony is prefiguring an ideal anarchistic agrarian community.
Analysis
The most common critique of anarchism is that humans cannot
self-govern and so a state is necessary for human survival. Philosopher Bertrand Russell
supported this critique, stating that "[p]eace and war, tariffs,
regulations of sanitary conditions and the sale of noxious drugs, the
preservation of a just system of distribution: these, among others, are
functions which could hardly be performed in a community in which there
was no central government."
Another common criticism of anarchism is that it fits a world of
isolation in which only the small enough entities can be self-governing;
a response would be that major anarchist thinkers advocated anarchist federalism.
Philosophy lecturer Andrew G. Fiala composed a list of common
arguments against anarchism which includes critiques such as that
anarchism is innately related to violence and destruction, not only in
the pragmatic world, such as at protests, but in the world of ethics as
well. Secondly, anarchism is evaluated as unfeasible or utopian since
the state can not be defeated practically. This line of arguments most
often calls for political action within the system to reform it. The
third argument is that anarchism is self-contradictory. While it
advocates for no-one to archiei, if accepted by the many, then
anarchism would turn into the ruling political theory. In this line of
criticism also comes the self-contradiction that anarchism calls for
collective action whilst endorsing the autonomy of the individual, hence
no collective action can be taken. Lastly, Fiala mentions a critique
towards philosophical anarchism of being ineffective (all talk and
thoughts) and in the meantime capitalism and bourgeois class remains
strong.
Philosophical anarchism has met the criticism of members of academia following the release of pro-anarchist books such as A. John Simmons' Moral Principles and Political Obligations.
Law professor William A. Edmundson authored an essay to argue against
three major philosophical anarchist principles which he finds
fallacious. Edmundson says that while the individual does not owe the
state a duty of obedience, this does not imply that anarchism is the
inevitable conclusion and the state is still morally legitimate. In The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer defends philosophical anarchism, claiming that "political authority is a moral illusion."
One of the earliest criticism is that anarchism defies and fails to understand the biological inclination to authority. Joseph Raz states that the acceptance of authority implies the belief that following their instructions will afford more success. Raz believes that this argument is true in following both authorities' successful and mistaken instruction.
Anarchists reject this criticism because challenging or disobeying
authority does not entail the disappearance of its advantages by
acknowledging authority such as doctors or lawyers as reliable, nor does
it involve a complete surrender of independent judgment.
Anarchist perception of human nature, rejection of the state, and
commitment to social revolution has been criticised by academics as
naive, overly simplistic, and unrealistic, respectively.
Classical anarchism has been criticised for relying too heavily on the
belief that the abolition of the state will lead to human cooperation
prospering.
Friedrich Engels, considered to be one of the principal founders of Marxism,
criticised anarchism's anti-authoritarianism as inherently
counter-revolutionary because in his view a revolution is by itself
authoritarian. Academic John Molyneux writes in his book Anarchism: A Marxist Criticism that "anarchism cannot win", believing that it lacks the ability to properly implement its ideas.
The Marxist criticism of anarchism is that it has a utopian character
because all individuals should have anarchist views and values.
According to the Marxist view, that a social idea would follow directly
from this human ideal and out of the free will of every individual
formed its essence. Marxists state that this contradiction was
responsible for their inability to act. In the anarchist vision, the
conflict between liberty and equality was resolved through coexistence
and intertwining.
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