Five Pillars of Islam

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Five Pillars of Islam

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Including: 1Al-Ahbash; Barelvis 2Deobandi 3Salafis (Ahl-i Hadith & Wahhabis) 4Sevener-Qarmatians, Assassins & Druzes 5Alawites, Qizilbash & Bektashism; 6Jahmīyya 7Ajardi, Azariqa, Bayhasiyya, Najdat & Sūfrī 8Nukkari; 9Bektashis & Qalandaris; Mevlevis, Süleymancıs & various Ṭarīqah 10Bahshamiyya, Bishriyya & Ikhshîdiyya

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The Five Pillars of Islam (arkān al-Islām أركان الإسلام; also arkān ad-dīn أركان الدين "pillars of the religion") are fundamental practices in Islam, considered to be obligatory acts of worship for all Muslims. They are summarized in the famous hadith of Gabriel. The Sunni and Shia agree on the basic details of the performance and practice of these acts, but the Shia do not refer to them by the same name (see Ancillaries of the Faith, for the Twelvers, and Seven pillars of Ismailism). They are: Muslim creed, prayer, charity to the poor, fasting on the month of Ramadan, and the pilgrimage to Mecca for those who are able.

Overview of Five Pillars of Islam

The ritual obligations of Muslims are called the Five Pillars. They are acknowledged and practiced by Muslims throughout the world, notwithstanding their disparities. They are viewed as compulsory for individuals who genuinely wish to pursue a life like that which Muhammad led, which was a prudent and mindful life. Like other religions, Islam holds certain practices to be standard; however, that does not imply that all individuals who regard themselves as Muslims necessarily observe them. Individual participation can vary depending on the individual's faith; for example, not every individual must pray every day, keep the fast, go on Hajj, or donate extensively to charity. Shortly after the Muslim Arabs conquered new terrains, they started raising mosques and castles and commissioning different commemorations and artifacts as articulations of their faith and culture. The religious practice of Islam, which signifies "submission to God", depends on fundamentals that are known as the Five Pillars. Each of the five pillars is alluded to in the Quran, though in various chapters (suwar). Further insights concerning these commitments are given in the Hadith.

Though comparable practices were performed in pre-Islamic Arabia and by Jews and Christians at the time of Muhammad, they were changed in the Quran and Hadith, given a carefully monotheistic center, and identified with the life of the Prophet. In the Quran, in spite of the fact that the Shahada does not show up in full, Quran 8:20 urges the individuals who accept to obey God and his Messenger. Prayer is alluded to multiple times, with prayer times referenced in Quran 20:130, and the demonstrations of bowing and prostrating in 48.29. In a few chapters, Muslims are urged both to pray and give alms (for example Quran 5:12), however what, when and to whom gifts ought to be made is clarified in more detail in the hadith. There is a critical entry on fasting in the Quran (Q2:183-7), which alludes to the period of Ramadan and sets out the detail on who ought, and ought not fast, to a certain extent under specific conditions. Regarding the matter of the Hajj, the longest Quranic section (Q2:196-203) recommends the destination location of the pilgrimage, the lead and exercises of the individuals who participate, urging them to have God as a top priority consistently.

Pillars of Sunni Islam

The Five Pillars of Islam

 

An artwork depicting the 5 pillars

First pillar: Shahada (Declaration of Faith)

Main article: Shahada

The first pillar of Islam is the Shahada, the assertion of faith. There are two shahadas: "There is no god but God" and "Muhammad is the messenger of God". This set statement is normally recited in Arabic: lā ʾilāha ʾillā-llāhu muḥammadun rasūlu-llāh (لَا إِلٰهَ إِلَّا الله مُحَمَّدٌ رَسُولُ الله) "There is no god but God (and) Muhammad is the messenger of God." It is essential to utter it to become a Muslim and to convert to Islam.

The first shahada promotes the essential unity of the faith, proclaiming that there is no god but God. The Tawhid, which is the prayer that states "no god but God" is a major component of the Islamic faith, for it asserts the monotheistic aspect of Islam, promoting unity of God as the source of existence. The second shahada demonstrates God’s essential mercy. This prayer proclaims Muhammad as the last prophet, and it uses Muhammad as the prime example of guidance for all Muslims. Muhammad received revelation that was distorted by earlier communities, such as Jewish and Christian societies; Muhammad was the recipient of the Quran’s guidance himself and now is bearer of this guidance for the rest of the Muslim community throughout history.

The Shahada, or profession of faith is said five times a day during prayer. It is the first thing said to a newborn, and the last thing to a person on their death-bed, showing how the Muslim prayer and the pillars are instrumental from the day a person is born until the day they die.

Second Pillar: Salah (Prayer)

Main article: Salah

The Second Pillar of Sunni Islam is Salah, or prayer. Before a prayer is observed, ablutions are performed including washing one's hands, face and feet. A caller (Muezzin in Arabic) chants aloud in from a raised place in the mosque. Verses from the Quran are recited either loudly or silently. These prayers are a very specific type of prayer and a very physical type of prayer called prostrations. These prayers are done five times a day, at set strict times, with the individual facing Mecca. The prayers are performed at dawn, noon, afternoon, evening, and night: the names are according to the prayer times: Fajr (dawn), Dhuhr (noon), ʿAṣr (afternoon), Maghrib (evening), and ʿIshāʾ (night). The Fajr prayer is performed before sunrise, Dhuhr is performed in the midday after the sun has surpassed its highest point, Asr is the evening prayer before sunset, Maghrib is the evening prayer after sunset and Isha is the night prayer. All of these prayers are recited while facing in the direction of the Kaaba in Mecca and form an important aspect of the Muslim Ummah. Muslims must wash before prayer; this washing is called wudu ("purification"). The prayer is accompanied by a series of set positions including; bowing with hands on knees, standing, prostrating and sitting in a special position (not on the heels, nor on the buttocks). At every change in position, "Allah is great" is said and it is a fixed tradition that has to be recited in each posture. A Muslim may perform their prayer anywhere, such as in offices, universities, and fields. However, the mosque is the preferable place for prayers because the mosque allows for fellowship. These prayers may also be observed individually if one is not able to go. The prayers are not required for women during their periods, prepubescent children and those with intellectual and physical disabilities inhibiting prayer. Those who are sick and unable to assume the positions of prayer are still required to pray, although they may pray in bed and even lying down. When traveling, one may observe the afternoon prayers following one another: also the sunset and late evening prayers can be combined too.

Third Pillar: Zakat (Almsgiving)

Main article: Zakat

The Third Pillar of Islam is Zakāt, or alms giving or charity. Zakat means purification which indicates that a payment makes the rest of one's wealth legally and religiously pure. By following this pillar, Muslims have to deduct certain amount of their income to support the Islamic community, and it usually about 2.5% of an individual’s income. This practice is not found in the Quran but rather in the hadith. The tax is used to take good care of the holy places and mosques in the individual's specific Muslim community or to give assistance to those in need or who are impoverished. The word zakāt can be defined as purification and growth because it allows an individual to achieve balance and encourages new growth. The principle of knowing that all things belong to God is essential to purification and growth. Zakāt is obligatory for all Muslims who are able to do so. It is the personal responsibility of each Muslim to ease the economic hardship of others and to strive towards eliminating inequality. Zakāt consists of spending a portion of one's wealth for the benefit of the poor or needy, such as debtors or travelers. A Muslim may also donate more as an act of voluntary charity (sadaqah), rather than to achieve additional divine reward. Also, Muslims are required to give back to the poor, specifically through financial support, on the streets in addition to the Zakāt. Zakāt shows how the Islam faith impacts the financial situation of a believer, drawing into all aspects of life.

There are five principles that should be followed when giving the zakāt:

1. The giver must declare to God his intention to give the zakāt.
2. The zakāt must be paid on the day that it is due.
3. After the offering, the payer must not exaggerate on spending his money more than usual means.
4. Payment must be in kind. This means if one is wealthy then he or she needs to pay a portion of their income. If a person does not have much money, then they should compensate for it in different ways, such as good deeds and good behavior toward others.
5. The zakāt must be distributed in the community from which it was taken.

Fourth Pillar: Sawm (Fasting)

Main article: Fasting in Islam

The Fourth Pillar of Islam is Sawm, or fasting. Fasting takes place during Ramadan, which is the holy month in the Islamic calendar. Using a lunar calendar means the month of Ramadan shifts 11 days earlier each year. Sawm is directly stated in the Quran saying: “eat and drink until the whiteness of the day becomes distinct from the blackness of the night at dawn, then complete the fast till night…”. The fast occurs from dawn to sunset each day during which time believers are expected to prohibit themselves from any food, drink, sexual intercourse, or smoking. However after sunset and before dawn, individuals can participate in any of the actions previously stated as they desire. The reason for fasting during Ramadan is to remind Muslims that all individuals are similarly needy upon the assistance of Allah and that there are less lucky individuals who need their assistance. Ramadan is a period of reflection when Muslims are called upon to recharge their faith, increment their charity, and make apology. In the Quran, the month of Ramadan was first revealed to Muhammad. Ramadan fasting ends with the “Id-ul-Fitr” (Festival of the Breaking of the Fast), which lasts for three days; of the first day of this festival, there is a meeting at the mosque for prayer celebration and each family head gives money for alms.

Muslims traditionally break their fasts in the month of Ramadan with dates (like those offered by this date seller in Kuwait City), as was the recorded practice (Sunnah) of Muhammad.

Three types of fasting (Siyam) are recognized by the Quran: ritual fasting, fasting as compensation for repentance (both from Quran 2), and ascetic fasting (from Quran 33).

Ritual fasting is an obligatory act during the month of Ramadan. Muslims must abstain from food and drink from dawn to dusk during this month, and are to be especially mindful of other sins. Fasting is necessary for every Muslim that has reached puberty (unless he/she suffers from a medical condition which prevents him/her from doing so).

The fast is meant to allow Muslims to seek nearness and to look for forgiveness from God, to express their gratitude to and dependence on him, atone for their past sins, and to remind them of the needy. During Ramadan, Muslims are also expected to put more effort into following the teachings of Islam by refraining from violence, anger, envy, greed, lust, profane language, gossip and to try to get along with fellow Muslims better. In addition, all obscene and irreligious sights and sounds are to be avoided.

Fasting during Ramadan is obligatory, but is forbidden for several groups for whom it would be very dangerous and excessively problematic. These include pre-pubescent children, those with a medical condition such as diabetes, elderly people, and pregnant or breastfeeding women. Observing fasts is not permitted for menstruating women. Other individuals for whom it is considered acceptable not to fast are those who are ill or traveling. Missing fasts usually must be made up for soon afterward, although the exact requirements vary according to circumstance.

Fifth Pillar: Hajj (Pilgrimage)

Main article: Hajj

The final Pillar of Islam is the Hajj, or pilgrimage. During one’s life, a Muslim is required to make the pilgrimage to Mecca during the 12th month of the lunar calendar. This ritual consists of making journey to Mecca wearing only 2 white sheets so all of the pilgrims are identical and there is no class distinction among them. Amid the hajj, every single Muslim man dresses alike in a straightforward fabric, again to emphasize their uniformity. Ladies wear a less complex type of their ordinary dress. Pilgrims put the white sheets on when they enter the sanctuary area of Mecca and enter a state of “ihram” or purity. After a Muslim makes the trip to Mecca, he/she is known as a hajj/hajja (one who made the pilgrimage to Mecca). The main rituals of the Hajj include walking seven times around the Kaaba termed Tawaf, touching the Black Stone termed Istilam, traveling seven times between Mount Safa and Mount Marwah termed Sa'yee, and symbolically stoning the Devil in Mina termed Ramee. When at Mecca, the pilgrims go to the Ka’aba in the mosque and walk around it in a circle. They then pray together in official ceremonies, and then they go out to perform the “standing ceremony” to remember the Farewell Sermon of Muhammad on the Arafat. On the return trip, pilgrims stop in Mina, where they throw 7 stones at stone pillars that represent Satan as to express their hatred for Shaitan (Satan). They then return to Mecca for final ceremonies by circumambulating the Ka’aba seven times and then leave Mecca to journey back home. Inability to make the Hajj, whether because of physical strength, economic conditions, or other reasons, excuse the duty of Hajj. The Quran specifically says that only those capable of making the pilgrimage are required to do so. The reason for this journey is to follow in the footsteps of the Prophet Muhammad, hoping to gain enlightenment as Muhammad did when he was in the presence of Allah. The pilgrimage of the Hajj is in the Quran.

The pilgrim, or the haji, is honoured in the Muslim community. Islamic teachers say that the Hajj should be an expression of devotion to God, not a means to gain social standing. The believer should be self-aware and examine their intentions in performing the pilgrimage. This should lead to constant striving for self-improvement. A pilgrimage made at any time other than the Hajj season is called an Umrah, and while not mandatory is strongly recommended.

Pillars of Shia Islam

Twelvers

Twelver Shia Islam has five Usul al-Din and ten Furu al-Din, i.e., the Shia Islamic beliefs and practices. The Twelver Shia Islam Usul al-Din, equivalent to a Shia Five Pillars, are all beliefs considered foundational to Islam, and thus classified a bit differently from those listed above. They are:

1. Tawhid (monotheism: belief in the oneness of God)
2. Adl (divine justice: belief in God's justice)
3. Nubuwwah (prophethood)
4. Imamah (succession to Muhammad)
5. Mi'ad (the day of judgment and the resurrection)

In addition to these five pillars, there are ten practices that Shia Muslims must perform, called the Ancillaries of the Faith (Arabic: furūʿ al-dīn).

1. Salah: 5 daily prayers
2. Sawm: Fasting Ramadan
3. Zakat: Almsgiving, similar to Sunni Islam, it applies to money, cattle, silver, gold, dates, raisins, wheat, and barley.
4. Khums: An annual taxation of one-fifth (20%) of the gains that a year has been passed on without using. Khums is paid to the Imams; indirectly to poor and needy people.
5. Hajj: Pilgrimage to Mecca
6. Jihad: Striving for the cause of Allah
7. Enjoining good
8. Forbidding wrong
9. Tawalla: Expressing love towards good.
10. Tabarra: Expressing disassociation and hatred towards evil.

Ismailis

Main article: Seven pillars of Ismailism

Isma'ilis have their own pillars, which are as follows:

• Walayah "Guardianship" denotes love and devotion to God, the prophets, and the Ismaili Imams and their representatives
• Tawhid, "Oneness of God".
• Salah: Unlike Sunni and Twelver Muslims, Nizari Ismailis reason that it is up to the current imām to designate the style and form of prayer.
• Zakat: with the exception of the Druze, all Ismaili madhhabs have practices resembling that of Sunni and Twelvers, with the addition of the characteristic Shia khums.
• Sawm: Nizaris and Musta'lis believe in both a metaphorical and literal meaning of fasting.
• Hajj: For Ismailis, this means visiting the imām or his representative and that this is the greatest and most spiritual of all pilgrimages. The Mustaali maintain also the practice of going to Mecca. The Druze interpret this completely metaphorically as "fleeing from devils and oppressors" and rarely go to Mecca.
• Jihad "Struggle": "the Greater Struggle" and "the Lesser Struggle".

History of the Pillars

One of the greatest assumptions about Islamic history is that the Five Pillars were already set and in place at the time of the Prophet’s death in 632 C.E. However, most changes to these Islamic rituals came from small differences among minority Muslim groups. The major beliefs of the Pillars were already in place, taking the shape of the life and beliefs of the Prophet Muhammad. The Five Pillars are alluded to in the Quran, and some are even specifically stated in the Quran, like the Hajj to Mecca. However, the difference in practice of these traditions are accepted in Islam of the Five Pillars, but this does not mean they have all existed since the life of Muhammad. The evidence of differences shows pillars have not always been consistent to what they are today, so it has taken many years for the Pillars to get to their current and classic form.

Urban sociology

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Urban sociology is the sociological study of life and human interaction in metropolitan areas. It is a normative discipline of sociology seeking to study the structures, environmental processes, changes and problems of an urban area and by doing so provide inputs for urban planning and policy making. In other words, it is the sociological study of cities and their role in the development of society. Like most areas of sociology, urban sociologists use statistical analysis, observation, social theory, interviews, and other methods to study a range of topics, including migration and demographic trends, economics, poverty, race relations and economic trends. Urban sociology is one of the oldest sub-disciplines of sociology dating back to the mid-nineteenth century.

The philosophical foundations of modern urban sociology originate from the work of sociologists such as Karl Marx, Ferdinand Tönnies, Émile Durkheim, Max Weber and Georg Simmel who studied and theorized the economic, social and cultural processes of urbanization and its effects on social alienation, class formation, and the production or destruction of collective and individual identities.

These theoretical foundations were further expanded upon and analyzed by a group of sociologists and researchers who worked at the University of Chicago in the early twentieth century. In what became known as the Chicago School of sociology the work of Robert Park, Louis Wirth and Ernest Burgess on the inner city of Chicago revolutionized not only the purpose of urban research in sociology, but also the development of human geography through its use of quantitative and ethnographic research methods. The importance of the theories developed by the Chicago School within urban sociology have been critically sustained and critiqued but still remain one of the most significant historical advancements in understanding urbanization and the city within the social sciences. The discipline may draw from several fields, including cultural sociology, economic sociology, and political sociology.

Development and rise

Further information: Chicago school (sociology)

Urban sociology rose to prominence within North American academics through a group of sociologists and theorists at the University of Chicago from 1915 to 1940 in what became known as the Chicago School of Sociology. The Chicago School of Sociology combined sociological and anthropological theory with ethnographic fieldwork in order to understand how individuals interact within urban social systems. Unlike the primarily macro-based sociology that had marked earlier subfields, members of the Chicago School placed greater emphasis on micro-scale social interactions that sought to provide subjective meaning to how humans interact under structural, cultural and social conditions. The theory of symbolic interaction, the basis through which many methodologically-groundbreaking ethnographies were framed in this period, took primitive shape alongside urban sociology and shaped its early methodological leanings. Symbolic interaction was forged out of the writings of early micro-sociologists George Mead and Max Weber, and sought to frame how individuals interpret symbols in everyday interactions. With early urban sociologists framing the city as a 'superorganism', the concept of symbolic interaction aided in parsing out how individual communities contribute to the seamless functioning of the city itself.

Scholars of the Chicago School originally sought to answer a single question: how did an increase in urbanism during the time of the Industrial Revolution contribute to the magnification of contemporary social problems? Sociologists centered on Chicago due to its tabula rasa state, having expanded from a small town of 10,000 in 1860 to an urban metropolis of over two million in the next half-century. Along with this expansion came many of the era's emerging social problems – ranging from issues with concentrated homelessness and harsh living conditions to the low wages and long hours that characterized the work of the many newly arrived European immigrants. Furthermore, unlike many other metropolitan areas, Chicago did not expand outward at the edges as predicted by early expansionist theorists, but instead 'reformatted' the space available in a concentric ring pattern. As with many modern cities the business district occupied the city center and was surrounded by slum and blighted neighborhoods, which were further surrounded by workingmens' homes and the early forms of the modern suburbs. Urban theorists suggested that these spatially distinct regions helped to solidify and isolate class relations within the modern city, moving the middle class away from the urban core and into the privatized environment of the outer suburbs.

Due to the high concentration of first-generation immigrant families in the inner city of Chicago during the early 20th century, many prominent early studies in urban sociology focused upon the transmission of immigrants' native culture roles and norms into new and developing environments. Political participation and the rise in inter-community organizations were also frequently covered in this period, with many metropolitan areas adopting census techniques that allowed for information to be stored and easily accessed by participating institutions such as the University of Chicago. Park, Burgess and McKenzie, professors at the University of Chicago and three of the earliest proponents of urban sociology, developed the Subculture Theories, which helped to explain the often-positive role of local institutions on the formation of community acceptance and social ties. When race relations break down and expansion renders one's community members anonymous, as was proposed to be occurring in this period, the inner city becomes marked by high levels of social disorganization that prevent local ties from being established and maintained in local political arenas.

The rise of urban sociology coincided with the expansion of statistical inference in the behavioural sciences, which helped ease its transition and acceptance in educational institutions along with other burgeoning social sciences. Micro-sociology courses at the University of Chicago were among the earliest and most prominent courses on urban sociological research in the United States.

Evolution of the discipline

Further information: Social network

The evolution and transition of sociological theory from the Chicago School began to emerge in the 1970s with the publication of Claude Fischer's (1975) "Toward a Theory of Subculture Urbanism" which incorporated Bourdieu's theories on social capital and symbolic capital within the invasion and succession framework of the Chicago School in explaining how cultural groups form, expand and solidify a neighbourhood. The theme of transition by subcultures and groups within the city was further expanded by Barry Wellman's (1979) "The Community Question: The Intimate Networks of East Yorkers" which determined the function and position of the individual, institution and community in the urban landscape in relation to their community. Wellman's categorization and incorporation of community focused theories as "Community Lost", "Community Saved", and "Community Liberated" which center around the structure of the urban community in shaping interactions between individuals and facilitating active participation in the local community are explained in detail below:

Community lost: The earliest of the three theories, this concept was developed in the late 19th century to account for the rapid development of industrial patterns that seemingly caused rifts between the individual and their local community. Urbanites were claimed to hold networks that were “impersonal, transitory and segmental”, maintaining ties in multiple social networks while at the same time lacking the strong ties that bound them to any specific group. This disorganization in turn caused members of urban communities to subsist almost solely on secondary affiliations with others, and rarely allowed them to rely on other members of the community for assistance with their needs.

Community saved: A critical response to the community lost theory that developed during the 1960s, the community saved argument suggests that multistranded ties often emerge in sparsely-knit communities as time goes on, and that urban communities often possess these strong ties, albeit in different forms. Especially among low-income communities, individuals have a tendency to adapt to their environment and pool resources in order to protect themselves collectively against structural changes. Over time urban communities have tendencies to become “urban villages”, where individuals possess strong ties with only a few individuals that connect them to an intricate web of other urbanities within the same local environment.

Community liberated: A cross-section of the community lost and community saved arguments, the community liberated theory suggests that the separation of workplace, residence and familial kinship groups has caused urbanites to maintain weak ties in multiple community groups that are further weakened by high rates of residential mobility. However, the concentrated number of environments present in the city for interaction increase the likelihood of individuals developing secondary ties, even if they simultaneously maintain distance from tightly knit communities. Primary ties that offer the individual assistance in everyday life form out of sparsely-knit and spatially dispersed interactions, with the individual's access to resources dependent on the quality of the ties they maintain within their community.

Along with the development of these theories, urban sociologists have increasingly begun to study the differences between the urban, rural and suburban environment within the last half-century. Consistent with the community liberated argument, researchers have in large part found that urban residents tend to maintain more spatially-dispersed networks of ties than rural or suburban residents. Among lower-income urban residents, the lack of mobility and communal space within the city often disrupts the formation of social ties and lends itself to creating an unintegrated and distant community space. While the high density of networks within the city weakens relations between individuals, it increases the likelihood that at least one individual within a network can provide the primary support found among smaller and more tightly knit networks. Since the 1970s, research into social networks has focused primarily on the types of ties developed within residential environments. Bonding ties, common of tightly knit neighborhoods, consist of connections that provide an individual with primary support, such as access to income or upward mobility among a neighborhood organization. Bridging ties, in contrast, are the ties that weakly connect strong networks of individuals together. A group of communities concerned about the placement of a nearby highway may only be connected through a few individuals that represent their views at a community board meeting, for instance.

However, as theory surrounding social networks has developed, sociologists such as Alejandro Portes and the Wisconsin model of sociological research began placing increased leverage on the importance of these weak ties. While strong ties are necessary for providing residents with primary services and a sense of community, weak ties bring together elements of different cultural and economic landscapes in solving problems affecting a great number of individuals. As theorist Eric Oliver notes, neighborhoods with vast social networks are also those that most commonly rely on heterogeneous support in problem solving, and are also the most politically active.

As the suburban landscape developed during the 20th century and the outer city became a refuge for the wealthy and, later, the burgeoning middle class, sociologists and urban geographers such as Harvey Molotch, David Harvey and Neil Smith began to study the structure and revitalization of the most impoverished areas of the inner city. In their research, impoverished neighborhoods, which often rely on tightly knit local ties for economic and social support, were found to be targeted by developers for gentrification which displaced residents living within these communities. Political experimentation in providing these residents with semi-permanent housing and structural support – ranging from Section 8 housing to Community Development Block Grant programs- have in many cases eased the transition of low-income residents into stable housing and employment. Yet research covering the social impact of forced movement among these residents has noted the difficulties individuals often have with maintaining a level of economic comfort, which is spurred by rising land values and inter-urban competition between cities in as a means to attract capital investment. The interaction between inner-city dwellers and middle class passersby in such settings has also been a topic of study for urban sociologists.

In a September, 2015 issue of "City & Community(C&C)," the article discusses future plans and discusses research needed for the coming future. The article proposes certain steps in order to react to urban trends, create a safer environment, and prepare for future urbanization. The steps include: publishing more C&C articles, more research towards segregation in metropolitan areas, focus on trends and patterns in segregation and poverty, decrease micro-level segregation, and research towards international urbanization changes. However, in a June, 2018 issue of C&C, Mike Owen Benediktsson argues that spatial inequality, the idea of a lack of resources through a specific space, would be problematic for the future of urban sociology. Problems in neighborhoods arise from political forms and issues. He argues that attention should be more on the relationship between spaces rather than expansion of more urban cities.

Criticism

Many theories in urban sociology have been criticized, most prominently directed toward the ethnocentric approaches taken by many early theorists that lay groundwork for urban studies throughout the 20th century. Early theories that sought to frame the city as an adaptable “superorganism” often disregarded the intricate roles of social ties within local communities, suggesting that the urban environment itself rather than the individuals living within it controlled the spread and shape of the city. For impoverished inner-city residents, the role of highway planning policies and other government-spurred initiatives instituted by the planner Robert Moses and others have been criticized as unsightly and unresponsive to residential needs. The slow development of empirically-based urban research reflects the failure of local urban governments to adapt and ease the transition of local residents to the short-lived industrialization of the city.

Some modern social theorists have also been critical toward the apparent shortsightedness that urban sociologists have shown toward the role of culture in the inner city. William Julius Wilson has criticized theory developed throughout the middle of the twentieth century as relying primarily on structural roles of institutions, and not how culture itself affects common aspects of inner-city life such as poverty. The distance shown toward this topic, he argues, presents an incomplete picture of inner-city life. The urban sociological theory is viewed as one important aspect of sociology.

The concept of urban sociology as a whole has often been challenged and criticized by sociologists through time. Several different aspects from race, land, resources, etc. have broadened the idea. Manuel Castells questioned if urban sociology even exists and devoted 40 years worth of research in order to redefine and reorganize the concept. With the growing population and majority of Americans living in suburbs, Castells believes that most researchers focus their work of urban sociology around cities, neglecting the other major communities of suburbs, towns, and rural areas. He also believes that urban sociologists have over complicated the term of urban sociology and should possibly create a more clear and organized explanation to their studies, arguing that a "Sociology of Settlements," would cover most issues around the term.

Many urban sociologists focus behind the concept behind human overpopulation. Perry Burnett, who studied at the University of Southern Indiana, researched behind the idea of Urban sprawl and city optimization for human population. Some sociologists would criticize that urbanization could range issues from racial discrimination to high income taxes. Burnett would counter the idea that urban overpopulation could actually benefit the efficiency of cities. His work would equate optimal resources, incomes, households, etc. to display that larger and more city sizes would be more beneficial through more equal income and land distribution.

Blue carbon

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Estimates of the economic value of blue carbon ecosystems per hectare. Based on 2009 data from UNEP/GRID-Arendal.

Blue carbon is carbon sequestration (the removal of carbon dioxide from the earth's atmosphere) by the world's oceanic and coastal ecosystems, mostly by algae, seagrasses, macroalgae, mangroves, salt marshes and other plants in coastal wetlands. This occurs through plant growth and the accumulation and burial of organic matter in the soil. Because oceans cover 70% of the planet, ocean ecosystem restoration has the greatest blue carbon development potential. Research is ongoing, but in some cases it has been found that these types of ecosystems remove far more carbon than terrestrial forests, and store it for millennia.

Overview

Blue carbon is a term used to describe the removal of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere by the ocean and coastal ecosystems. The plants involved in this carbon sequestration include various types of algae, seagrass, and mangroves, and other plants growing in salt marshes and coastal wetlands. Phytoplankton absorb 40% of all CO2 emissions, its absorption capacity is increased by whales. Seagrass, salt marshes and mangroves are sometimes referred to as "blue forests" in contrast to land-based "green forests".

Historically the ocean, atmosphere, soil, and terrestrial forest ecosystems have been the largest natural carbon (C) sinks. "Blue carbon" designates carbon that is fixed via the largest ocean ecosystems, rather than traditional land ecosystems, like forests. Oceans cover 70% of the planet, consequently ocean ecosystem restoration has the greatest blue carbon development potential. Mangroves, salt marshes and seagrasses make up the majority of the ocean's vegetated habitats but only equal 0.05% of the plant biomass on land. Despite their small footprint, they can store a comparable amount of carbon per year and are highly efficient carbon sinks. Seagrasses, mangroves and salt marshes can capture carbon dioxide (CO₂) from the atmosphere by sequestering the C in their underlying sediments, in underground and below-ground biomass, and in dead biomass.

In plant biomass such as leaves, stems, branches or roots, blue carbon can be sequestered for years to decades, and for thousands to millions of years in underlying plant sediments. Current estimates of long-term blue carbon C burial capacity are variable, and research is ongoing. Although vegetated coastal ecosystems cover less area and have less aboveground biomass than terrestrial plants they have the potential to impact longterm C sequestration, particularly in sediment sinks. One of the main concerns with blue carbon is that the rate of loss of these important marine ecosystems is much higher than any other ecosystem on the planet, even compared to rainforests. Current estimates suggest a loss of 2-7% per year, which is not only lost carbon sequestration, but also lost habitat that is important for managing climate, coastal protection, and health.

Types of blue carbon ecosystems

Seagrass

Main article: seagrass

 

Seagrass meadow

Seagrass are a group of about 60 angiosperm species that have adapted to an aquatic life, and can grow in meadows along the shores of all continents except Antarctica. Seagrass meadows form in maximum depths of up to 50 metres, depending on water quality and light availability, and can include up to 12 different species in one meadow. These seagrass meadows are highly productive habitats that provide many ecosystem services, including sediment stabilization, habitat and biodiversity, better water quality, and carbon and nutrient sequestration. The current documented seagrass area is 177,000 km², but is thought to underestimate the total area since many areas with large seagrass meadows have not been thoroughly documented. Most common estimates are 300,000 to 600,000 km², with up to 4,320,000 km² suitable seagrass habitat worldwide. Although seagrass makes up only 0.1% of the area of the ocean floor, it accounts for approximately 10-18% of the total oceanic carbon burial. Currently global seagrass meadows are estimated to store as much as 19.9 Pg (gigaton, or billion tons) of organic carbon. There has been considerable attention to how large-scale seaweed cultivation in the open ocean can act as a form of carbon sequestration. Academic studies have demonstrated that nearshore seaweed forests constitute a source of blue carbon, as seaweed detritus is carried by wave currents into the middle and deep ocean thereby sequestering carbon.

Carbon primarily accumulates in marine sediments, which are anoxic and thus continually preserve organic carbon from decadal-millennial time scales. High accumulation rates, low oxygen, low sediment conductivity and slower microbial decomposition rates all encourage carbon burial and carbon accumulation in these coastal sediments. Compared to terrestrial habitats that lose carbon stocks as CO₂ during decomposition or by disturbances like fires or deforestation, marine carbon sinks can retain C for much longer time periods. Carbon sequestration rates in seagrass meadows vary depending on the species, characteristics of the sediment, and depth of the habitats, but on average the carbon burial rate is approximately 138 g C m⁻² yr⁻¹. Seagrass habitats are threatened by coastal eutrophication, increased seawater temperatures, increased sedimentation and coastal development, and sea level rise which may decrease light availability for photosynthesis. Seagrass loss has accelerated over the past few decades, from 0.9% per year prior to 1940 to 7% per year in 1990, with about 1/3 of global loss since WWII. Scientists encourage protection and continued research of these ecosystems for organic carbon storage, valuable habitat and other ecosystem services.

Mangrove

Further information: Mangrove restoration

 

Mangrove forest

Mangroves are woody halophytes that form intertidal forests and provide many important ecosystem services including coastal protection, nursery grounds for coastal fish and crustaceans, forest products, recreation, nutrient filtration and carbon sequestration. Mangroves are located in 105 countries, as well as in the special administrative areas of China (Hong Kong and Macau), the four French overseas provinces of Martinique, Guiana, Guadeloupe and Mayotte and the contested area of Somaliland. They grow along coastlines in subtropical and tropical waters, depending mainly on temperature, but also vary with precipitation, tides, waves and water flow. Because they grow at the intersection between land and sea, they have semi-terrestrial and marine components, including unique adaptations including aerial roots, viviparous embryos, and highly efficient nutrient retention mechanisms. Globally, mangroves stored 4.19 ± 0.62 Pg (CI 95%) of carbon in 2012, with Indonesia, Brazil, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea accounting for more than 50% of the global stock. 2.96 ± 0.53 Pg of the global carbon stock is contained within the soil and 1.23 ± 0.06 Pg in the living biomass. Of this 1.23 Pg, approximately 0.41 ± 0.02 Pg is in the belowground biomass in the root system and approximately 0.82 ± 0.04 Pg is in the aboveground living biomass.

Global mangrove canopy cover is estimated as between 83,495 km² and 167,387 km² in 2012 with Indonesia containing approximately 30% of the entire global mangrove forest area. Mangrove forests are responsible for approximately 10% of global carbon burial, with an estimated carbon burial rate of 174 g C m⁻² yr⁻¹. Mangroves, like seagrasses, have potential for high levels of carbon sequestration. They account for 3% of the global carbon sequestration by tropical forests and 14% of the global coastal ocean's carbon burial. Mangroves are naturally disturbed by floods, tsunamis, coastal storms like cyclones and hurricanes, lightning, disease and pests, and changes in water quality or temperature. Although they are resilient to many of these natural disturbances, they are highly susceptible to human impacts including urban development, aquaculture, mining, and overexploitation of shellfish, crustaceans, fish and timber. Mangroves provide globally important ecosystem services and carbon sequestration and are thus an important habitat to conserve and repair when possible.

Marsh

Tidal marsh

Marshes, intertidal ecosystems dominated by herbaceous vegetation, can be found globally on coastlines from the arctic to the subtropics. In the tropics, marshes are replaced by mangroves as the dominant coastal vegetation. Marshes have high productivity, with a large portion of primary production in belowground biomass. This belowground biomass can form deposits up to 8m deep. Marshes provide valuable habitat for plants, birds, and juvenile fish, protect coastal habitat from storm surge and flooding, and can reduce nutrient loading to coastal waters. Similarly to mangrove and seagrass habitats, marshes also serve as important carbon sinks. Marshes sequester C in underground biomass due to high rates of organic sedimentation and anaerobic-dominated decomposition. Salt marshes cover approximately 22,000 to 400,000 km² globally, with an estimated carbon burial rate of 210 g C m⁻² yr⁻¹. Tidal marshes have been impacted by humans for centuries, including modification for grazing, haymaking, reclamation for agriculture, development and ports, evaporation ponds for salt production, modification for aquaculture, insect control, tidal power and flood protection. Marshes are also susceptible to pollution from oil, industrial chemicals, and most commonly, eutrophication. Introduced species, sea-level rise, river damming and decreased sedimentation are additional longterm changes that affect marsh habitat, and in turn, may affect carbon sequestration potential.

Algae

Kelp forest

 

See also: Seaweed farming

See also: Seaweed § Uses

Both macroalgae and microalgae are being investigated as possible means of carbon sequestration. Because algae lack the complex lignin associated with terrestrial plants, the carbon in algae is released into the atmosphere more rapidly than carbon captured on land. Algae have been proposed as a short-term storage pool of carbon that can be used as a feedstock for the production of various biogenic fuels. Microalgae are often put forth as a potential feedstock for carbon-neutral biodiesel and biomethane production due to their high lipid content. Macroalgae, on the other hand, do not have high lipid content and have limited potential as biodiesel feedstock, although they can still be used as feedstock for other biofuel generation. Macroalgae have also been investigated as a feedstock for the production of biochar. The biochar produced from macroalgae is higher in agriculturally important nutrients than biochar produced from terrestrial sources. Another novel approach to carbon capture which utilizes algae is the Bicarbonate-based Integrated Carbon Capture and Algae Production Systems (BICCAPS) developed by a collaboration between Washington State University in the United States and Dalian Ocean University in China. Many cyanobacteria, microalgae, and macroalgae species can utilize carbonate as a carbon source for photosynthesis. In the BICCAPS, alkaliphilic microalgae utilize carbon captured from flue gases in the form of bicarbonate. In South Korea, macroalgae have been utilized as part of a climate change mitigation program. The country has established the Coastal CO₂ Removal Belt (CCRB) which is composed of artificial and natural ecosystems. The goal is to capture carbon using large areas of kelp forest. Marine permaculture also fixes carbon in seaweed forest projects offshore in Tasmania and the Philippines, with potential use from the tropics to temperate oceans.

Distribution and decline of blue carbon ecosystems

Global distribution of blue carbon

 

Carbon cycle

Algae, seagrasses, mangroves and marshes are types of vegetated coastal habitats that cover approximately 49 million hectares worldwide. Seagrass ecosystems range from polar to tropical regions, mangroves are found in tropical and sub-tropical ecosystems and tidal marshes are found in mostly temperate regions such as on the east coast of the United States.

As habitats that sequester carbon are altered and decreased, that stored amount of C is being released into the atmosphere, continuing the current accelerated rate of climate change. Impacts on these habitats globally will directly and indirectly release the previously stored carbon, which had been sequestered in sediments of these habitats. Declines of vegetated coastal habitats are seen worldwide; examples seen in mangroves are due to clearing for shrimp ponds such is the case in Indonesia, while in seagrasses there are both natural causes due to pathogens and may be exacerbated by anthropogenic effects. Quantifying rates of decrease are difficult to calculate, however measurements have been estimated by researchers indicating that if blue carbon ecosystems continue to decline, for any number of reasons, 30-40% of tidal marshes and seagrasses and approximately 100% of mangroves could be gone in the next century.

Decline in seagrasses are due to a number of factors including drought, water quality issues, agricultural practices, invasive species, pathogens, fishing and climate change. Over 35% of global mangrove habitat remains. Decreases in habitat is due to damming of rivers, clearing for aquaculture, development etc., overfishing, and climate change, according to the World Wildlife Fund. Nearly 16% of mangroves assessed by the IUCN are on the IUCN Red List; due to development and other causes 1 in 6 worldwide mangroves are in threat of extinction. Dams threaten habitats by slowing the amount of freshwater reaching mangroves. Coral reef destruction also plays a role in mangrove habitat health as reefs slow wave energy to a level that mangroves are more tolerant of. Salt marshes may not be expansive worldwide in relation to forests, but they have a C burial rate that is over 50 times faster than tropical rainforests. Rates of burial have been estimated at up to 87.2 ± 9.6 Tg C yr⁻¹ which is greater than that of tropical rainforests, 53 ± 9.6 Tg C yr⁻¹. Since the 1800s salt marshes have been disturbed due to development and a lack of understanding their importance. The 25% decline since that time has led to a decrease in potential C sink area coupled with the release of once buried C. Consequences of increasingly degraded marsh habitat are a decrease in C stock in sediments, a decrease in plant biomass and thus a decrease in photosynthesis reducing the amount of CO₂ taken up by the plants, failure of C in plant blades to be transferred into the sediment, possible acceleration of erosive processes due to the lack of plant biomass, and acceleration of buried C release to the atmosphere.

Reasons for decline of mangroves, seagrass, and marshes include land use changes, climate and drought related effects, dams built in the watershed, convergence to aquaculture and agriculture, land development and sea-level rise due to climate change. Increases in these activities can lead to significant decreases in habitat available and thus increases in released C from sediments. As anthropogenic effects and climate change are heightened, the effectiveness of blue carbon sinks will diminish and CO₂ emissions will be further increased. Data on the rates at which CO₂ is being released into the atmosphere is not robust currently; however, research is being conducted to gather a better information to analyze trends. Loss of underground biomass (roots and rhizomes) will allow for CO₂ to be emitted changing these habitats into sources rather than carbon sinks.

Sedimentation and blue carbon burial

Carbon cycle

By regions

Carbon dioxide

Forms of carbon Total carbon (TC) Total organic carbon (TOC) Total inorganic carbon (TIC) Dissolved organic carbon (DOC) Dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) Particulate organic carbon (POC) Particulate inorganic carbon (PIC) Primary production marine Black carbon Blue carbon Kerogen

Metabolic pathways

Carbon respiration

Carbon pumps

Carbon sequestration

Methane

Biogeochemical

Ways one blue carbon habitat can influence carbon processing in an adjacent blue carbon habitat 

Organic carbon is only sequestered from the oceanic system if it reaches the sea floor and gets covered by a layer of sediment. Reduced oxygen levels in buried environments mean that tiny bacteria who eat organic matter and respire CO₂ can't decompose the carbon, so it is removed from the system permanently. Organic matter that sinks but is not buried by a sufficiently deep layer of sediment is subject to re-suspension by changing ocean currents, bioturbation by organisms that live in the top layer of marine sediments, and decomposition by heterotrophic bacteria. If any of these processes occur, the organic carbon is released back into the system. Carbon sequestration takes place only if burial rates by sediment are greater than the long term rates of erosion, bioturbation, and decomposition.

Spatial variability in sedimentation

Sedimentation is the rate at which floating or suspended particulate matter sinks and accumulates on the ocean floor. The faster (more energetic) the current, the more sediment it can pick up. As sediment laden currents slow, the particles fall out of suspension and come to rest on the sea floor. In other words, fast currents can carry many heavy grains, while a slow current can pick up only tiny pieces. As one can imagine, different places in the ocean vary drastically when it comes to the amount of suspended sediment and rate of deposition.

Open ocean

The open ocean has very low sedimentation rates because most of the sediments that make it here are carried by the wind. Wind transport accounts for only a small fraction of the total sediment delivery to the oceans. Additionally, there is much less plant and animal life living in the open ocean that could be buried. Therefore, carbon burial rates are relatively slow in the open ocean.

Coastal margins

Coastal margins have high sedimentation rates due to sediment input by rivers, which account for the vast majority of sediment delivery to the ocean. In most cases, sediments are deposited near the river mouth or are transported in the alongshore direction due to wave forcing. In some places sediment falls into submarine canyons and is transported off-shelf, if the canyon is sufficiently large or the shelf is narrow. Coastal margins also contain diverse and plentiful marine species, especially in places that experience periodic upwelling. More marine life combined with higher sedimentation rates on coastal margins creates hotspots for carbon burial.

Submarine canyons

Marine canyons are magnets for sediment because as currents carry sediment on the shelf in the alongshore direction, the path of the current crosses canyons perpendicularly. When the same amount of water flow is suddenly in much deeper water it slows down and deposits sediment. Due to the extreme depositional environment, carbon burial rates in the Nazare Canyon near Portugal are 30 times greater than the adjacent continental slope. This canyon alone accounts for about 0.03% of global terrestrial organic carbon burial in marine sediments. This may not seem like much, but the Nazarre submarine canyon only makes up 0.0001% of the area of the worlds ocean floor.

Human changes to global sedimentary systems

Humans have been modifying sediment cycles on a massive scale for thousands of years through a number of mechanisms.

Agriculture/land clearing

The first major change to global sedimentary cycling happened when humans started clearing land to grow crops. In a natural ecosystem, roots from plants hold sediment in place when it rains. Trees and shrubs reduce the amount of rainfall that impacts the dirt, and create obstacles that forest streams must flow around. When all vegetation is removed rainfall impacts directly on the dirt, there are no roots to hold on to the sediment, and there is nothing to stop the stream from scouring banks as it flows straight downhill. Because of this, land clearing causes an increase in erosion rates when compared to a natural system.

Dams

The first dams date back to 3000 BC and were built to control flood waters for agriculture. When sediment laden river flow reaches a dam's reservoir, the water slows down as it pools. Since slower water can't carry as much sediment, virtually all of the sediment falls out of suspension before the water passes through the dam. The result is that most dams are nearly 100% efficient sediment traps. Additionally, the use of dams for flood control reduces the ability of downstream channels to produce sediment. Since the vast majority of sedimentation occurs during the biggest floods, reduced frequency and intensity of flood-like flows can drastically change production rates. For thousands of years there were too few dams to have a significant impact on global sedimentary cycles, except for local impacts on a few river deltas such as the Nile which were significant. However the popularization of hydroelectric power in the last century has caused an enormous boom in dam building. Currently only a third of the world's largest rivers flow unimpeded to the ocean.

Channelization

In a natural system, the banks of a river will meander back and forth as different channels erode, accrete, open, or close. Seasonal floods regularly overwhelm riverbanks and deposit nutrients on adjacent flood plains. These services are essential to natural ecosystems, but can be troublesome for humans, who build infrastructure and development close to rivers. In response, rivers in populated areas are often channelized, meaning that their banks and sometimes beds are armored with a hard material, such as rocks or concrete, which prevent erosion and fixes the stream in place. This inhibits sedimentation because there is much less soft substrate left for the river to take downstream.

Other factors influencing blue carbon burial rates

Density of vegetation

The density of vegetation in mangrove forests, seagrass meadows, and tidal marshes is an important factor in carbon burial rates. The density of the vegetation must be sufficient to change water flows enough to reduce erosion and increase sediment deposition.

Nutrient load

Increases in carbon capture and sequestration have been observed in both mangrove and seagrass ecosystems which have been subjected to high nutrient loads, either intentionally or due to waste from human activities. Intentional fertilization has been used in seagrass meadow restoration. Perches for seabirds are installed in the meadow and the bird droppings are the fertilizer source. The fertilization allows fast growing varieties of seagrasses to establish and grow. The species composition of these meadows is markedly different than the original seagrass meadow, although after the meadow has been reestablished and fertilization terminated, the meadows return to a species composition that more closely resembles an undisturbed meadow. Research done on mangrove soils from the Red Sea have shown that increases in nutrient loads to these soils do not increase carbon mineralization and subsequent CO₂ release. This neutral effect of fertilization was not found to be true in all mangrove forest types. Carbon capture rates also increased in these forests due to increased growth rates of the mangroves. In forests with increases in respiration there were also increases in mangrove growth of up to six times the normal rate.

Ecosystem restoration

See also: Sea rewilding

Restoration of open oceans, mangrove forests, seagrass meadows, marshes, and kelp forests has been implemented in many countries. These restored ecosystems have the potential to act as carbon sinks. Restored seagrass meadows were found to start sequestering carbon in sediment within about four years. This was the time needed for the meadow to reach sufficient shoot density to cause sediment deposition. Mangrove plantations in southern China showed higher sedimentation rates than barren land and lower sedimentation rates than established mangrove forests. This pattern in sedimentation rate is thought to be a function of the plantation's young age and lower vegetation density.

Schemes by country

Australia

In August 2021, a restoration project was announced that will cover 2,000 ha (4,900 acres) of mangroves, salt marsh and sea grasses extending 700 km (430 mi) in the St Vincents Gulf and Spencer Gulf in South Australia, in a collaboration between The Nature Conservancy, the South Australian Government and COmON Foundation, a philanthropic European organisation. The project will also look at various possibilities of insuring the huge expanse of existing blue carbon ecosystems.

Engineered approaches to blue carbon

A US Department of Energy study from 2001 proposed to replicate a natural process of carbon sequestration in the ocean by combining water rich in CO₂ gas with carbonate [CO⁻
₃] to produce a bicarbonate [HCO⁻
₃] slurry. Practically, the engineered process could involve hydrating the CO₂ from power plant flue gas and running it through a porous bed of limestone to ‘fix’ the carbon in a saturated bicarbonate solution. This solution could then be deposited at sea to sink in the deep ocean. The cost of this process, from capture to ocean burial, was estimated to range between $90 to $180 per tonne of CO₂ and was highly dependent on the distance required to transport limestone, seawater, and the resulting bicarbonate solution.

Expected benefits from bicarbonate production over direct CO₂ gas injection would be a significantly smaller change in ocean acidity and a longer timescale for burial before the captured carbon would be released back to the atmosphere.